Talk:8th Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia/GA1

GA Review
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Reviewer: TheUzbek (talk · contribs) 20:47, 16 October 2023 (UTC)


 * Intro & small fixes
 * "During the 1980s, Ivan Stambolić and his protégé Slobodan Milošević arose through the ranks of SKS. Stambolić, a liberal political reformist, became the president of the presidency of SKS in 1984 while Milošević became the president of the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade." > "During the 1980s, Ivan Stambolić and his protégé Slobodan Milošević arose through the ranks of SKS. Stambolić, a liberal political reformist, became the president of the presidency of SKS in 1984, while Milošević became the president of the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade."
 * "Milošević succeeded Stambolić as the president of the presidency of SKS in 1986 and Dragiša Pavlović, another protégé of Stambolić, was chosen as Milošević's replacement for Belgrade." ---> "Milošević succeeded Stambolić as the president of the presidency of SKS in 1986, and Dragiša Pavlović, another protégé of Stambolić, was chosen as Milošević's replacement for Belgrade."
 * "Gačić and Đorđe Stojšić also tried to present a compromise solution to the dispute on 19 September, however, they were cut by Ilija Davidović, the executive secretary of the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS, who alleged that Stambolić wrote a letter in support of Pavlović." ---> "Gačić and Đorđe Stojšić also tried to present a compromise solution to the dispute on 19 September; however, they were cut short by Ilija Davidović, an executive secretary of the Presidency of the SKS Central Committee, who alleged that Stambolić wrote a letter in support of Pavlović."
 * "The 8th session of the Central Committee of SKS was held on 23–24 September in Belgrade and it was broadcast live on television." ---> "The 8th session of the Central Committee of SKS was held on 23–24 September in Belgrade and was broadcast live on television."
 * "He remained in that role until 1997, when the bank was taken over by the Federal Government of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." > "He remained in that role until 1997 when the Government of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia took over the bank."
 * "Following the death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980, Yugoslavia was met with an economic crisis and the ethnic protests and riots in SAP Kosovo." ---> "Following the death of Josip Broz Tito in 1980, Yugoslavia experienced an economic crisis and ethnic riots in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo (SAP Kosovo)." [readers who are not familar with Yugoslavia do not known what a SAP is]
 * ✅ I agree.
 * "During the 1980s, Ivan Stambolić and his protégé Slobodan Milošević arose through the ranks of SKS. " ---> "During the 1980s, Ivan Stambolić and his protégé Slobodan Milošević rose through the ranks of SKS." [Is this even correct? Stambolić was Prime Minister of Serbia and Secretary of the Presidency of the SKS Central Committee in the 1970s...]
 * ✅ Technically yes, though I've changed it to "the late 1970s and early 1980s" as this is more correct than only saying "the 1980s".
 * "president of the presidency of SKS" > "president of the SKS Presidency"
 * ❌ Why?
 * "Milošević succeeded Stambolić as the president of the presidency of SKS in 1986 and Dragiša Pavlović, another protégé of Stambolić, was chosen as Milošević's replacement for Belgrade." > "Milošević succeeded Stambolić as the president of the SKS Presidency in 1986 and Dragiša Pavlović, another Stambolić protégé, was succeeded Milošević as president of the Belgrade City Party Committee."
 * ❌ Again why? I don't see a reason to change it to this when this is not used in sources.
 * "Milošević then became increasingly critical of Stambolić's and Pavlović's moderate views on Kosovo. " > When is "then"?
 * "After Pavlović's conference on the Paraćin massacre on 11 September, the Stambolić–Pavlović and pro-Milošević factions were formalised." ---> What conference? Don't know if I agree with the use of "formalised" here.
 * ✅ I've removed "the Stambolić–Pavlović and pro-Milošević factions were formalised" part.
 * "A closed session of the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS was then held from 18 to 20 September, at which a letter written by Milošević's ally Dušan Mitević was presented to the attendees as allegedly written by Stambolić" ---> "A closed session of the SKS Presidency was then held on 18–20 September, at which a letter written by Milošević's ally Dušan Mitević was presented to the attendees as allegedly written by Stambolić" [What did the letter say?]
 * "Pavlović was also dismissed from the presidency of the Central Committee" - why? Had to be an official reason, right?
 * ✅ I've clarified that they voted him off the presidency and that they discussed his comments at the session. I think that this is enough.
 * "A televised session was then held on 23–24 September, which resulted in Pavlović and four other Stambolić's allies being dismissed from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade." ---> "Later, on 23–24 September, the SKS Central Committee convened for its 8th Session and voted to dismiss Pavlović and four other Stambolić's allies from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade."
 * "Stambolić was dismissed in December 1987, with Milošević successfully consolidating power over SKS and Serbia. " ---> "Stambolić would survive the plenum but was dismissed in December 1987, which signalled Milošević successful consolidation of power within the SKS and Serbia. "
 * "Political scientists have described the 8th session as a coup d'état orchestrated by Milošević. Radio Television of Serbia published a documentary about the 8th session in 2017; officials like Azem Vllasi and Borisav Jović, who were influential in the 8th session, were interviewed in the documentary." ---> is this relevant in the lead? Many historical events have documentaries about them, but they aren't mentioned in the lead.
 * I've removed the RTS part, if that is what you wanted me to remove.
 * My thoughts on the lead: I feel you're not making it clear to the readers the difference between the background, the decisions of the SKS plenum and the consequences of it. It's all kinda merged. Have one paragraph devoted to background, one to the plenum and one to its legacy/consequences (consequences is probably a more correct term... right?)
 * I did fix some things now, I hope that it is better than how it was previously.
 * ✅ I've clarified that they voted him off the presidency and that they discussed his comments at the session. I think that this is enough.
 * "A televised session was then held on 23–24 September, which resulted in Pavlović and four other Stambolić's allies being dismissed from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade." ---> "Later, on 23–24 September, the SKS Central Committee convened for its 8th Session and voted to dismiss Pavlović and four other Stambolić's allies from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade."
 * "Stambolić was dismissed in December 1987, with Milošević successfully consolidating power over SKS and Serbia. " ---> "Stambolić would survive the plenum but was dismissed in December 1987, which signalled Milošević successful consolidation of power within the SKS and Serbia. "
 * "Political scientists have described the 8th session as a coup d'état orchestrated by Milošević. Radio Television of Serbia published a documentary about the 8th session in 2017; officials like Azem Vllasi and Borisav Jović, who were influential in the 8th session, were interviewed in the documentary." ---> is this relevant in the lead? Many historical events have documentaries about them, but they aren't mentioned in the lead.
 * I've removed the RTS part, if that is what you wanted me to remove.
 * My thoughts on the lead: I feel you're not making it clear to the readers the difference between the background, the decisions of the SKS plenum and the consequences of it. It's all kinda merged. Have one paragraph devoted to background, one to the plenum and one to its legacy/consequences (consequences is probably a more correct term... right?)
 * I did fix some things now, I hope that it is better than how it was previously.
 * My thoughts on the lead: I feel you're not making it clear to the readers the difference between the background, the decisions of the SKS plenum and the consequences of it. It's all kinda merged. Have one paragraph devoted to background, one to the plenum and one to its legacy/consequences (consequences is probably a more correct term... right?)
