Draft:1920-1921 Chicago rent strikes

(Summary)

Background
Chicago Tenants Protective Association (Precursor to League) formed on August 14, 1919

The 1920-21 Chicago rent strikes existed within the context of a cost of living crisis following shortages due to World War 1 manufacturing mobilization towards war industries, including a particularly acute housing cost crisis as the building industries redirected to war manufacturing. From 1914 to 1919 the cost of housing in Chicago increased by 14%. While the general cost of living roughly doubled in that same period.

However the most acute crisis would occur from 1919 to 1921. Where from December 1919 to December 1921, housing costs in Chicago increased 62%, while the general cost of living actually slightly decreased.

Issues:

Among Chicago tenants several housing issues other then just rent precipitated their organizing.

Notably for middle class tenants, landlord's discrimination against those with children became a sticking point, with landlords becoming more stringent as the housing shortage gave them more leverage and power. (go into further details)

Another aspect of contention was heating.


 * Heating


 * Discrimination against renters with children
 * Discrimination against renters with children

1920
Tenants of the Flat Iron Building at 553 West Madison Street go on strike against a rent increase on February 12, 1920. Where the increase in rent went as high as 300% for some.

While some historians argue that the tenant activism of the time was middle class in nature, Maia Silber argues that middle class tenants simply represented one slice of a much broader diverse tenant coalition.

Chicago Real Estate Board promotes private arbitration with them. An allusion is made to the successful tenants strike in NJ.

On February 27, 1920 a public meeting was held; During which president of the Lake View Property Owners and Improvement Association George W. Torpe shouted "We should get as much as we can." in front of other landlords. While others landlords encouraged each other to "shove it to the tenants".

On the night of February 28, 40 tenants at 4706-4732 North Racine Avenue apartments met, hired an attorney, former Judge Robert Turney, and decided to rent strike in response to a proposed doubling of rent. Refusing to move on May 1. Landlords also met the same night, advising each other to raise the rent as much as they could, with one George W. Torpe stating "we should get as much as we can."

The next day another meeting was held, after which the amount of tenants planning to participate in the rent strike expanded to 84, of the two the Dorchester-Winchester apartment buildings on Racine Avenue. An offer was given by the tenants to not rent strike if an increase of 33.31% was accepted by the landlords. Of the situation one tenant stated:

"'This is a soviet, formed to get our rent rights... We are not bolshevik, but we'll be a soviet until the landlords learn to treat us fairly. We must stick together like glue and then we will win.'"

During that meeting, more then 100 tenants, from Lake View to Rogers Park, unexpectedly joined the meeting calling for the organization, intially formed to battle the Baird & Warner real estate firm attempts to raise rent 86% - 100%, be made citywide instead. Reportedly the response by Dorchester-Winchester tenants were mixed on whether to allow them into the group, with one tenant stating, "It's a wonderful idea... However, we must remember that we have to win our own little local fight first."

At this meeting the elected offices of the Racine-Avenue tenants union collected a 'war fund' of several hundreds ($100 ) of dollars, and had their attorney Robert Turney to present a petition to the Dorchester-Winchester building agents for a fair rents. Walter J. Minnemeyer was elected as the tenant unions permanent chairmen, Miss Mary Carlock the secretary and A. E. Jessurun treasurer.

On March 4, it was reported that the tenants of the buildings planned to take the fight to the court and legislature. H. S. Standish one of the leading tenants stated that if they could mobilize 20,000 to 50,000 tenants behind them, they would be able to push for any legislation necessary.

On the afternoon of March 7, plans were made for the formation of a citywide tenant organization by the North Racine Avenue apartment tenants. Their grievances over the rent increases had also reached the city council. The tenants organization would have a group for each of their neighborhoods. There then would be a central committee composed of a president, vice president, secretary, and a representative from each of the neighborhood tenant blocks. At the meeting signs were also handed out to the tenants planning to strike to use.

The first settlement for a tenant was reached in court on the afternoon March 8. The tenant agreed to pay the 2 months rent they had been holding, after the necessary repairs had been made on the house and give her the 2 year lease she had signed.

