Ḫiyawa

Ḫiyawa or Adanawa  was a Luwian-speaking Syro-Hittite state which existed in southeastern Anatolia in the Iron Age.

Ḫiyawa
The native Luwian name of the kingdom was Ḫiyawa.

The name Ḫiyawa was recorded in the Akkadian language in several forms:
 * in Neo-Assyrian sources as:
 * Qāwe ,
 * Quwe ( and ),
 * and Que ;
 * and in Neo-Babylonian sources as Ḫuwê.

Aramaic sources also referred to Ḫiyawa as (𐡒𐡅𐡄).

Adanawa
Another name by which the kingdom of Ḫiyawa was called in its native Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions was Adanawa.

The Phoenician inscriptions from Ḫiyawa also used the name lit. 'Plain of Adana' as the equivalent of both the names Ḫiyawa and Adanawa.

The {{sc|dnnym}}
In Phoenician inscriptions, the people of Ḫiyawa are called the, likely describing them as the people of Adanawa. This name might possibly be connected with the name of the land of Danuna mentioned in Late Bronze Age texts as well as with one of the constituent groups of the Sea Peoples, the Denyen.

In the Luwian-Phoenician bilingual inscription of one Azzattiwadas who was subordinate to the king Awarikkus of Ḫiyawa, the Phoenician language equivalent of the kingdom of Adanawa was given as the lit. '(land of) the', that is of the Danunians.

In the Luwian-Phoenician bilingual inscription of the king Awarikkus of Ḫiyawa, he called his kingdom as Ḫiyawa in Luwian and as the lit. '(land of the)' in Phoenician.

Azzattiwadas's inscription referred to the king Awarikkus as the lit. 'king of the Danunians' as the equivalent of the Hieroglyphic Luwian term lit. 'king of Adanawa'.

Location
The kingdom of Ḫiyawa was located in the eastern section of the territory which later in Classical Antiquity became known as Cilicia, more specifically in the plain region which was referred to as Plain Cilicia (Κιλικια Πεδιας; Cilicia Campestris).

Ḫiiyawa's boundaries were the Mediterranean Sea in the south, the Taurus Mountains in the west and the north, and the Amanus Mountains in the east. To the south-west, it could have extended along the Erdemli plain until the Limonlu river.

Ḫiyawa's territory originally also covered the mountainous areas to the north-east of the Cilician Plain, although it eventually lost these regions during its conflicts with the Neo-Assyrian Empire and became confined to the plain.

Cities
The capital of Ḫiyawa was the city of Adana, and other cities of this kingdom included:
 * Kisuatni, which preserved the name of Bronze Age Kizzuwatna,
 * Tarsus,
 * Lusanda, which preserved the name of Bronze Age Lawazantiya,
 * Abarnani,
 * Tanakun,
 * Lamenaš,
 * Timur,
 * Paḫar (Paḫri in Akkadian),
 * Ḫarrua,
 * Ušnanis,
 * Illubru (Hittite Ellipra),
 * Ingira.

During the 8th century BC, a subordinate of the king Awarikkus of Ḫiyawa, named Azzattiwadas, had founded the city of Azzattiwadaya, now known as Karatepe, above the valley of the Ceyhan river in the Taurus region of Classical Cilicia, located 100 km to the northeast of Adana.

Sub-kingdom
The cities of Kundi (Classical Kyinda) and Sissû (Classical Sision) jointly formed a sub-kingdom within the northeastern territory of Ḫiyawa on the boundaries of its plains region.

Neighbours
The neighbour of Ḫiyawa to the west was the kingdom of Ḫilakku, and to the north it bordered on the Tabalian kingdoms, while its neighbours were Gurgum in the north-east, Samʾal in the east, and Pattin in the south-east.

Bronze Age
The earliest record of the name of Adanawa is from the period of the Hittite Empire, when it was referred under the form of Adaniya as one of the countries which had revolted against the Hittite king Ammuna.

Adaniya later became part of the kingdom of Kizzuwatna, which was an independent state formed in the 15th century BC out of territories formerly subject to the Hittite Empire, and most of the region which would later become Ḫiyawa was part of Kizzuwatna during the Late Bronze Age.

Kizzuwatna was later reabsorbed into the Hittite Empire when the king Tudḫaliya I annexed it in the 14th century BC.