 * I did fix some things now, I hope that it is better than how it was previously.


 * Background
 * "After World War II, the Communist Party consolidated power in Yugoslavia, transforming the country into a socialist state." --"After World War II, the Communist Party, under Josip Broz Tito's leadership, seized power and established a socialist state in Yugoslavia."
 * "Josip Broz Tito was the president of SKJ until his death in 1980." ---> remove, its just hanging there... feels a bit random
 * "After Tito's death, Yugoslavia was faced with an economic crisis, constitutional problems, and a potential rise in ethnic nationalism.[9] To reduce its debt, Yugoslavia implemented austerity measures.[10] A swift increase of debt, inflation, and unemployment was seen in the 1980s instead" > "Upon the death of Tito, Yugoslavia experienced an economic crisis, constitutional problems, and a rise in ethnic nationalism."
 * "A swift increase of debt, inflation, and unemployment was seen in the 1980s instead" ---> "Despite government efforts, the national debt, inflation, and unemployment all increased during the 1980s."
 * "Ethnic protests and riots were also organised in SAP Kosovo in 1981" --> Additionally, the Socialist Autonomous Province of Kosovo experienced ethnic protests in 1981, which was clamped down on by authorities."
 * "Kosovo Albanian demonstrators demanded the formation of the Republic of Kosovo" ---> "Kosovo Albanian demonstrators demanded the formation of a Republic of Kosovo, with the same constitutional rights as the other socialist republics of Yugoslavia."
 * "The protests resulted in purges inside the League of Communists of Kosovo and University of Pristina." ---> "The SKS leadership responded to the protests by purging the League of Communists of Kosovo and the University of Pristina."
 * "Political scientist Dejan Jović characterised the protests in Kosovo as one of the beginnings that led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia, while publicist and political analyst Zlatoje Martinov said that the constituent republics got "stronger and became de facto states with their own armed forces" because of the crises in the 1980s and that the gradual process of the dissolution of Yugoslavia was underway" ---> These riots have been interpreted by Dejan Jović as the beginning of the end of Yugoslavia. [I would like to have the actual quote here] Publicist and political analyst Zlatoje Martinov somewhat concurs, claiming that the constituent republics throughout the 1980s evolved into "de facto states with their own armed forces".
 * Stambolić–Milošević relations ---> "The Stambolić–Milošević relationship"
 * "In the 1960s, the Faculty of Law of the University of Belgrade was known for having students who later went to take high-ranking political positions in Serbia." ---> "In the 1960s, the Faculty of Law of the University of Belgrade was known for enrolling students who would go on to become high-ranking politicians within Serbia"
 * "Slobodan Milošević became its student in 1960 and he there met Ivan Stambolić with whom he soon formed close bonds." ---> "Slobodan Milošević enrolled there in 1960 and met Ivan Stambolić with whom he soon formed a close bond."
 * "After finishing the Faculty of Law, Milošević became Stambolić's deputy and protégé." ---> "After finishing his studies, Milošević became Stambolić's protégé."
 * "In 1965, Stambolić became the director of Tehnogas, an industrial gas company, and four years later he appointed Milošević as the assistant director at Tehnogas" ---> "For instance, when Stambolić in 1965 became the director of Tehnogas, an industrial gas company, he appointed Milošević as his assistant director four years later."
 * "Later, when Stambolić was the prime minister of Serbia, he appointed Milošević as director of Beobank, one of the leading banks of Yugoslavia at the time."
 * "His mandate as prime minister of Serbia expired in 1982 and he then became the president of the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade" --> "Upon the expiration of his mandate as prime minister, the SKS Central Committee appointed him president of the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade."
 * "In the same year, Milošević entered politics after being appointed head of the Stari Grad SKS committee; he left his position as the director of Beobank in December 1983." ---> "Later that same year, Milošević left his position was Beobank director and was appointed head of the Stari Grad SKS committee."
 * ❌ Milošević left Beobank in 1983, so no.
 * "Stambolić was elected president of the presidency of SKS in April 1984 and as his successor to his previous position he chose Milošević" --> "On 17 May 1984, Stambolić was elected the president of the SKS Presidency, becoming the leader of the SKS. One of his earliest decisions was getting Milošević to succeed him as Belgrade party chief." [how did he do this?]
 * "This move was met with criticism from older Communists." [Why? Who are these "older communists"?]
 * ❌ The source does not specify the reason behind this. I've removed this.
 * See the text sent below; "Institutional power and the rise of Milošević". It seems to me that this source specifies this. --TheUzbek (talk) 10:30, 19 October 2023 (UTC)
 * "Although Milošević was a technocrat, inside the City Commission, Milošević initiated campaigns against liberals and dissidents whilst promoting communism." ---> "Milošević was considered to be an technocrat, but as the head of the city commission, he began initiating campaigns against liberals and dissidents whilst promoting communism." [is it that strange that a communist promotes communism?]
 * "saying that Milošević" --> "saying that he"
 * "Milošević gained full control over the League of Communists of Belgrade in 1985, creating a faction with officials that were loyal him; he also garnered support from various professors from the University of Belgrade that were close to Milošević's wife Mirjana Marković" ---> "By 1985, Milošević gained full control over the League of Communists of Belgrade."
 * "creating a faction with officials that were loyal him; he also garnered support from various professors from the University of Belgrade that were close to Milošević's wife Mirjana Marković" ---> How? Faction? Or did he manage to appoint loyalists to important positions?
 * ✅ He did appoint loyalists to important positions.
 * "Despite these moves, Stambolić and Milošević retained close relations" ---> Why "despite"? Why would Stambolić react negatively to these moves?
 * "To prepare for the next election for the president of the presidency of SKS, party officials began consulting between themselves in January 1985" ---> Since the president of the SKS Presidency was limited to a two-year term in office, leading party officials began jockeying for Stambolić's successor."
 * "Ivan Stambolić, his uncle Petar Stambolić, Nikola Ljubičić, Dobrivoj Vidić, and Dušan Čkrebić then agreed to begin preparing Milošević's candidacy for the president of the presidency of SKS." ---> "Stambolić championed Milošević as his successor and gained support from leading officials, such as, his uncle Petar Stambolić, Nikola Ljubičić, Dobrivoj Vidić, and Dušan Čkrebić.""
 * "Milošević was, however, met with resistance inside the party; liberal Dragoslav Marković was particularly critical of Milošević" --> "However, Milošević's candidature was not supported by the reformists, such as, Dragoslav Marković" [but why?!]
 * "Marković proposed Špiro Galović and Radiša Gačić as additional candidates besides Milošević." --> "Marković nominated instead Špiro Galović and Radiša Gačić as competing candidates."
 * "Despite support in some corners for his election, Gačić opted to support Milošević after being pressured by Stambolić."
 * "In early 1986, Stambolić tried to win over as many as possible to Milošević's candidacy. In early 1986, he told Azem Vllasi, the future president of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Kosovo, that it would be easier to work with Milošević than with Marković." [Was Markovic a candidate? Easier for the LC Kosovo branch to work with Milosevic?]
 * "The SKS Presidency voted 12 for and 8 against to nominate Milošević as the sole candidate for SKS president."
