Draft:Persecution of Greeks in Communist Albania

The persecution of Greeks in Communist Albania under the rule of Enver Hoxha, was characterized by a broader policy aimed at achieving ethnic homogenization and suppressing minority identities. Hoxha's vision of an ethnically pure Albania led to the implementation of various measures, resulting in discrimination and persecution of minority groups, notably the Greeks in Northern Epirus.

Ottoman period
During the five centuries of Ottoman rule, there was no official distinction between Albania and Epirus. While Greek historiography asserts that ethnic Greeks settled in what is now southern Albania during the pre-Christian period, Albanian historians contend that southern Albania was primarily inhabited by Illyrians. They argue that, during the 18th century, under the effective control of Albanian feudal lords, a significant influx of Greeks arrived in the present-day Gjirokastër district to work as agricultural laborers. Ottoman sources and accounts from English travelers suggest that, during the early 19th century, the Drin Valley was predominantly Albanian.

The district of Himara, located on the southern coast, seems to have consistently maintained a Greek population. During the latter period of Ottoman rule, Himara enjoyed practical independence from central authority. In 1912, the Greek government dispatched gunboats to Himara in an attempt to prevent its incorporation into the new Albanian state, as claimed by Greek historiography. This historical event contributes to the narrative that the Albanian state, since its inception in 1912, has sought to de-Hellenize the southern part of Albania.

Modern-era
The present Greek-Albanian border has been a subject of dispute since the Protocol of Florence in December 1913. This protocol ceded largely Albanian-inhabited regions of northwestern Greece to Greece, known as Chameria to Albanians and Northern Epirus to Greeks. However, the 1921 Paris Conference annulled the Protocol of Florence, leaving thousands of ethnic Greeks within the new Albanian state. Similarly, a significant number of predominantly Muslim Albanians, known as Chams, found themselves on the Greek side of the border. The Cham population faced forced displacement from northwestern Greece between 1913 and 1949, resulting in more than 250,000 Chams living as refugees in Albania and campaigning for Greek citizenship and the return of confiscated properties.

Since 1921, Albania's ethnic Greek population has been registered as a minority living in recognized "minority zones." However, the designation of these zones has been subject to change, with the Albanian Communist regime after World War II limiting the areas described as "minority zones." This reduction excluded certain villages, including Himara, Drimades, and Palasse, recognized as minority areas by the League of Nations in 1921, and excluded ethnic Greeks residing in major towns like Tirana and Vlorë. This limitation denied minority status to ethnic Greeks living outside the designated "minority zones," a persistent stumbling block in negotiations concerning the Greek minority.

Throughout the communist period from 1944 to 1991, the Albanian government pursued policies to dilute the minority population. This involved encouraging the settlement of Albanians in Greek-inhabited areas, the relocation of ethnic Greeks to Tirana and some northern districts, and the settlement of Vlachs and Chams in strategic border districts. The Greek minority, like the broader Albanian population, faced discrimination and human rights violations during this period, with the Roman Catholic population arguably suffering proportionally worse.

Impact of Hoxha's Regime on Greeks in Northern Epirus (1944–1960)
Since Enver Hoxha came to power in Albania in 1944, reports indicate that 250 Greeks were executed, and hundreds more perished due to mistreatment in prison camps. Furthermore, several hundreds Greeks were deported to concentration camps in Northern Albania. Hoxha's regime orchestrated extensive measures to eradicate the Greek presence in Northern Epirus, including acts of genocide, destruction of Greek churches and schools, and the imposition of collectivism. In contrast to the abundance of resources and accessibility to goods in northern regions of Albania, Northern Epirus suffered from food shortages and limited job opportunities. Deliberate withholding of essential necessities seemed aimed at coercing the Greek population to migrate northward, assimilating into the Albanian way of life.

The tumultuous period of the Greek Civil War (1947-1950) saw Albania serve as bases for Communist guerrillas. Following their ultimate defeat, the retreating Communists sought refuge in Albania, leaving a trail of destruction in Greek villages and capturing numerous Greeks, including separating children from their parents. As of 1963, these individuals remained hostages in Albania, with the first of them only recently allowed to return to Greece in the spring.