Bronze Age Collapse
The people of Adaniya were likely identical with the Denyen who participated in the Sea Peoples' attack on Egypt during the reign of the pharaoh Ramesses III.

Kingdom of Ḫiyawa/Adanawa
After the collapse of the Hittite Empire, Adaniya, under the name of Adanawa, became the centre of the Luwian-speaking Syro-Hittite state of Ḫiyawa or Adanawa, although nothing is known about it during its early existence other than that it appears to have developed independently without any external interference.

Among the cities of the Iron Age kingdom of Ḫiyawa, Kisuatni had preserved the name of Bronze Age Kizzuwatna.

In the 9th century BC, Assyria experienced a resurgence in the form of the fledgling Neo-Assyrian Empire, leading to the formation of various military coalitions by the various Syro-Hittite states in reaction to the campaigns of the Neo-Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II in Syria during the c. 870s to c. 860s BC. The campaigns of Ashurnasirpal II's son and successor, Shalmaneser III would further lead to an intensification of activities in opposition to the Neo-Assyrian Empire in the kingdoms of Syria.

After Shalmaneser III had defeated a coalition of Karkamis, Sam'al, Pattin and Bit-Adini in Sam'alian territory during his first campaign to the west in 858 BC, the king Suppiluliumas of Pattin convened the coalition again when Shalmaneser III threatened his own kingdom. In addition to the coalition forces, the Arab tribe of Yasbuq and the country of Yahan from the Aramaean kingdom of Bēt-Gūš sent reinforcements to these allied forces.

And, although the Neo-Assyrian Empire was a more distant threat to Hiyawa and its western neighbour Hilakku which were located to the west of the passes of the Amanus Mountains, Shalmaneser III had erected a gigantic statue of himself at the foot of these mountains as a warning that they were not safe from his forces. Therefore, Hiyawa and Hilakku feared that Shalmaneser III would attack them next should Pattin fall: during this time, Ḫiyawa was ruled by the king Katiyas, who along with his neighbour Piḫirim of Ḫilakku, also contributed troops to this alliance, which was however defeated by the Neo-Assyrian army.

After Katiyas attacked his eastern neighbour, the king Kulamuwa of Samal, the latter asked for the protection of Shalmaneser III.

Ḫiyawaean campaign of Shalmaneser III
Thus, it was in 839 BC that Shalmaneser III would first campaign in Ḫiyawa, when he crossed Mount Timur and captured the cities of Lusanda, Abarnanu, and Kisuatni, before erecting stelae and attacking the kingdom's capital itself.

Shalmaneser III campaigned in Ḫiyawa again in 833 BC, when he besieged Katiyas in the city of Paḫri (Paḫar), after which Katiyas submitted to him and offered him his daughter with dowry.

Two more campaigns in Ḫiyawa by Shalmaneser III followed in 832 BC and 831 BC, during which he captured the cities of Timur and Tanakun and Lamenas and Tarzi (Tarsus), deposed Katiyas, and replaced him by his brother Kirrî.

After this, Neo-Assyrian military campaigns to Anatolia ended, possibly because this region had submitted to Neo-Assyrian overlordship at least temporarily.

Late 9th century and early 8th century BC
Around c. 800 BC, Ḫiyawa joined the nearby states of Gurgum, Pattin, and Melid in rebelling against the Neo-Assyrian Empire.

Around c. 796 BC, an unnamed king of Ḫiyawa joined an alliance by the kingdoms of Damascus and Bēt-Gūš which besieged the king Zakkur of Ḥamat in the city of Ḥaḏarik.

The conflicts opposing Ḫiyawa to the Neo-Assyrian Empire caused a curtailment of its territory, so that it had become limited to the Cilician plain by the reign of the Neo-Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III.

Submission to the Neo-Assyrian Empire
By the later decades of the 8th century BC, Ḫiyawa had come under Neo-Assyrian overlordship again, after the Neo-Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III had defeated and annexed Bēt-Gūš.

During this time, Ḫiyawa was ruled by the king Awarikkus or Warikkas, who by c. 728 BC was a tributary of Tiglath-pileser III and remained a loyal client-ruler of the Neo-Assyrian Empire during the reigns of Tiglath-pileser III, Shalmaneser V and Sargon II.