 * "Milošević was elected at the 28 May 1986 Congress as the president of the presidency of SKS, with 151 out of 157 votes in favour, while Stambolić was elected president of Serbia by the presidency of SKS" ---> "Milošević would go on to be elected president at the first SKS Central Committee session on 28 May 1986, held immediately after the 10th SKS Congress' closure. 151 out of 157 votes in favour of his candidacy, and Stambolić would go on to be nominated as president of Serbia by the SKS Presidency."
 * ❌ Some of this is unsourced so I'd rather keep it as it is.
 * "After Milošević's election as the president of the presidency of SKS, Galović told Stambolić" ---> "Following Milošević's election, Galović told Stambolić"
 * "The 26–28 May 1986 Congress was the last Congress of SKS" --- WRONG. The 11th Congress was convened, and on the second day of the congress it was transformed into the "1st Congress of the Socialist Party of Serbia" in 1990. Also call it the "10th Congress".
 * ✅ Technically yes.
 * "At the time of his election, Milošević did not exercise control over media, including newspaper Politika." > seems a bit random, especially for someone who knows nothing about Milosevic's later control of the media.
 * ✅ Removed.
 * "Milošević gained full control over the League of Communists of Belgrade in 1985, creating a faction with officials that were loyal him; he also garnered support from various professors from the University of Belgrade that were close to Milošević's wife Mirjana Marković" ---> "By 1985, Milošević gained full control over the League of Communists of Belgrade."
 * "creating a faction with officials that were loyal him; he also garnered support from various professors from the University of Belgrade that were close to Milošević's wife Mirjana Marković" ---> How? Faction? Or did he manage to appoint loyalists to important positions?
 * ✅ He did appoint loyalists to important positions.
 * "Despite these moves, Stambolić and Milošević retained close relations" ---> Why "despite"? Why would Stambolić react negatively to these moves?
 * "To prepare for the next election for the president of the presidency of SKS, party officials began consulting between themselves in January 1985" ---> Since the president of the SKS Presidency was limited to a two-year term in office, leading party officials began jockeying for Stambolić's successor."
 * "Ivan Stambolić, his uncle Petar Stambolić, Nikola Ljubičić, Dobrivoj Vidić, and Dušan Čkrebić then agreed to begin preparing Milošević's candidacy for the president of the presidency of SKS." ---> "Stambolić championed Milošević as his successor and gained support from leading officials, such as, his uncle Petar Stambolić, Nikola Ljubičić, Dobrivoj Vidić, and Dušan Čkrebić.""
 * "Milošević was, however, met with resistance inside the party; liberal Dragoslav Marković was particularly critical of Milošević" --> "However, Milošević's candidature was not supported by the reformists, such as, Dragoslav Marković" [but why?!]
 * "Marković proposed Špiro Galović and Radiša Gačić as additional candidates besides Milošević." --> "Marković nominated instead Špiro Galović and Radiša Gačić as competing candidates."
 * "Despite support in some corners for his election, Gačić opted to support Milošević after being pressured by Stambolić."
 * "In early 1986, Stambolić tried to win over as many as possible to Milošević's candidacy. In early 1986, he told Azem Vllasi, the future president of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Kosovo, that it would be easier to work with Milošević than with Marković." [Was Markovic a candidate? Easier for the LC Kosovo branch to work with Milosevic?]
 * "The SKS Presidency voted 12 for and 8 against to nominate Milošević as the sole candidate for SKS president."
 * "Milošević was elected at the 28 May 1986 Congress as the president of the presidency of SKS, with 151 out of 157 votes in favour, while Stambolić was elected president of Serbia by the presidency of SKS" ---> "Milošević would go on to be elected president at the first SKS Central Committee session on 28 May 1986, held immediately after the 10th SKS Congress' closure. 151 out of 157 votes in favour of his candidacy, and Stambolić would go on to be nominated as president of Serbia by the SKS Presidency."
 * ❌ Some of this is unsourced so I'd rather keep it as it is.
 * "After Milošević's election as the president of the presidency of SKS, Galović told Stambolić" ---> "Following Milošević's election, Galović told Stambolić"
 * "The 26–28 May 1986 Congress was the last Congress of SKS" --- WRONG. The 11th Congress was convened, and on the second day of the congress it was transformed into the "1st Congress of the Socialist Party of Serbia" in 1990. Also call it the "10th Congress".
 * ✅ Technically yes.
 * "At the time of his election, Milošević did not exercise control over media, including newspaper Politika." > seems a bit random, especially for someone who knows nothing about Milosevic's later control of the media.
 * ✅ Removed.
 * "The SKS Presidency voted 12 for and 8 against to nominate Milošević as the sole candidate for SKS president."
 * "Milošević was elected at the 28 May 1986 Congress as the president of the presidency of SKS, with 151 out of 157 votes in favour, while Stambolić was elected president of Serbia by the presidency of SKS" ---> "Milošević would go on to be elected president at the first SKS Central Committee session on 28 May 1986, held immediately after the 10th SKS Congress' closure. 151 out of 157 votes in favour of his candidacy, and Stambolić would go on to be nominated as president of Serbia by the SKS Presidency."
 * ❌ Some of this is unsourced so I'd rather keep it as it is.
 * "After Milošević's election as the president of the presidency of SKS, Galović told Stambolić" ---> "Following Milošević's election, Galović told Stambolić"
 * "The 26–28 May 1986 Congress was the last Congress of SKS" --- WRONG. The 11th Congress was convened, and on the second day of the congress it was transformed into the "1st Congress of the Socialist Party of Serbia" in 1990. Also call it the "10th Congress".
 * ✅ Technically yes.
 * "At the time of his election, Milošević did not exercise control over media, including newspaper Politika." > seems a bit random, especially for someone who knows nothing about Milosevic's later control of the media.
 * ✅ Removed.
 * "At the time of his election, Milošević did not exercise control over media, including newspaper Politika." > seems a bit random, especially for someone who knows nothing about Milosevic's later control of the media.
 * ✅ Removed.


 * Preceding events
 * "Stambolić, while still serving as the president of the presidency of SKS, initiated discussions related to solving the Kosovo issue in 1985.[48] The Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts then selected a committee of academics to draft a document that could address the issue.[49] The draft document, titled The Memorandum, was leaked by newspaper Večernje novosti in 1986.[50] The document criticised the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution and made claims such as that the Constitution discriminated Serbs and that there was an ongoing "physical, political, legal, and cultural genocide of the Serb population" in Kosovo.[50][51] Both Stambolić and Milošević condemned the memorandum.[52][53] --> "Stambolić, while still the president of the SKS Presidency, initiated discussions to solve the Kosovo issue in 1985. The Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts selected a committee of academics to draft a document that could address this issue. The draft document, titled The Memorandum, was leaked by the newspaper Večernje novosti in 1986. The document made numerous allegations regarding the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, including that the Constitution discriminated against Serbs and that there was an ongoing "physical, political, legal, and cultural genocide" of the Serb population in Kosovo. Both Stambolić and Milošević condemned the memorandum."