The Rogers Park Tenant Protective Association held a meeting the night of March 8, and said that if the Racine Avenue tenants associations is unable to form a citywide tenant organization, they will. That night, C.E Dowd a veteran of World War I and tenant, spoke at the meeting where around 1,200 tenants of Roger Park attended, 1,000 of which joined the association and another 100 told to mail their applications, after they ran out of application blanks. During his speech, Dowd stated "I helped whip the greatest landlords - the former Kaiser - and I call upon you to help me whip the landlords of Chicago." Another tenant, William F. Forkhill, said to cheers, "profiteers are making anarchist of men who are honest at heart." Alderman Mulcahy, chairmen of the city council's rent committee, pledged the aid of his colleagues in the tenants movement at the meeting. It was also announced that an meeting of every neighborhood group in the city would be held in a few days, to combine into a city wide tenants association.

The next week the Chicago Tenants' Protective League (CTPL) was formed. On March 18, A. E. Jessurun, Treasurer of the league addressed a pig in front of an audience of 500 white collar tenants, asking the pig for forgiveness:

"'I did you an injury whenever I called a landlord a 'rent hog'... I take it all back. You certainly did nothing to deserve having your name transferred to the landlord'"

The crowd responded with a long applause, after which the pig grunted.

On March 23, a meeting was held between the Cook County real estate board committee and representatives of the tenants' associations. The estate board blamed the rising rent on building costs, and proposed building homes around a portable houses to lower costs. The Chicago Real Estate Board similarly claimed the building shortage and the trades high labor cost as at fault for the high rents, acussing labor of grafting. Later fears around a tenants blacklist by landlords were raised by the now formed CTPL.

Historian Andrew Wender Cohen, argues when discussing the rise of racketeering charges in Chicago during this period that it was created as a rhetorical strategy by businesses in an attempt to suppress organized craftsmen.

On April 5, Milton Plotke, an owner of an option on the Dorchester-Winchester apartments agreed to arbitrate with the tenants.

Strike day
On May 1, thousands of families of the Chicago Tenants Protective League went on rent strike. H. J. Standish president of league estimated 10,000 tenants would be striking, defying Chicago's May 1 moving day.

Reportedly, many last minute agreements occured between tenants and landlords before the strikes, with several thousand tenants moving. While others refused to vacate or being unable to find moving vans, remained in their apartments. Several days before the strike, evicting tenants had been temporarily barred by Dennis Eagan bailiff of the Municipal Courts, due to the high rent crisis. One van company was also reportedly found guilty of charging rates higher then those fixed by the city ordinances.

During that month, more then 2,000 eviction cases were filed by landlords in total.

Leadup
On February 15, police were guarding the eighteen apartment building after threats were made to the building. Postal cards with the following statement were reportedly mailed to half of the building occupants:

"'If Germany Klotz raises rents, the building will be blown up.'"

On February 17, the Chicago real estate board held a meeting. Where they voted to approve Brigadier General Abel Davis' plan to curb rent gouging. Abel Davis stated that if they didn't agree not do any more increases this year, it would guarantee that the Illinois enacted legislation that was far worse for them. He also urged them to allow fifteen days notice to tenants to renew their leases instead of 3 to 5. He also called for an the board to take immediate action to simulate building construction, and to lobby for the passage of a pending bill in congress that exempted real estate mortgages from taxation.

As part of the plan, a tentative price fixing/price control map was established. Defined both by different geographical zoning and on the class of housing present, divided among those that were steam landlord heated apartments (Division I), and those that were stove or furnace tenant heated (Division II). These were then further divided into classes based on how modern the other amenities were.

The same night, Louis T. Orr the second Vice President of the Chicago Real Estate Board, advocated for the cooperation of all interests towards an extensive building program. Claiming it was the only solution to the build shortage and for landlords to combat the proposed legislation at Springfield, which was supported by tenants. The board also called for the punishing of labor, building material and building contractors, which were alleged to be in an illegal cartel to keep prices up. A large meeting by the Chicago Tenants' Protective league was also held that night. With more then a hundred turned away at the door. A. E. Jessurun, secretary of the league advising tenants' 'stand pat' and fight the landlords in the court come May 1. Chicago's set moving day for those without written leases. The league had also previously called for a legislative committee to be appointed in Springfield to investigate building conditions in Chicago.

