Talk:Spanish Civil War/Archive 12

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The Spanish Civil War was a social conflict, political and military , which later would also impact on economic conflict - that erupted in Spain after the partial failure of the coup on 17 and 18 July 1936 carried out by a party army against the government of the Second Spanish Republic. After the blockade of the Straits and subsequent airlift that, thanks to the rapid cooperation of Germany and Italy, the rebel troops moved to the mainland in the last weeks of July, began a civil war ending on 1 April of 1939 with the last part of war signed by Francisco Franco , declaring victory and establishing a dictatorship that lasted until his death in 1975.

The war had multifaceted included as class struggle, religious war , clash of nationalisms opposites struggle between dictatorship and republican democracy , between revolution and counterrevolution , between fascism and communism.

A party to the conflict is often called the Republican side and Nationalist side :

The Republican side was composed around the government of Spain democratically elected, formed by the Popular Front, which in turn consisted of a coalition of parties Republicans - Left Republican and Republican Union - with the Spanish Socialist Workers Party , which is had joined the Marxist-Leninists of the Communist Party of Spain and the POUM , the Unionist Party of anarchist origin and in Catalonia the nationalist left led by Republican Left of Catalonia. It was supported by the labor movement and unions UGT and CNT, although they were performing pursuing social revolution. It had also opted for the Republican side the Basque Nationalist Party, when the Republican Cortes were about to approve the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country.

The rebellious side, who called himself the national side , was organized around part of the military high command, initially instituted at the National Defense Council replaced by the appointment of Generalissimo Francisco Franco as Head of Government and State. Politically, it consisted of the fascist Falange Spanish, the Chartists , alfonsinos monarchists of Spanish Renovation and much of the voters of the CEDA , the Regionalist League and other conservative groups. Socially was supported by those classes to which the electoral victory of the Popular Front made ​​them feel that endangered their position; by the Catholic Church, hounded by the religious persecution unleashed by left nothing outbreak of the conflict; by little fearful of "owners revolution of the proletariat "and also by many people of lower class of strong religious convictions.

Both sides committed and mutually accused of committing serious crimes in the front and the rears, as bags of prisoners, walks , disappearances or extrajudicial courts. The Franco dictatorship investigated and severely condemned the crimes committed in the Republican zone, even to instruct one General Cause, all with limited process. For its part, the crimes of the victors were never investigated or prosecuted, although some historians and jurists argue that there was a genocide in which, in addition to subvert the institutional order, he would have tried to exterminate the political opposition.

The consequences of the Civil War largely marked the later history of Spain, so exceptionally dramatic and lasting means both demographic (increased mortality and declining birth that marked the population pyramid for generations) as material ( destruction of cities, economic structure, the artistic heritage), intellectual (so-called Silver Age of Spanish literature and science ) and political (the repression in the rear of both -mantenida areas by the victors with varying intensity throughout the Franco - and the Republican exile ), which were perpetuated beyond the protracted war, including the geopolitical uniqueness of maintaining the Franco regime until 1975.

Index

1 Background 1.1 The Popular Front government (February-July 1936) 1.2 Political violence 2 trigger: the coup of July 1936 2.1 The military conspiracy 2.2 The blow from 17 to 20 July 3 Military operations 3.1 The two armies 3.2 from July to October 1936: advance on Madrid and campaign Guipúzcoa 3.3 November 1936-March 1937: The Battle of Madrid and Málaga making 3.4 from March to November 1937: North campaign and the battles of Brunete and Belchite 3.5 December 1937-November 1938: Battle of Teruel to the Battle of the Ebro 3.6 December 1938-April 1939 offensive on Catalonia and defeat of the Republic 4 naval war 5 The air war and bombing Stocks 6 Changes in the rebel zone 6.1 The Board of National Defense 6.2 General Franco, "Generalissimo" and "Caudillo" 6.3 Unification Decree April 1937 6.4 The birth of the "New State" 7 Evolution of the Republican zone 7.1 The government's reaction to the military uprising 7.2 The social revolution of 1936 and the government of José Giral (July-September 1936) 7.3 The government of Largo Caballero (September 1936-May 1937) 7.4 The government of Juan Negrin (May 1937-March 1939) 7.5 Casado coup and the collapse of the Republic (March 1939) 8 The international dimension of the conflict and foreign intervention 8.1 The policy of "hands off" Britain and France 8.2 Foreign intervention in favor of the rebels 8.3 Foreign intervention in favor of the Republic 8.4 The financing of the war and the "Moscow Gold" 9 Church and the Spanish Civil War 9.1 The Catholic Church in the rebel zone 9.2 The Catholic Church in the Republican zone 10 repression in the rearguard 10.1 Investigation of Crimes 11 Consequences 11.1 Economic 11.2 Victims of the Civil War 11.3 The Francoist repression after the war and the Republican exile 11.4 International Relations 11.5 "Devastated Regions»   12 Remembrance   13 The civil war in art       13.1 Film       13.2 Novel       13.3 tale and story       13.4 Children's Literature       13.5 Theatre       13.6 Poetry       13.7 Music       13.8 satirical Magazines       13.9 Cartoon       13.10 Painting and sculpture       13.11 Graphic Arts, poster and magazines       13.12 Photography       13.13 Video Games    14 See also   15 Notes   16 References   17 Bibliography   18 External links