Whether Awarikkus continued his tribute payments and their regularity and dates is not recorded, and there is no presence of the Neo-Assyrian army recorded in Ḫiyawa at this date. However, the fact that Tiglath-pileser III was able to send his chief eunuch to depose the king Wasusarmas of Tabal in 729 BC means that the Neo-Assyrian military had access through the territory of Ḫiyawa.

The inscriptions of Awarikkus himself suggest that he was an ally or partner of the Neo-Assyrian Empire whereby the Neo-Assyrian king was a protector or suzerain of Ḫiyawa who had a treaty with his client Awarikkus.

In his bilingual inscription, Awarikkus declared that the king and the Neo-Assyrian imperial dynasty had become a "mother and father to him," and that the people of Ḫiyawa and Assyria had become "one house," attesting of the special relationship between Awarikkus and Sargon II, who was the overlord of Awarikkus in the later years of his reign.

Thanks to this partnership and to his loyalty to the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Awarikkus would maintain his throne until the late 8th century BC and rule over Ḫiyawa for a long period.

Awarikkus himself had a subordinate named Azzattiwadas, whom he had personally elevated to the position of a regional ruler in eastern Ḫiyawa some time before 713 BC, although Azzattiwadas's exact rank is still unknown.

In his inscription, Awarikkus claimed to have built fifteen fortresses in the west and east of Ḫiyawa.

Between Phrygia and Assyria
Following the union of the Phrygians and the Muški under the Phrygian king Midas, this latter king was able to extend his kingdom to the east across the Halys river into the former core territory of the Hittite Empire and build a large empire in Anatolia which reached the Aegean Sea in the west and the environs of the Euphrates and borders of the Tabalian region in the east and south. The eastward expansionist ventures of Midas in the east soon led to his fledgling Phrygian empire becoming a major rival to Neo-Assyrian power in eastern Anatolia, especially when Midas initiated contacts with Neo-Assyrian vassals, causing the Tabalian region which bordered on Ḫiyawa to the north to become contested between the Neo-Assyrian and Phrygian empires.

Since the Tabalian region was a subject of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, this Phrygian expansion increased the possibility of war between the two rival empires. Thus, the Tabalian region found itself wedged between the Neo-Assyrian and Phrygian empires, both of whom saw it as a strategically useful buffer zone to contain the other's expansionist ambitions.

Therefore, Midas tried to persuade the still independent local rulers of the Tabalian region to switch their allegiances to Phrygia: the loyalty of the Tabalian kings to the Neo-Assyrian Empire was unsteady, and those among them who were diplomatically approached by Midas might have preferred renouncing their allegiance to the Neo-Assyrian Empire and instead allying with Midas. Thus, the kings of the Tabalian region found themselves having to choose whether aligning themselves with the Neo-Assyrian or the Phrygian empire was in their interests, and several of them did accept Midas's offer.

In addition to the wavering loyalty of the Tabalian kings, the possibility of an alliance between Midas and Rusa I of Urartu further threatened Neo-Assyrian power not only in southeastern Anatolia, but also throughout all of eastern Anatolia and in northern Mesopotamia.

To counter the threat of the rising power of Phrygia, Sargon II tried to establish a centralised authority under a ruler whom he could trust in the Tabalian region, and he therefore reorganised the kingdom of Tabal proper into the state of Bīt-Burutaš, significantly enlarged with the addition of Ḫilakku into it, under the rule of the son of the former Tabalian king Ḫulliyas, the king Ambaris, to whom he had married his daughter Aḫat-abiša.

However, Midas continued pressuring the western Neo-Assyrian territories and intensified his efforts to persuade the local rulers of this region to renounce their vassalage to the Neo-Assyrian Empire, and he even launched attacks until as far south as the territories of Ḫiyawa. In addition to finding themselves pressured by Phrygia or Urartu, several of the western vassals of the Neo-Assyrian Empire might also have themselves initiated contacts with Phrygia and Urartu with the hope of freeing themselves from Neo-Assyrian suzerainty, thus leading to a series of anti-Assyrian uprisings by the Anatolian vassals of the Neo-Assyrian Empire during the rest of Sargon II's reign.

Thus, in 715 BC, Sargon II defeated Midas twice, thanks to which he was able to restore to Ḫiyawa its fortresses of Ḫarrua and Ušnanis which Midas had previously captured. That same year, Sargon II defeated Greek pirates on the coasts of Ḫiyawa.