On March 6, thousands of tenants demonstrated on the North Side, on Sheridan road, stopping traffic. The demonstration was sparked by a conflict between tenant Dr. L.C.H.E. Zeigler and landlord Dr. Joseph Watry. Joseph had raised rent from $135 to $225 a month (equivalent to $ to $ in 2023).

In response Ziegler removed two windows from the front sun parlor, replacing them with a sign saying they would accept rent at $135 as their best offer and attaching the landlords notice of the rent raise. Then Dr.Watry put a sign in his window saying that Ziegler's apartment was for rent after April 30. This then lead to the demonstration as people rallied around Ziegler and stopped their cars. At one point Dr. Zeigler was cheered and induced to make a speech stating his case.

The same day, the Chicago Federation of Labor passed a resolution condemning profiteering landlords and also directed their legislative committee to write a bill for presentation at Springfield with cooperation with the tenants' league if possible. That day several additional apartments were also organized by the Chicago Tenants' Protective League. There was also a announcement of the final plans for the March 16 junket at Springfield when the Kessinger Enabling Act for City Rent Commissions would come up to a hearing.

The Kissinger rental bill was

On March 21, each interested group were preparing for the upcoming legislative session on the Kessinger bill the next day. One member of a 12 member CPTL rent committee that planned to attend the session, was the Evanston News-Index which opposed their high commercial rents. Further organizing of tenants by the CTPL in South Evanston with at least 500 members expected to join over the next few weeks.

On March 20, Dr.Ziegler, who was in conflict with his landlord, had their sign stolen and added the following sign to their window in response, "Warning - This sign is hung with hairspring automatic guns suspended at each corner and can be discharged only by an attempt to steal the sign again." The claimed guns were yet to be installed in the window at the time. They also offered a $100 reward for an information leading to the conviction of the person(s) who stole the sign.

An additional issue for tenants was landlords failing to comfortably heat tenant apartments or not repairing broken heating.

Passing of Kessinger Laws & Crackdown on Building Labor Trades
By March 24, the department of internal revenue had begun making a list of apartment buildings with 'rent war signs' to locate landlords who failed to list rent increases in their income tax schedules. After which several landlords voluntarily appeared for this claiming it was a simple mistake.

On March 23, the Dailey Joint Committee was established by the state legislature to investigate the building conditions in Chicago. With one aspect investigating whether any " 'unreasonable' rules of unions which load unproductive labor upon the building [cost]." existed.

The Kessinger bill consisted of several different laws:


 * To enable cities to establish rent commissions, to fix just and reasonable rents.
 * To allow six months stay of execution in eviction cases, applying to cities and villages but exempting farm land.
 * To remove the 'double penalty' for a tenant who holds over, staying past their lease date.

The last two were expected to pass, while the first was predicted to die in the house by the Chicago Tribune.

The Kessinger rent commission law passed the senate on March 23. The real estate board said they believed it would be killed in the house, blaming the Building Trades Council of Chicago, claiming their influence would be the cause of it's failure to pass. E. A. Potter, one of the leaders of the Building Trades Council of Chicago, refuted this claim. Stating, "The rank and file of the building trade are also renters and are as much in need of this legislation as any of the white collared workers."

On March 30, two of the Kessinger laws were passed. One gave tenants the legal right to stay on the property up to 60 days from receiving a notice to vacate. The second gave tenants right to a jury trial, when their right to continue living in an apartment was at stake. On April 1, the Chicago Building Trades Council unanimously agreed to put up the Contractors' businesses association request to make a 25% reduction in wages up to a vote by their membership. Putting up this proposal to a vote had been rejected twice before by the building trades council.

(Building bussiness cartel/price fixing)

On April 2, it was reported that Chicago tenants planning to move on the May 1 moving day were having trouble finding moving vans companies who were still available. One core issue was the unsureness on whether residencies a tenant planned to move into would still be occupied by a striking tenant. Leaving the moving company unsure where to store the furniture.