Background Cover of the 1931 Constitution. Main article: Second Spanish Republic

In January 1930 General Miguel Primo de Rivera recognizes the failure of the dictatorship that was established in September 1923 with the support of the king and resigned. Alfonso XIII then appointed Prime Minister General Damaso Berenguer but he fails to return the monarchy "constitutional normality" (this period was known as "soft dictatorship" ) and is replaced in February 1931 by Admiral Juan Bautista Aznar, who summons municipal elections on Sunday April 12th. The elections are won in cities by the republican-socialist candidates emerged from the Pact of San Sebastián August 1930 and Tuesday, April 14 King Alfonso XIII, being unsure of the Civil Guard and the Army to use force to stop the massive demonstrations prorrepublicanas flood the main cities, leaving the country. In Madrid the Republican-Socialist "revolutionary committee" proclaims the Republic and assumes the provisional government headed by Niceto Alcalá-Zamora.

During the first two years of the Second Spanish Republic approves the new republican constitution and government of leftist coalition of Republicans and Socialists led by Manuel Azaña, formed on 15 December of 1931 after rejecting the Radical Republican Party its participation in it for disagreeing with the continued rule of the Socialists, deepening the reforms initiated by the Provisional Government which aims to modernize the Spanish economic, social, political and cultural. The new government was formed after the election of Niceto Alcalá Zamora as President of the Republic, who confirmed to Manuel Azaña as prime minister. But the wide ranging reforms undertaken by the "social-Azana" government encountered great resistance between social and corporate groups that attempted to "dismount" of their acquired positions: landowners, big business, financial and patrons, the Church Catholic, the religious orders , Catholic opinion, the opinion monarchy, the militarism "Africanist". The latter organized a failed coup in August 1932 led by General Sanjurjo. But there was a resistance to Republican reformism of opposite sign: the uncompromising revolutionary spirit, who led organizations anarchists (the CNT and the FAI ). For them the Republic represented the "bourgeois order" (without too many differences with previous political regimes, dictatorship and monarchy ) to be destroyed to achieve " libertarian communism ". So there were a series of anarchist uprisings (in January and December 1933 ) harshly repressed.

The coalition led by Azaña melts and elections for November 1933 are held (where they voted for the first time women) that are won by the Catholic right of the CEDA, and the center-right Republican Radical Republican Party of Alejandro Lerroux. This form government in order to "rectify" the reforms of the first biennium, not destroy, to incorporate the Republic to the right "accidentalist" (not openly proclaimed monarchist, although his sympathies were with the monarchy, nor Republican) represented by the CEDA and Agrarian Party, which give it its parliamentary support. When the CEDA enters the government in October 1934 triggered the October Revolution, a failed socialist uprising that only consolidated in Asturias for a couple weeks (the only place where also participated CNT) but eventually also was quelled by the intervention of the army, which brought the Spanish protectorate in Morocco to colonial troops regular and legionaries and, upon completion, a strong repression occurs. The same happened with the proclamation by the President of the Generalitat of Catalonia Lluís Companys of "Catalan State" within the "Federal Republic Spanish".

The October Revolution of 1934 led to an increase in the radical-CEDA government fears that in the next attempt "Bolshevik revolution" had just triumphed. This increased the pressure on the Radical Party, to pursue a more strongly counter legislator or policy. And ultimately the events of October 1934 CEDA convinced that it was necessary to reach the presidency of the government to give the "authoritarian turn" the regime, according to them, needed. The leader of the CEDA José María Gil Robles found his opportunity when they broke the scandal of the black market and the matter Nombela that sank Lerroux and the Radical Republican Party, which would not recover. But the President Alcalá Zamora refused to give power to a "accidentalist" force that had not proclaimed his loyalty to the Republic and ordered the formation of government to a independent of its confidence. Manuel Portela Valladares on Dec. 15 Republican cabinet formed a center-right and Alcala Zamora called for elections on February 16, 1936.