Ambaris himself came under pressure from Midas, who attempted to persuade him to renounce Neo-Assyrian allegiance and join him, initially through diplomatic means and later through military threats. This situation left Ambaris with little choice but to accept an alliance with Phrygia and renounce his allegiance to the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Facing increased pressure from both Midas of Phrygia and Argišti II of Urartu, Ambaris communicated with them seeking guarantees that they would protect him should he break his ties with the Neo-Assyrian Empire.

Neo-Assyrian intelligence however intercepted Ambaris's messages to Phrygia and Urartu, causing him to lose favour with Sargon II, who accused him of conspiring with these rival powers and consequently deported Ambaris, his family and his chief courtiers to Assyria in 713 BC, after which a Neo-Assyrian governor was imposed on Bīt-Burutaš, Ḫilakku and Ḫiyawa by Sargon II, with the first of these being Aššur-šarru-uṣur, who possibly as early as 713 BC was appointed as governor of Ḫiyawa and also held authority on Ḫilakku and the Tabalian region.

Imposition of Neo-Assyrian governorship
With the Tabalian region being volatile due to the encroachment of Phrygia, and the kings Warpalawas II of Tuwana and Awarikkus of Ḫiyawa being too elderly to efficiently maintain Neo-Assyrian authority in southeastern Anatolia despite having been loyal Neo-Assyrian vassals, Sargon II had therefore assimilated Bīt-Burutaš and Ḫilakku into the Neo-Assyrian provincial system and appointed over them a governor who also held authority over the kingdoms of Ḫiyawa and Tuwana so as to make sure that the whole region would be united under the rule of the Neo-Assyrian Empire.

Following this, Awarikkus came under the authority of Aššur-šarru-uṣur, who was himself the representative of Sargon II in Ḫiyawa, while Awarikkus himself became either a token king or was even deposed and assigned to a position of lower tank, such as an advisor to Aššur-šarru-uṣur. Under this arrangement, all power over the state of Ḫiyawa was given to Aššur-šarru-uṣur, while the Neo-Assyrian administration preserved the illusion, for diplomatic purposes, that Awarikkus was still the ruler of Ḫiyawa in partnership with Aššur-šarru-uṣur.

This arrangement might have led to tensions between Awarikkus and Aššur-šarru-uṣur, and likely caused Awarikkus to become disillusioned with Neo-Assyrian rule following his long period of loyal service to the Neo-Assyrian monarchy.

Therefore, Awarikkus might have tried to rebel against Neo-Assyrian overlordship, and he soon attempted to send a secret delegation to negotiate with the king of Urartu.

However, Sargon II was seeking to conclude an arrangement with Midas to avert the danger of a Phrygian alliance with Urartu, and after Aššur-šarru-uṣur managed to lead three successful expeditions in the kingdom of Midas in 710 BC, the hostilities between the Neo-Assyrian and Phrygian empires soon came to an end by c. 709 BC, thus averting the danger of war between the two powers. Another reason for Midas's appeasement of the Neo-Assyrian Empire might also have been an attempt by him to safeguard his kingdom against the Cimmerians, a nomadic Iranic people who had migrated into West Asia from the Eurasian Steppe, and who were starting to attack Phrygia.

The normalisation of relations between the Neo-Assyrian and Phrygian empires meanwhile gave Sargon II a solution to the failures of his strategies in Anatolia by providing him with the opportunity to consolidate Neo-Assyrian rule over this region. This is attested in a letter by Sargon II to Aššur-šarru-uṣur in which he described the Tabalian kings as having been made helpless thanks to the peace concluded between Phrygia and the Neo-Assyrian Empire, so that Aššur-šarru-uṣur would "press them from this side" and Midas would "press them from that side."

As part of this normalisation of relations, the Phrygian king Midas intercepted Awarikkus's fourteen-man delegation to Urartu and handed it over to Aššur-šarru-uṣur, who reported of it to Sargon II.

Annexation by the Neo-Assyrian Empire
As a punishment for his act of rebellion, Awarikkus was deposed and possibly executed in 709 BC, his dynasty was removed from power and Ḫiyawa's monarchy was abolished, while the state itself was annexed into the Neo-Assyrian Empire and made into the province of Que, thus losing its status as a client-kingdom. Meanwhile, the powers which Aššur-šarru-uṣur already held were formalised when he was given full control of Que.