 * "Amidst the tensions in Kosovo, Stambolić sent Milošević to Kosovo Polje on 20 April 1987.[54] He there gave a speech, which according to writer Adam LeBor was in "the standard party line of 'Brotherhood and unity'".[54] After returning to Belgrade Milošević consulted with officials about the situation in Kosovo Polje.[55] Together with Vllasi, Milošević returned to Kosovo Polje on 24 April.[54][56] Milošević then took a populist turn.[57][58][59] Milošević gave a speech and then, while walking through the crowd of Kosovo Serb demonstrators, he repeated "no one will dare to beat you!" (niko ne sme da vas bije!) twice to the demonstrators.[56][60][61] Political scientist Lenard J. Cohen characterised the event as the "serpent in the bosom".[62] Following the gathering, Milošević's popularity amongst Kosovo Serbs ascended.[59] According to Stambolić, Milošević returned to Belgrade "as a new man".[63] Stambolić was also appalled by how Milošević sided with one ethnic group.[64] Stambolić had tried to reconcile the nationalists and Titoists, but failed.[65] "Stambolić could not make the political leap of faith", Vasić said.[66]" --> Amidst the tensions in Kosovo, Stambolić sent Milošević to Kosovo Polje on 20 April 1987. There, Milošević gave a speech, which, according to writer Adam LeBor, was in "the standard party line of 'Brotherhood and unity'". After returning to Belgrade, Milošević consulted with officials about the situation in Kosovo Polje. Together with Vllasi, Milošević returned to Kosovo Polje on 24 April. Milošević then took a populist turn. Milošević gave a speech, and then, while walking through the crowd of Kosovo Serb demonstrators, he repeated, "no one will dare to beat you!" (niko ne sme da vas bije!) twice to the demonstrators. Political scientist Lenard J. Cohen characterised the event as the "serpent in the bosom". Following the gathering, Milošević's popularity amongst Kosovo Serbs ascended. According to Stambolić, Milošević returned to Belgrade "as a new man". Stambolić was also appalled by how Milošević sided with one ethnic group. Stambolić had tried to reconcile the nationalists and the Titoists but failed. "Stambolić could not make the political leap of faith", Vasić said.
 * "After the gathering in Kosovo Polje, Milošević became more critical of Stambolić and Pavlović, mainly because of their positions towards Kosovo.[67][68][69] Stambolić and Pavlović favoured dialogue and compromise instead of nationalism.[67] At a SKJ meeting in June 1987, Milošević proposed the "unification of the Republic of Serbia" and to strip away Kosovo's and Vojvodina's autonomous rights.[70][71] Boško Krunić, a Vojvodina politician, said that "[Milošević] was very straightforward about the autonomy of Vojvodina. He opposed it".[70] Following the meeting, Kosovo Serbs organised a protest in front of the Federal Assembly of the SFRY in Belgrade, demanding the abolition of Kosovo's autonomy.[72]" ---> "After the gathering in Kosovo Polje, Milošević's criticism towards Stambolić and Pavlović intensified, mainly driven by their positions on Kosovo. Stambolić and Pavlović favoured a more conciliatory approach than did Milošević. At an SKJ meeting in June 1987, Milošević proposed the “unification of the Republic of Serbia” and stripping away Kosovo’s and Vojvodina’s au’s autonomous rights. Boško Krunić, a politician from the League of Communists of Vojvodina, said that “[Milošević] was very straightforward about the autonomy of Vojvodina. He opposed it”. Subsequent to the meeting, Kosovo Serbs orchestrated a demonstration outside the federal Assembly of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in Belgrade, urging to eliminate Kosovo’s autonomy."
 * [Questions here... What SKJ meeting? A meeting of the SKJ Central Committee? He was a member of the SKJ Central Committee at the time, so it does make sense. Say so explicitly.]
 * Direct quote: "In mid-June 1987 Milosevic set up a meeting of the Yugoslav party leadership to discuss Kosovo". I assume that this refers to the CC.
 * The SKJ June 1987 meeting is, in all probability, the 9th Session of the 9th Session of the SKJ Central Committee. --TheUzbek (talk) 10:30, 19 October 2023 (UTC)
 * ✅ Wikilinked. Vacant0 (talk) 10:19, 20 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Direct quote: "In mid-June 1987 Milosevic set up a meeting of the Yugoslav party leadership to discuss Kosovo". I assume that this refers to the CC.
 * The SKJ June 1987 meeting is, in all probability, the 9th Session of the 9th Session of the SKJ Central Committee. --TheUzbek (talk) 10:30, 19 October 2023 (UTC)
 * ✅ Wikilinked. Vacant0 (talk) 10:19, 20 October 2023 (UTC)


 * "Aziz Kelmendi, a Kosovo Albanian recruit in the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA), shot and killed four JNA soldiers on 3 September 1987 in Paraćin.[72] Two of those who were killed were Bosniaks, one was a Serb, and the fourth one was a half-Croat and half-Slovene.[73] Kelmendi then fled from the military camp in Paraćin and committed suicide.[74][75] The media, such as newspapers Politika and Borba, portrayed the killings as politically motivated.[72][75][76] Stambolić and Milošević did not attend the Serb JNA soldier's funeral.[77] Those who were present chanted nationalist slogans, including slogans against Vllasi.[72][77] The aftermath of the Paraćin massacre resulted in the smashing of local Albanian-owned business shops in Paraćin, Valjevo, and Subotica.[78]" ---> "Aziz Kelmendi, a Kosovo Albanian recruit in the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA), shot and killed four JNA soldiers on 3 September 1987 in Paraćin. Of those killed, two were Bosniaks, one was a Serb, and the fourth was a half-Croat and half-Slovene. Kelmendi then fled from the military camp in Paraćin and committed suicide. The media, such as newspapers Politika and Borba, portrayed the killings as politically motivated. Stambolić and Milošević did not attend the Serb JNA soldier’s funeral. Those who were present chanted nationalist slogans, including slogans against Vllasi. In the aftermath of the Paraćin massacre, Serbs smashed windows of local Albanian-owned business shops in Paraćin, Valjevo, and Subotica."
 * "In response to the events in Kosovo and Paraćin, Stambolić and Pavlović sought to address the issue; Pavlović then held a press conference on 11 September." ---> "In light of the events in Kosovo and Paraćin, Stambolić and Pavlović endeavored to tackle the issue at hand, with Pavlović calling a press conference on 11 September."
 * "Pavlović assessed that Serbian nationalism is still on the rise; "We must criticise Serbian nationalism today because, among other things, Serbian nationalists imagine themselves as saviours of the Serbian cause in Kosovo, without in fact being able to solve a single social problem, and especially without being able to improve inter-nationality events", Pavlović said during the press conference." -> "In his assessment, Pavlović highlighted the increasing prevalence of Serbian nationalism. He underscored the significance of critiquing this ideology, pointing out its inability to address social issues or enhance inter-nationality events."
 * "Dušan Mitević, a Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) journalist and associate of Milošević, discussed with Milošević in the following days." > "In the following days, Milošević discussed the Kosovo issues with Dušan Mitević, a journalist from Radio Television of Serbia (RTS)."
 * "Milošević told him that Marković wrote an op-ed about the dispute between Pavlović and Milošević; the op-ed, "Dragiša Pavlović's Shallow Opinions", was published in Politika under Dragoljub Milanović's name, a Politika journalist" ---> "Milošević told Mitević that Marković had written an op-ed, titled "Dragiša Pavlović's Shallow Opinions", about the dispute between himself and Pavlović under Politika journalist Dragoljub Milanović's name."