The result of the elections of February 1936 was a very balanced distribution of votes with a slight edge of the left (47.1%) on the right (45.6%), while the center was limited to 5.3%, but as the electoral system prevailed winners this translated into a comfortable majority for the Popular Front coalition. The Popular Front government (February-July 1936)

On Wednesday February 19, Manuel Azaña, the leader of the Popular Front, formed government as agreed with the Socialists was only composed of Republicans ministers left (nine Republican Left and three Republican Union ). One of his first decisions was away from the centers of power to the anti-republican generals: General Goded was assigned to the military command of the Balearic Islands; General Franco to the Canary Islands; General Mola's military government Pamplona. Other general meanings, as Orgaz, Villegas, Fanjul and were in a position Saliquet available.

The most urgent measure had to take the new government was the amnesty of those convicted of the events of October 1934, "legalizing" the assault and several prisons by the crowd but also fulfilling the main point of the electoral program of the Popular Front. Another urgent action was replaced in their posts mayors and councilors elected in 1931 and replaced during the biennium conservative. And the February 28 the government decreed not only the reinstatement of all workers fired for political and trade union activities related to the events of 1934, but pressure from the unions, ordering the company to pay compensation to these workers for wages not paid. He was also restored the government of the Generalitat of Catalonia whose members had out of prison also benefit from the amnesty.

The "agrarian question" was another problem that the new government had to be addressed urgently because of the intense peasant mobilization that was occurring with strong support from local authorities responses and threatened to cause serious conflicts in the countryside, especially in Extremadura.  Thus the April 19 Agriculture Minister, Mariano Ruiz Funes, presented several bills, including one which repealed Reform Act of Agrarian Reform August 1935, which became law on June 11, so again be in full force the Agrarian Reform Law of 1932. Thanks to several decrees and this law between March and July 1936 about 115 000 farmers settled, rather than the three previous years. However, continued high levels of conflict in the country, due mainly to the attitude of the owners and radicalization of FOs and he argued all with violent incidents. The most serious case occurred in Yeste ( Albacete ), where in late May 1936 "the detention of peasants who wanted to cut down trees in a private farm led to a bloody confrontation between the Civil Guard and laborers, where they died a guard and 17 peasants, many of them killed in cold blood by the agents. "

The activity of Parliament was paralyzed almost the whole month of April due to the impeachment of President Niceto Alcalá-Zamora, initiated and approved by the left, and its replacement by Manuel Azaña, who was inducted into his new role 10 May 1936 and was replaced in office by his fellow party ( Izquierda Republicana ), Santiago Casares Quiroga. Santiago Casares Quiroga in 1931.

The new government of Casares Quiroga continued reformist politics that had begun the Azaña government which mainly consisted of re-enforcing the decrees had been repealed or amended during the radical-CEDA biennium and to which were added a few others.

One of the problems that faced the government was the wave of strikes that occurred declared and held many times by joint committees CNT / UGT, which in many spoke of revolution, but not UGT and CNT prepared any insurrectionary movement after the failures of 1932, 1933 and 1934, and the only possibility that one would should occur in response to an attempted military coup.

Another problem the government of Casares Quiroga was the internal division of the PSOE, the most important of the Popular Front party, which pitted "prietista" and "largocaballerista" sectors as Francisco Largo Caballero, who dominated UGT and PSOE parliamentary group, continued to oppose the entry into the government of socialists and defending understanding between "labor organizations" to await the time when the failure of the "bourgeois republicans" facilitate the conquest of power by the working class. Another problem was that in the CEDA sector led by José María Gil Robles was decanted increasingly boycott republican institutions and supporting the route advocated by the monarchist right of the National Bloc of José Calvo Sotelo who openly advocated the violent rupture of constitutional order through a military coup in the preparation and were working (meanwhile the Carlist monarchist accelerated training their militias requetés overlooking the military uprising with whose leaders had contacts). Political violence

Popular Front governments also had to cope with an increase in political violence caused by the fascist party Spanish Falange, which in early 1936 was a marginal political force but after the triumph of the Popular Front received a flood of young affiliations right-disposed to violent action, and the response he got left organizations. The first major attack that the Phalangists committed was perpetrated on March 12, 1936 against the socialist deputy and "father" of the 1931 Constitution Asúa Luis Jimenez, in which he was unhurt but his bodyguard, police Gisbert Jesus died. The government's response was to ban the party Azaña and stop March 14 to its leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera, but go underground not prevent him from perpetrating attacks and participating in brawls with young socialists and communists.