Continued Repression and Cultural Impact
Simultaneously, the formal obligation to provide Greek-language education was frequently circumvented by the regime's systematic efforts to relocate ethnic Greeks from villages with a predominant Greek-speaking population to other parts of the country. The details of this process largely rely on anecdotal evidence, as no official records of population displacement exist from the communist period.

Nevertheless, the effects of this relocation process seem to have left significant political and cultural imprints in the remaining Greek-speaking areas. The persistent threat of arbitrary administrative actions by Tirana has fostered a legacy of distrust, contributing to contemporary challenges in the relationship between post-communist governments and the Greek minority.

The repression of minority culture and education, except for certain independent cultural activities like folk dancing, mirrored the policies of the Royalist regime of King Zog. Under King Zog's rule, Greek-language education was targeted and virtually eliminated in the 1930s. This trajectory continued and intensified in the post-war years under communism, particularly with the initiation of a campaign in 1967 by Albania's communist party, the Albanian Party of Labour (PLA), to eradicate organized religion. The Orthodox Church became a primary target of this campaign, resulting in the damage or destruction of numerous churches. Additionally, many Greek-language books were banned due to their religious themes or orientation.

This complexity is further compounded in the case of Albania's anti-religion campaign, as it was just one element within the broader "Ideological and Cultural Revolution" initiated by Hoxha in 1966, with its main features outlined at the PLA's Fourth Congress in 1961.

Many Greeks attempted to escape through Korçë, Dropull, and Vurg, but their efforts were often thwarted through executive actions. Unfortunately, many Greeks lost their lives in these attempts. Additionally, those living in the southern regions not only faced suppression but also experienced comparatively worse living conditions than the Albanian majority. As a result of the curse of the Greeks in Communist Albania, several thousand ethnic Greeks died, either by execution or command firing, since they were all considered Enemy of the state.

Approximately 20,000 to 25,000 Greeks were estimated to have been imprisoned in Hoxha's concentration camps.

Reactions
In the turbulent climate of the 1950s, Greece actively pursued diplomatic initiatives to thwart the persecution of its Greek minority in Northern Epirus. The geopolitical landscape was marked by considerations from Western powers, notably the United States, contemplating measures to potentially overthrow the communist regime in Albania. In response, Greece implemented several strategies to address the complex situation:

In May 1953, Greece submitted a memorandum to the United States, articulating a commitment to pursuing its claim over Northern Epirus through peaceful means. This diplomatic move not only underscored Greece's dedication to resolving territorial disputes without resorting to conflict but also signaled a broader willingness to contribute to the emergence of an independent and amicable Albania.

Simultaneously, diplomatic negotiations unfolded in New York during the summer of 1953, involving representatives from Greece and a pro-Western Albanian committee. In these discussions, Greece proposed an agreement designed to bring an end to the persecution of Greeks in Northern Epirus. Implicit in this proposal was the suggestion that Greece might reconsider its territorial claim if a non-Communist Albania were to guarantee the rights of the Greek minority in the region. However, the intricacies of these negotiations highlighted the complexities of addressing historical claims and the demands of geopolitical realities.

Publicly, Greece maintained its position during the Balkan Pact Council of Foreign Ministers in the summer of 1953. The issued communiqué acknowledged Albanian independence but purposefully omitted any mention of territorial integrity. This omission was a tactical maneuver driven by Greece's ongoing claim over Northern Epirus, reflecting the delicate dance between historical assertions and diplomatic exigencies.

The geopolitical dynamics surrounding the potential Western operation in Albania further complicated Greece's stance. Italy, aligning with Albania's territorial integrity, issued warnings of intervention against Yugoslav actions. Recognizing the challenges posed by its claim over Northern Epirus, Greek officials aimed to deter Italian or Yugoslav involvement in Albania, illustrating the delicate balance Greece sought in navigating regional tensions.

In summary, Greece's efforts during the 1950s reflect a nuanced and intricate diplomatic dance, where historical claims, regional politics, and the broader Cold War context converged. The nation's commitment to resolving disputes through peaceful means and facilitating regional stability underscored its multifaceted approach to addressing the persecution of the Greek minority in Northern Epirus.

Legacy of Persecution in Communist Albania
From the limited information available, it is known that starting in 1944, approximately 73,000 individuals endured the humiliation inflicted by Enver Hoxha's regime, with a significant majority being of Greek heritage.