On April 8, a majority of the Chicago Building Trades Councils' unions, voted against accepting the 25% wage cut.

Strike
On May 1, the rent strike began. With tenants of the Chicago Tenants Protective league given last last minute instructions by their generals to resist all efforts by landlords to evict them illegally and report any attempts to their local headquarters. The next morning thousands of eviction fillings were made by landlords. Tenants stated they would demand jury trials for every case.

The rent strike by tenants operated in the form of paying the previous rent amount agreed too before the raise, sent through registered delivery mail or in the presence of witnesses. All cases had the payment rejected by landlords.

The first settlements happened among tenants and landlords on the first day of the strike on East 67th Place. The landlord, instead of increasing rent of $50/month apartments to $70/month and $55/month apartments to $75/month; They agreed to instead raise them to $60/month and $65/month respectively.

It was also reported that many landlords were waiting for the outcome of the six month Kessenger stay law on May 3, before deciding how to respond. Likely making compromises with tenants if it passes.

44 additional tenants from West Madison street also joined the rent strike last minute on May 2 after being faced with a 40% rent increase.

On May 3, it was reported that striking tenants on the whole were largely winning concessions from landlords following the start of the May 1 rent strikes. In several cases landlords agreed to cut their increases by half or sometimes, by two thirds. In Edgewater alone around 400 to 500 tenants were on strike. In the case of the Edgewater tenants, for those still faced with eviction cases where the landlord didn't initially relent; 56 of the 150 had already been settled out of court, where landlords offered to compromise.

Moving van men of the city also reported difficulties, as often they would show up to a apartment to help a new tenant move in, only to find the apartment still occupied by a striking tenant. In total as of May 3, more then 600 eviction cases had been filed in the Municipal court. The clerk of court, James A. Kearns reported that they expected to receive more then 4,000 eviction cases during the month.

Tenants and landlords alike were also at this time preparing for the Springfield hearing on the six month stay of eviction law of the Kessinger Bill, as it was about to come up for a final vote by the Illinois House of Representatives. Both officials of the CPTL and CREB left the city for the capital that night.

On May 6, court decisions on the eviction case started rapidly being decided by Judge Swanson. In one case, when Mrs. J. C. Heaps, was at court attempt to sort their family's eviction case out, they had their furniture piled out on the road and children kicked out by a purported bailiff, evicting the entire family. On October 11, a record 210 rent cases were heard that day.

Heat health ordinance
Alongside the Kessinger bill laws, the rent strikes also brought in the passing of the city's first tenant heat laws. A similar provision had been enacted in New York City in 1918 following a prolonged set of rent strikes that would last into 1920. The fight for a heat law, setting a minimum temperature requirement for apartments, began in 1920 when it started going through city council with a minimum of 70°C year round temperature for flats where landlords were the ones to provide heat.

After significant lobbying by the Chicago Board of Realtors (CREB) to weaken the proposed law, with the Chicago Tenants League attempting to push back on their attempts; In 1920 the proposed temperature was lowered to 68°C and only from October 1 to April 1. This change was criticized by the Chicago Tenants League with J. R. Patterson president of the league describing landlords who don't provide proper heat as no different then "thieves and robbers". In addition to the CREB, the Chicago Flat Janitors' union lobbied against a minimum temperature overnight, given it would require them to wake up in the middle of the night to fuel furnaces.

In June 1922, after a previous failure to pass in May; The heat ordinance passed, set take effect in October.

The minimum temperature terms (applying from October 1 to April 1) were as follows:


 * From 6 - 7:30 am, 60°F
 * From 7:30 - 8:30 am, 65°F
 * From 8:30 - 10:30 pm, 68°F

An additional aspect of the law was setting a minimum temperature of factories and workshops at 68°F all day. In September of 1922, Chicago was also hit by a cold snap which caused pervasive illness among tenants, but they were left with no legal recourse due to the month limitations of when the law applied in the year. In December, the first court judgements against landlords for violating the heat law were made, with Margert Burke a landlord fined $25 and the court costs by the municipal court for the violation.