 * "With the publishment of the op-ed, the Stambolić–Pavlović faction, which preferred negotiations with Kosovo Albanian leaders, and Milošević's populist faction, which preferred to implement swift measures, were formalised" ---> "With the op-ed's publication, the policy differences between the Stambolić–Pavlović group and Milošević came to light."
 * "Jović used the terminology "institutionalists" and "revolutionists" to describe the two factions, while Stambolić, in his 1995 book, used the terms "cool heads" and "hot heads"." > "Dejan Jović referred to the Stambolić–Pavlović grouping as "institutionalists" and Milošević's supporters as "revolutionists", while Stambolić, in his 1995 book [what is the title of the book?], used the terms "cool heads" and "hot heads"."
 * LeBor said that Kosovo was not the only issue.[85] There were also disputes in regards to implementation of democratic centralism, democracy, and change in personnel. ---> "There were also other policy differences between them, regarding the proper implementation of democratic centralism and disputes over personnel appointments."
 * "Milošević consulted Borisav Jović, a senior SKS member, shortly after the 11 September conference; Jović told him that Pavlović must be expelled and Milošević agreed with him." > "Milošević consulted with Borisav Jović, a senior SKS member, shortly after the 11 September conference in which the former told him that Pavlović had to be expelled from the party. Milošević agreed with Jović's suggestion."
 * [Who was Jović at this point? What office did he hold? Was he city chief of something? A member of the SKS Presidency?]
 * ✅I did not find what political office he held in 1987 but he was elected president of the parliament in 1988, so I've added that.
 * "Pavlović gave another speech in front of the City Commission of Belgrade on 17 September where he tried to clarify his speech from 11 September.[88] "Inflammatory words bring nothing but fire. With unmeasured words, only a hysterical mood without a solution that leads to the worst will be created", Pavlović said on 17 September" > "Pavlović gave another speech in front of the City Commission of Belgrade on 17 September where he tried to clarify his political position, stating, "Inflammatory words bring nothing but fire. With unmeasured words, only a hysterical mood without a solution that leads to the worst will be created"."
 * "Pavlović also told the attendees that Stambolić wrote him a letter in which he said that if Pavlović gets the right to speak at the 8th session of the Central Committee of SKS, Stambolić would speak instead of him" [do you mean did not?] Maybe: "Pavlović told the attendees that Stambolić wrote him a letter in which he said that if he did not get the right to speak at the SKS Central Committee’s 8th session, Stambolić would speak in his favour."
 * [Maybe some information on who called the plenum? Unclear at this point.]
 * ✅ Pavlović!
 * "Although the issue that SKS was subordinate to the government was discussed, the League of Communists of Belgrade still stood behind Pavlović.[89] Mitević, in the minority, particularly criticised the letter and Stambolić's involvement." > is this even true? And what does "Although the issue that SKS was subordinate" have to do with the rest of the article?
 * ✅ I've re-worded and corrected this part.
 * "A day later, on 18 September, a closed session of the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS was held, with the agenda being Pavlović's comments at the press conference." ---> "The following day, on 18 September, a closed session of the SKS Presidency was held, with Pavlović's comments at the press conference on the agenda."
 * "Pavlović denied all accusations that were made against him." ---> What accusations?
 * "At the session, Vllasi, Stambolić, Branislav Ikonić, and Desimir Jevtić were one of the officials who spoke in favour of Pavlović" ---> "At the session, Vllasi, Stambolić, Branislav Ikonić, and Desimir Jevtić supported Pavlović."
 * "Stambolić tried to reconcile Pavlović and Milošević; he suggested that "they meet for coffee every day, or maybe even lemonade"." ---> "Stambolić tried to reconcile Pavlović and Milošević, and suggested that "they meet for coffee every day, or maybe even lemonade"."
 * "Gačić and Đorđe Stojšić also tried to present a compromise solution to the dispute on 19 September, however, they were cut by Ilija Davidović" ---> "Gačić and Đorđe Stojšić, the President of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Vojvodina, tried to present a compromise solution but were cut short by Ilija Davidović, an executive secretary of the SKS Presidency, who accused Stambolić of writing a letter in suppurt of Pavlović."
 * "Milošević read the letter, which was written by Mitević, and gave a speech in which he criticised Pavlović, proposing to dismiss him from the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS" ---> "Milošević read the alleged letter, which was written by Mitević, out loud and then criticised Pavlović, proposing to dismiss him from the SKS Presidency."
 * "A vote was then held—10 voted in favour, 4 voted against, and 5 abstained from voting." ---> "A vote was then held on 20 September, in which a majority of 10 voted in favour, 4 voted against, and 5 abstained from voting on Pavlović's removal."
 * "The session ended on 20 September, with Pavlović being successfully dismissed" -- remove
 * "He then called a session of the Central Committee of SKS for 23–24 September, at which he again wanted to discuss about Pavlović" ---> "He then called an SKS Central Committee session for 23–24 September, at which Pavlović's again was on the agenda."
 * "Milošević was also concerned that the Veterans' Union of Belgrade (SUBNOR), which had previously supported Pavlović, would support Pavlović again at the 8th session on 23–24 September" > "Despite calling the session, Milošević was concerned that the Veterans' Union of Belgrade, which had supported Pavlović earlier, would support him again at the session."
 * "SUBNOR did not end up holding a session on whether to support Pavlović due to pressure from the State Security Service." > "SUBNOR ended up not taking a position on the matter due to concerted pressure by the State Security Service"
 * "A day later, on 18 September, a closed session of the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS was held, with the agenda being Pavlović's comments at the press conference." ---> "The following day, on 18 September, a closed session of the SKS Presidency was held, with Pavlović's comments at the press conference on the agenda."
 * "Pavlović denied all accusations that were made against him." ---> What accusations?
 * "At the session, Vllasi, Stambolić, Branislav Ikonić, and Desimir Jevtić were one of the officials who spoke in favour of Pavlović" ---> "At the session, Vllasi, Stambolić, Branislav Ikonić, and Desimir Jevtić supported Pavlović."
 * "Stambolić tried to reconcile Pavlović and Milošević; he suggested that "they meet for coffee every day, or maybe even lemonade"." ---> "Stambolić tried to reconcile Pavlović and Milošević, and suggested that "they meet for coffee every day, or maybe even lemonade"."
 * "Gačić and Đorđe Stojšić also tried to present a compromise solution to the dispute on 19 September, however, they were cut by Ilija Davidović" ---> "Gačić and Đorđe Stojšić, the President of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Vojvodina, tried to present a compromise solution but were cut short by Ilija Davidović, an executive secretary of the SKS Presidency, who accused Stambolić of writing a letter in suppurt of Pavlović."
 * "Milošević read the letter, which was written by Mitević, and gave a speech in which he criticised Pavlović, proposing to dismiss him from the presidency of the Central Committee of SKS" ---> "Milošević read the alleged letter, which was written by Mitević, out loud and then criticised Pavlović, proposing to dismiss him from the SKS Presidency."
 * "A vote was then held—10 voted in favour, 4 voted against, and 5 abstained from voting." ---> "A vote was then held on 20 September, in which a majority of 10 voted in favour, 4 voted against, and 5 abstained from voting on Pavlović's removal."