In 705 BC, Sargon II campaigned against the Cimmerians in Tabal but he died in battle against one Gurdî of Kulummu, with central and southeastern Anatolia consequently becoming independent again, thus destabilising the region and leaving it vulnerable to the attacks of the Cimmerians. After this, the direct presence of Neo-Assyrian officials and military in Central Anatolia ceased being attested.

Regained independence
Following the death of Sargon II in battle, Neo-Assyrian control of Ḫiyawa was also lost, and the region itself descended into a state of disorder while it might have been invaded by either the Phrygians or the Cimmerians. Awarikkus's subordinate Azzattiwadas reacted by organising a significant military force to restore authority and expel the invaders, expanding Ḫiyawa's borders in the east and the west, and increasing the defences of the realm's borderlands by building a series of fortifications similarly to how overlord Awarikkus had once done.

Azzattiwadas also claimed to have restored the prosperity of Ḫiyawa by organising the planting of crops and vinyards and replenishing the grazing areas with cattle and sheep. Azzattiwadas undertook these measures as a representative of his overlord Awarikkus's dynasty, whom he restored to Ḫiyawa's throne after it had been initially removed from power.

One of the fortresses built by Azzattiwadas, located on a hill top in the northeastern border regions of Ḫiyawa to protect the kingdom, was named Azzattiwadaya after himself, and corresponds to the site now known as Karatepe. Azzattiwadaya was likely the centre of power of Azzattiwadas in the eastern part of Ḫiyawa which had been placed under his authority. Around this time, Azzattiwadas inscribed a a bilingual Luwian and Phoenician inscription at Azzattiwadaya itself commemorating his foundation of this city.

Several rebellions against the Neo-Assyrian Empire broke out in Anatolia after Sargon II's death, with one Kirua who was city-lord of Illubru, instigating a rebellion in Ḫilakku, as well as in the Ḫiyawaean cities of Ingira and Tarsus who blocked the passes in the Amanus range which led to Ḫiyawa.

Reconquest by the Neo-Assyrian Empire
In 696 BC, Sargon II's son and successor, Sennacherib, sent an army to suppress this rebellion: the Neo-Assyrian forces captured Ingira and Tarsus, before besieging Illubru and flaying the rebels after seizing it, following which they deported Illubru's inhabitants and resettled it, and erected a stela dedicated to the Assyrian national god Aššur there.

This possibly allowed Sennacherib to reimpose a level of control on Que, since a Neo-Assyrian governor of Que is recorded as the eponym for 685 BC, although the degree to which he was able to control it is uncertain. According to records of the later Hellenistic Babylonian writer Berossus summarised by the Roman historian Eusebius of Caesarea, Ionian Greek pirates also participated in this rebellion, although Sennacherib appears to have failed at subduing them due to their greater mobility.

In 679 BC, Sennacherib's son and successor, Esarhaddon ((r. 681 – 669 BC)) campaigned in the Tabalian region against the Cimmerians from his base in Que and Ḫilakku, resulting in the defeat and killing of the Cimmerian king Teušpâ in Ḫubišna and the annexation of the sub-kingdom of Kundi and Sissû in Que, whose king Sanduarri fled into the mountains, and of a part of the territory of Ḫilakku. Esarhaddon appears to have reached Ḫubišna by passing through the Calycadnus river valley and bypassing the Anti-Taurus Mountains and Tabal proper.

It was therefore likely only under the rule of Esarhaddon, that Neo-Assyrian authority in Que was fully restored and the region was again made into a Neo-Assyrian province.

Despite this victory, and although Esarhaddon had managed to stop the advance of Cimmerians in Que so it remained under Neo-Assyrian control, the military operations were not successful enough for the Assyrians to firmly occupy the areas around of Ḫubišna, nor were they able to secure the borders of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, leaving Que vulnerable to incursions from Tabal, Kuzzurak and Ḫilakku, who were allied to the western Cimmerians who were establishing themselves in Anatolia at this time. Thus, Esarhaddon was left remaining wary of possible attacks on Que by Ḫilakku or Tabal.

In 677 BC, Esarhaddon's forces captured the king Sanduarri of Kundi and Sissû and executed him by beheading five months after the rebellious king of Sidon, ʿAbd-milkōt, was himself beheaded: the magnates of both Sanduarri and ʿAbd-milkōt were both paraded through the streets of the Neo-Assyrian capital of Nineveh with the heads of Sanduarri and ʿAbd-milkōt hanged around their necks.