 * "The session ended on 20 September, with Pavlović being successfully dismissed" -- remove
 * "He then called a session of the Central Committee of SKS for 23–24 September, at which he again wanted to discuss about Pavlović" ---> "He then called an SKS Central Committee session for 23–24 September, at which Pavlović's again was on the agenda."
 * "Milošević was also concerned that the Veterans' Union of Belgrade (SUBNOR), which had previously supported Pavlović, would support Pavlović again at the 8th session on 23–24 September" > "Despite calling the session, Milošević was concerned that the Veterans' Union of Belgrade, which had supported Pavlović earlier, would support him again at the session."
 * "SUBNOR did not end up holding a session on whether to support Pavlović due to pressure from the State Security Service." > "SUBNOR ended up not taking a position on the matter due to concerted pressure by the State Security Service"
 * "A vote was then held—10 voted in favour, 4 voted against, and 5 abstained from voting." ---> "A vote was then held on 20 September, in which a majority of 10 voted in favour, 4 voted against, and 5 abstained from voting on Pavlović's removal."
 * "The session ended on 20 September, with Pavlović being successfully dismissed" -- remove
 * "He then called a session of the Central Committee of SKS for 23–24 September, at which he again wanted to discuss about Pavlović" ---> "He then called an SKS Central Committee session for 23–24 September, at which Pavlović's again was on the agenda."
 * "Milošević was also concerned that the Veterans' Union of Belgrade (SUBNOR), which had previously supported Pavlović, would support Pavlović again at the 8th session on 23–24 September" > "Despite calling the session, Milošević was concerned that the Veterans' Union of Belgrade, which had supported Pavlović earlier, would support him again at the session."
 * "SUBNOR did not end up holding a session on whether to support Pavlović due to pressure from the State Security Service." > "SUBNOR ended up not taking a position on the matter due to concerted pressure by the State Security Service"
 * "He then called a session of the Central Committee of SKS for 23–24 September, at which he again wanted to discuss about Pavlović" ---> "He then called an SKS Central Committee session for 23–24 September, at which Pavlović's again was on the agenda."
 * "Milošević was also concerned that the Veterans' Union of Belgrade (SUBNOR), which had previously supported Pavlović, would support Pavlović again at the 8th session on 23–24 September" > "Despite calling the session, Milošević was concerned that the Veterans' Union of Belgrade, which had supported Pavlović earlier, would support him again at the session."
 * "SUBNOR did not end up holding a session on whether to support Pavlović due to pressure from the State Security Service." > "SUBNOR ended up not taking a position on the matter due to concerted pressure by the State Security Service"
 * "SUBNOR did not end up holding a session on whether to support Pavlović due to pressure from the State Security Service." > "SUBNOR ended up not taking a position on the matter due to concerted pressure by the State Security Service"
 * "SUBNOR did not end up holding a session on whether to support Pavlović due to pressure from the State Security Service." > "SUBNOR ended up not taking a position on the matter due to concerted pressure by the State Security Service"

***✅
 * Session
 * " The 8th session of the Central Committee of SKS was held on 23–24 September in Belgrade and it was broadcast live on television" ---> "The 8th session was held in Belgrade and was broadcast live on television."
 * You've already said the date above (its a small text)
 * "91 officials participated in the session" (of how many members? and officials? Does not include non-members?)
 * The book only mentions that "91 speakers participated".
 * "LeBor said that Milošević played with high stakes at the session; he or the Stambolić–Pavlović faction could either triumph at it.[" > "According to LeBor, Milošević played a high-stakes game at the session that could have backfired on him."
 * "The session began on 23 September, with Milošević being the first one to speak. Milošević portrayed himself as someone who adored Tito and Yugoslavia, and he claimed that Pavlović did the opposite." ---> "Milošević began proceedings on the opening day (23 September) and portrayed himself as someone who adored Tito and Yugoslavia while accusing Pavlović of the opposite."
 * "He also talked about his positions on Kosovo, criticising them as "soft"." ---> "He also talked about his own political position regarding Kosovo, and described them as "soft"."
 * ✅ He talked about Pavlović's, not his positions.
 * "Stambolić then gave a speech in which he criticised Milošević. ---> "Stambolić was the next to speak, and went on to criticise Milošević." [for what?]
 * "Vllasi declined to support him over Pavlović, and in response, Milošević called him a 'cunt'; Vllasi responded by calling Milošević "a liar and a cheat"." > "Vllasi declined to support him, and in response, Milošević called him a 'cunt'. Vllasi responded by calling Milošević "a liar and a cheat"."
 * "Milošević successfully managed to sway more votes in his favour; one of the reasons was that he received backing from JNA army generals." > "Milošević successfully managed to gain more favour partly due to receiving the backing of the JNA army generals represented in the SKS Central Committee."
 * "alleging Stambolić of being a dictator." ---> "accusing Stambolić of being a dictator."
 * "Because of the session's length, the television broadcast was manipulated by Mitević, who removed or delayed speeches of those who were opposed to Milošević" --- > "Because of the session's length, Mitević managed to manipulate the television broadcast by removing or delaying critical speeches of Milošević"
 * "The session ended on 24 September; Milošević called the vote to dismiss Pavlović from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade" > "On the session's last day, Milošević called for a vote to dismiss Pavlović from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade and the SKS Central Committee."
 * "Eight officials were opposed to his proposal, while 18 officials, most of whom were from Vojvodina and Kosovo, abstained the vote." ---> "The SKS Central Committee voted overwhelmingly for the proposal, with only eight officials opposed to the proposal and 18 members, mostly from Vojvodina and Kosovo, chose to abstain from voting.
 * "Radoš Smiljković, a political science professor, succeeded Pavlović as the president of the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade" ---> "The same session elected Radoš Smiljković, a political science professor, as Pavlović's successor as the president of the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade"
 * "Besides Pavlović, Radmila Kljajić, Ljubinka Trgovčević, and three more Stambolić's allies from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade were dismissed from their positions." [either not mention the "three" or find out their names... and again. who are these members people? were they also members of the SKS Central Committee? did they vote to oppose the proposal?]
 * "After the vote, Milošević gave another speech in which he said that Pavlović could not tell the difference between Serbian nationalism and the intentions of the Serbian leadership in Kosovo" > "After the vote, Milošević accused Pavlović of being unable to tell the difference between Serbian nationalism and the intentions of the Serbian leadership in Kosovo."
 * "Authors Allan Little and Laura Silber said that the 8th session started the "purge of everything from the Belgrade media to the head waiter at the Serbian government villa".[76] The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated" > According to the authors Allan Little and Laura Silber, the session signalled the beginning of a "purge of everything from the Belgrade media to the head waiter at the Serbian government villa"."
 * "The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated." ---> "The Washington Post reported that the tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated due to the session."
 * "The session ended on 24 September; Milošević called the vote to dismiss Pavlović from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade" > "On the session's last day, Milošević called for a vote to dismiss Pavlović from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade and the SKS Central Committee."
 * "Eight officials were opposed to his proposal, while 18 officials, most of whom were from Vojvodina and Kosovo, abstained the vote." ---> "The SKS Central Committee voted overwhelmingly for the proposal, with only eight officials opposed to the proposal and 18 members, mostly from Vojvodina and Kosovo, chose to abstain from voting.
 * "Radoš Smiljković, a political science professor, succeeded Pavlović as the president of the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade" ---> "The same session elected Radoš Smiljković, a political science professor, as Pavlović's successor as the president of the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade"
 * "Besides Pavlović, Radmila Kljajić, Ljubinka Trgovčević, and three more Stambolić's allies from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade were dismissed from their positions." [either not mention the "three" or find out their names... and again. who are these members people? were they also members of the SKS Central Committee? did they vote to oppose the proposal?]
 * "After the vote, Milošević gave another speech in which he said that Pavlović could not tell the difference between Serbian nationalism and the intentions of the Serbian leadership in Kosovo" > "After the vote, Milošević accused Pavlović of being unable to tell the difference between Serbian nationalism and the intentions of the Serbian leadership in Kosovo."
 * "Authors Allan Little and Laura Silber said that the 8th session started the "purge of everything from the Belgrade media to the head waiter at the Serbian government villa".[76] The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated" > According to the authors Allan Little and Laura Silber, the session signalled the beginning of a "purge of everything from the Belgrade media to the head waiter at the Serbian government villa"."
 * "The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated." ---> "The Washington Post reported that the tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated due to the session."
 * "Besides Pavlović, Radmila Kljajić, Ljubinka Trgovčević, and three more Stambolić's allies from the City Commission of the League of Communists of Belgrade were dismissed from their positions." [either not mention the "three" or find out their names... and again. who are these members people? were they also members of the SKS Central Committee? did they vote to oppose the proposal?]
 * "After the vote, Milošević gave another speech in which he said that Pavlović could not tell the difference between Serbian nationalism and the intentions of the Serbian leadership in Kosovo" > "After the vote, Milošević accused Pavlović of being unable to tell the difference between Serbian nationalism and the intentions of the Serbian leadership in Kosovo."
 * "Authors Allan Little and Laura Silber said that the 8th session started the "purge of everything from the Belgrade media to the head waiter at the Serbian government villa".[76] The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated" > According to the authors Allan Little and Laura Silber, the session signalled the beginning of a "purge of everything from the Belgrade media to the head waiter at the Serbian government villa"."
 * "The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated." ---> "The Washington Post reported that the tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated due to the session."
 * "Authors Allan Little and Laura Silber said that the 8th session started the "purge of everything from the Belgrade media to the head waiter at the Serbian government villa".[76] The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated" > According to the authors Allan Little and Laura Silber, the session signalled the beginning of a "purge of everything from the Belgrade media to the head waiter at the Serbian government villa"."
 * "The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated." ---> "The Washington Post reported that the tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated due to the session."
 * "The Washington Post reported that after the 8th session, tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated." ---> "The Washington Post reported that the tensions between the Serbs and Albanians escalated due to the session."
 * " Vjesnik, the Croatian state-owned newspaper, wrote after the 8th session that "the public can hardly see any essential political difference between those who remained in the Serbian leadership and those had left"" > On the other hand, the Croat newspaper Vjesnik wrote that "the public can hardly see any essential political difference between those who remained in the Serbian leadership and those who had left " because of the session.
 * Aftermath
 * "Pavlović retired from politics after the session and died in 1996" > "The session retired Pavlović permanently from politics." (it wasn't really his choice was it?)
 * ✅ Of course it was not his choice to retire.
 * "Stambolić was left politically isolated until December 1987, when he was removed from the position of the president of Serbia." > "Stambolić was left politically isolated, and on 14 December 1987, he lost his office as president of Serbia." [was he replaced by a Milošević supporter?]
 * ✅ Yes he was.
 * Legacy
 * "LeBor, who wrote a biography book about Milošević which The Guardian deemed the best biography book about Milošević in 2002, said that Yugoslavia's history could have taken a different route if Pavlović had not been dismissed." > "LeBor, who wrote a biography book about Milošević which The Guardian deemed the best biography book about Milošević in 2002, said that Yugoslavia's history could have taken a different route if Pavlović had not been dismissed. "He was the kind of thoughtful political leader who understood that, with the approaching end of Communism, Yugoslavia needed to move towards social democracy and political liberalisation", LeBor said about Pavlović." -> "LeBor, who wrote the book Milosevic: A Biography, said that Yugoslavia's history could have taken a different route if Pavlović had won the power struggle, stating, "He was the kind of thoughtful political leader who understood that, with the approaching end of Communism, Yugoslavia needed to move towards social democracy and political liberalisation".
 * "while Živana Olbina, a NIN magazine journalist who reported the events in September 1987, described the sessions as historical" > "while Živana Olbina, a NIN magazine journalist who reported on the events in September 1987, described the sessions as historical"
 * "Writer Jovica Trkulja categorised the 8th session as part of the chain of events that led to the rise of Milošević" > "Writer Jovica Trkulja categorised the 8th session as part of a chain of events that led to the rise of Milošević"
 * "Sejdinović said that historians and political scientists believe that if Pavlović and Stambolić won, the history of Yugoslavia could have been different; political scientist Ljubinka Trgovčević said that Yugoslavia "might have disintegrated, but there certainly would not have been any bloodshed". > "Sejdinović claims that the consensus amongst historians and political scientists is that if Pavlović and Stambolić had won the power struggle, the history of Yugoslavia would have been different. Political scientist Ljubinka Trgovčević similarly states that Yugoslavia “might have disintegrated, but there certainly would not have been any bloodshed.”"
 * "Other political scientists said that the 8th session could not have had a different outcome than the one it had.[" > [who are the others???: "Other political scientists, such as...., believe session could not have had a different outcome than the one it had.["
 * ❌ The article does not mention the names. I have changed the sentence a bit though.
 * "Milan Kučan, the first president of Slovenia, said that the fate of Yugoslavia could have been different if the 8th session did not occur." > "Milan Kučan, Slovenia's first president, said that Yugoslavia's fate could have been different if the 8th session had not occurred."
 * "Vllasi said that nationalism would have remained even if the Stambolić–Pavlović faction triumphed." > "Vllasi does not agree, and claims that nationalistic tensions would have remained no matter if Stambolić and Pavlović had triumphed."
 * "Historian Čedomir Antić said that it is "unappreciative" to forecast what the outcome of Yugoslavia would look like." ---> What does this sentence add?
 * ✅ Removed.
 * Since you've introduced two Jovics, I'd prefer you write "Dejan Jović " in the legacy section the first time he is mentioned.
 * "While talking about Stambolić, LeBor said that Stambolić made a mistake in believing that his long-lasting friendship with Milošević was enough to protect him." > "LeBor believes that Stambolić made a mistake believing that his long-lasting friendship with Milošević was enough to protect him."
 * "Borisav Jović has said that the result of the 8th session did not led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia" ---> "On the other hand, Borisav Jović believes the session had no impact on the dissolution of Yugoslavia."
 * "Vllasi said that nationalism would have remained even if the Stambolić–Pavlović faction triumphed." > "Vllasi does not agree, and claims that nationalistic tensions would have remained no matter if Stambolić and Pavlović had triumphed."
 * "Historian Čedomir Antić said that it is "unappreciative" to forecast what the outcome of Yugoslavia would look like." ---> What does this sentence add?
 * ✅ Removed.
 * Since you've introduced two Jovics, I'd prefer you write "Dejan Jović " in the legacy section the first time he is mentioned.