After this, Que seems to have remained under the rule of the Neo-Assyrian Empire until the end of the reign of Esarhaddon's son and successor, Ashurbanipal, and several Neo-Assyrian governors of Que during his reign were eponyms.

Annexation by the Neo-Babylonian Empire
In the early 6th century BC, the Neo-Babylonian Empire which had succeeded the Neo-Assyrian Empire campaigned several times into Ḫuwê. Although there is lacking evidence of Neo-Babylonian control over Ḫuwê, the Neo-Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar II claimed to have conquered Ḫuwê and Pirindu (that is Ḫilakku); the presence of prisoners from Ḫuwê and Pirindu in Babylon also suggests that Nebuchadnezzar II did indeed capaign in Ḫuwê.

In 557 BC, the king Appuwašu of Pirindu attempted to attack the Syrian provinces of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, possibly as a result of tensions regarding the control of Ḫuwê.

Nebuchadnezzar II's son-in-law, the Neo-Babylonian king Neriglissar, responded by marching to Ḫuwê, where Appuwašu launched a failed ambush attempt on him before being defeated, after which Neriglissar pursued Appuwašu into Pirindu itself, where he captured Ura and Kiršu as well as the island fortress of Pitusu, before marching till Sallunê, which was the most western city on the coast of Cilicia, and to the borders of the Lydian Empire before returning to Babylon.

The last Neo-Babylonian king, Nabonidus, later claimed to have conducted a campaigned in Ḫuwê in 555 BC, shortly after he became king, during which he took several prisoners.

Classical Cilicia
In the 6th century BC, a native kingdom encompassing the territories of Ḫiyawa and Ḫilakku was established in southeastern Anatolia. The Ancient Greeks borrowed the name of Ḫilakku, under the form of Kilikia (Κιλικια; Cilicia), to designate this state, thus extending the name of Ḫilakku to the whole of the territories of both Ḫiyawa and Ḫilakku.

Meanwhile, the Neo-Assyrian period distinction between Ḫiyawa and Ḫilakku was preserved in the Greek designation for the two sections of Cilicia: Kilikia Pedias (Κιλικια Πεδιας; Cilicia Campestris), while Kilikia Trakheia (Κιλικια Τραχεια; Cilicia Aspera) corresponded to Ḫilakku corresponded to Ḫiyawa.

Ancient
Ḫiyawa appears in the Hebrew Bible under the name of Qweh (קוה; Keveh or Kue) as a trading partner of the Israelite king Solomon.

Modern
Azzattiwadas's bilingual inscription, consisting of two Hieroglyphic Luwian texts and three Phoenician texts paralleling the Luwian ones, played an important role in the deciphering of the Anatolian hieroglyphic script.

Population
During the Bronze Age, the population of what would later become the kingdom of Ḫiyawa was composed of both Hurrians and Luwians. Like Ḫilakku and the kingdoms of the nearby Tabalian region, the population of Iron Age Ḫiyawa was descended from the largely Late Bronze Age Luwian inhabitants of the region.

Luwian personal names would remain attested in Ḫiyawa until the Roman period.

Greek presence
The name of the kingdom, Ḫiyawa, bears a strong similarity to the name Aḫḫiyawā used to refer to the Achaeans (Αχαιοι, from earlier Αχαιϝοι), that is to the Mycenaean Greeks, in the Hittite texts of the Bronze Age. This might have been caused by a migration of Greek populations from Western Anatolia into this region in the early Iron Age.

In the Çineköy inscription, the king Awarikkus claimed descent from the line of one Muksas, whose name was rendered in Phoenician as , which corresponded to the Greek name Mopsos (Μοψος), belonging to a man whom Greek legendary traditions credited with the foundation of several Greek settlements on the coasts of Anatolia in the Iron Age. This suggests that the ruling dynasty of Ḫiyawa might have been founded by Greek colonisers, thus being connected to the kingdom's name, which in turn implies that a Greek population lived within Ḫiyawa.

The persistence of the name Ḫiyawa into the later Iron Age might therefore have reflected the continued existence of a significant Greek population in Ḫiyawa in these times.

List of rulers

 * Katiyas, (r. c. 858 BC – 831 BC)
 * Kirrî, (r. undefined – undefined)
 * Unnamed king, (r. undefined – undefined)
 * Awarikkus or Warikkas, (r. c. 738 BC – 709 BC)