 * "While talking about Stambolić, LeBor said that Stambolić made a mistake in believing that his long-lasting friendship with Milošević was enough to protect him." > "LeBor believes that Stambolić made a mistake believing that his long-lasting friendship with Milošević was enough to protect him."
 * "Borisav Jović has said that the result of the 8th session did not led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia" ---> "On the other hand, Borisav Jović believes the session had no impact on the dissolution of Yugoslavia."
 * "While talking about Stambolić, LeBor said that Stambolić made a mistake in believing that his long-lasting friendship with Milošević was enough to protect him." > "LeBor believes that Stambolić made a mistake believing that his long-lasting friendship with Milošević was enough to protect him."
 * "Borisav Jović has said that the result of the 8th session did not led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia" ---> "On the other hand, Borisav Jović believes the session had no impact on the dissolution of Yugoslavia."
 * "Borisav Jović has said that the result of the 8th session did not led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia" ---> "On the other hand, Borisav Jović believes the session had no impact on the dissolution of Yugoslavia."

More comments will come. Overall a very good article. You don't need to follow all my comments, but if not, explain why. However, I do have some questions that I hope can help clarify the text. --TheUzbek (talk) 20:47, 16 October 2023 (UTC)
 * +—I must say—I don't why we use the term "liberal". None of these communists were liberal (or at least at the time - none of them called for the dissolution of the Yugoslav socialist system)... They were reformists perhaps. That seems to be the least controversial and most correct term to describe the so-called liberals. I mean, in the 1970s Tito purged the party of liberals.. I doubt those remaining referred to themselves as such... Use of liberal terms to describe non-Liberal politicians seem strange, especially when "Liberal" in this sense means "non-authoritarian or "non-bad". --TheUzbek (talk) 20:53, 16 October 2023 (UTC)
 * I agree, I've removed the word liberal and replaced it with reformists. Vacant0 (talk) 10:15, 20 October 2023 (UTC)


 * Finished reviewing.


 * Conclusion: generally a good article, but I've suggested some rewording. Alas, I also feel it is a bit biased against Milošević. That is understandable since—I believe—he was an asshole, but we should let the facts speak for themselves.
 * I've written about the usage of the term liberal, but is the term populist correct? Did communists call each other communists? Or was he called a nationalist? Wouldn't a "nationalist faction" be both a better and neutral description? What does "populist" mean in a one-party state? Of course, if it was normal usage let it say, but I feel like we're using a word often used in the 21st century to a context it was seldom used.


 * To find relevant offices for some of the figures you've mentioned, see https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=nnc1.cu14294982&view=1up&seq=102 --TheUzbek (talk) 07:47, 17 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Thank you for the review. I'll take a look at the comments later this day. Vacant0 (talk) 08:24, 17 October 2023 (UTC)
 * I recommend you read this article and include certain segments of it into this article: https://annas-archive.org/scidb/10.1080/0090599042000186160?scidb_verified=1
 * it makes clear that Stambolic and Milosevic pursued the same strategies when leading the SKS. TheUzbek (talk) 09:46, 17 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Thank you. I plan on nominating this article for FA status in the future so more recommendations are welcome. I am in the process of obtaining a book about the 8th Session so that I could potentially expand the article, but I'll take a look at that paper too. Vacant0 (talk) 10:17, 20 October 2023 (UTC)

All issues have been addressed. --Vacant0 (talk) 10:27, 20 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Great job! A few more comments:

After these changes (or comments on my suggestions), I will approve this GA. --TheUzbek (talk) 09:06, 22 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Political scientists have described the 8th session as a coup d'état orchestrated by Milošević. [you clearly state that some refer to it as a coup, and others not.. I have also read that no rules were broken]... What about "The removal of Stambolić and his allies was done in accordance with procedure. Despite this, some scholars, such as ?, refer to Stambolić's removal as an internal coup."
 * "president of the presidency of SKS" and "presidency of SKS"... YOu will pass whatever you do, but to answer the comment you made above... "President of the SKS Presidency" is shorter than "president of the Presidency of the SKS". The shorter the sentence, the better for the readers!
 * ✅ I agree. Also did this for Belgrade.
 * You wrote "Some of this is unsourced so I'd rather keep it as it is." regarding my comments which said that the 1st Session of the Central Committee of the SKS 10th Congress elected the presidency. The LCY statute article 64 says the following: "The congress establishes the Central Committee as the highest organ of the League of Communists of the republic between congresses, [...] The central committee of the League of Communists of the republics elects, from among its members, the presidency of the central committee of the League of Communists of the republic, as its political-executive organ."
 * "Borisav Jović, a senior SKS member and future president of the Assembly of SR Serbia" [As you see by reading this source, Borisav Jović was not only "a senior SKS member" but a member of the SKS Presidency... > "Borisav Jović, a member of the SKS Presidency and future president of the Assembly of SR Serbia,"
 * "Petar Stambolić, Nikola Ljubičić, Dobrivoj Vidić, and Dušan Čkrebić" ---> "Ivan Stambolić, his uncle Petar Stambolić (a member of the member of the Central Committee of the 12th SKS Central Committee and the state presidency), state presidency and SKJ Central Committee member Nikola Ljubičić, Serbian state presidency and SKJ Presidency member Dobrivoj Vidić, and outgoing president of the SKS Presidency Dušan Čkrebić then agreed to begin preparing Milošević's candidacy for the president of the SKS Presidency." ... All information sourced from page 186 of Nebojsa Vladisavljevic's article "Institutional power and the rise of Milošević" ............. Why is it important? Especially for someone who doesn't have a clue about Yugoslav politics, it is important to showcase what institutional position of authority these individuals had.
 * State that Dragoslav Marković served as President of the Presidency of the SKJ Central Committee in 1983 to 1984, that's why it was significant that he opposed Stambolic and Milosevic.
 * "Petar Stambolić, Nikola Ljubičić, Dobrivoj Vidić, and Dušan Čkrebić" ---> "Ivan Stambolić, his uncle Petar Stambolić (a member of the member of the Central Committee of the 12th SKS Central Committee and the state presidency), state presidency and SKJ Central Committee member Nikola Ljubičić, Serbian state presidency and SKJ Presidency member Dobrivoj Vidić, and outgoing president of the SKS Presidency Dušan Čkrebić then agreed to begin preparing Milošević's candidacy for the president of the SKS Presidency." ... All information sourced from page 186 of Nebojsa Vladisavljevic's article "Institutional power and the rise of Milošević" ............. Why is it important? Especially for someone who doesn't have a clue about Yugoslav politics, it is important to showcase what institutional position of authority these individuals had.
 * State that Dragoslav Marković served as President of the Presidency of the SKJ Central Committee in 1983 to 1984, that's why it was significant that he opposed Stambolic and Milosevic.
 * State that Dragoslav Marković served as President of the Presidency of the SKJ Central Committee in 1983 to 1984, that's why it was significant that he opposed Stambolic and Milosevic.
 * State that Dragoslav Marković served as President of the Presidency of the SKJ Central Committee in 1983 to 1984, that's why it was significant that he opposed Stambolic and Milosevic.
 * Support/pass Great job! --TheUzbek (talk) 14:37, 22 October 2023 (UTC)