The most significant incident occurred on 14 and 15 April. On the 14th a military parade took place in the Paseo de la Castellana in Madrid to commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Republic and by the main grandstand exploded a device and then produced several shots that killed Anastasio de los Reyes, an ensign of the Civil Guard who was there in civilian and wounded several bystanders. Rightists and leftists blamed each other for the attack. The next day the funeral of the lieutenant who became an anti-Republican rally attended by MPs held José María Gil Robles, leader of the CEDA, and José Calvo Sotelo , leader of the anti-Republican and anti-democratic monarchist right, besides officers army and armed Phalangists. From various places shooting occurred against the entourage that were answered, producing a six dead and three wounded. One of the dead was a student Angel Sáenz de Heredia, Falangist and cousin of Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera. also wounded a young traditionalist ( Carlist ), José Llaguno Acha, and a crowd tried to lynch the Lieutenant José del Castillo Saenz de Tejada who was accused of shooting him.

Between April and July attacks and brawls featuring over fifty falangistas caused casualties among organizations working left, most of them in Madrid. About forty members of Falange died in such acts or attacks in retaliation leftist organizations. were also victims of violence religious buildings (one hundred churches and convents were attacked and burned) but between the victims of political violence from February to July there was no clergy.

The increase in political violence and the growth of paramilitary youth organizations both between the right (Phalangist militias Carlist requetés) and between the left (socialist youth militias, communists and anarchists), and between the Basque and Catalan nationalists (militias of Republican Left of Catalonia and militia PNV), although they were not armed and most main activity was paraded, caused the perception among some of the public, especially the conservative, the government of the Popular Front headed by Santiago Casares Quiroga no I was able to maintain public order, which served as justification for the "coup" military who was preparing. In this view also contributed the Catholic press and extreme right inciting rebellion against the "disorder "attributing the" tyrannical government of the Popular Front, "" enemy of God and of the Church ", taking advantage of the confrontation between clericalism and anti-clericalism returned to the forefront after elections in February with continuing disputes over symbolic issues such as the ringing of bells or the manifestations of worship outside churches as Catholic processions and funerals. Also in parliament deputies of the right, singularly Calvo Sotelo and Gil Robles, accused the government of having lost control of public order.

In the afternoon of Sunday July 12 was killed in a central street in Madrid by gunmen extreme right probably the Traditionalist Communion (or Spanish Falange ) Lieutenant Guard Assault, José del Castillo Saenz de Tejada, a military instructor of socialist militia. The Lieutenant Castillo was well known for his activism left and was credited with the phrase "I do not throw it on the people" after refusing to participate in the suppression of the revolution of Asturias, act of rebellion that would cost a year in jail.

In retaliation, police Lt. Castillo colleagues, led by a captain of the Civil Guard, Fernando Condés, kidnapped in their own homes and killed at dawn the day after José Calvo Sotelo , leader of monarchical "Alfonsists" (which had nothing to do with the murder of Lieutenant Castillo), and left the body in the morgue Almudena Cemetery. At the funeral of the monarchist leader Calvo Sotelo Antonio Goicoechea solemnly swore "to consecrate our lives to this threefold task: to imitate your example, avenge your death and save Spain". Meanwhile the leader of the CEDA, José María Gil Robles in Parliament told the deputies left the "blood of Mr. Calvo Sotelo is upon you" and accused the government of having "moral responsibility" of crime "sponsoring violence."

According to the most comprehensive study ever done on the fatalities as a result of political violence between February and July 1936, before the beginning of the coup, there were a total of 189 incidents and 262 deaths, of which 112 caused by the intervention of law enforcement. Of the 262 victims, 148 militants would be left, 50 right, 19 of law enforcement and 45 unidentified. Moreover, this study shows that the number of fatalities caused by political violence was decreasing in those five months.

The political violence of the government in peace months of the Popular Front, from February to July 1936, was used later by the victors of the civil war as justification for their uprising. Today the debate remains open, although most historians believe that at all can speak of a "spring tragic" in which the Popular Front government had lost control of the situation. And the conclusion of the Most of them are clear: "The real political destabilization in the spring of 1936 does not explain in any way the military uprising [July 1936] and even less justified." "Politics and the Spanish society showed unmistakable signs crisis, which does not necessarily mean that the only solution was a civil war. "

During the first months of 1936 there was a polarization of Spanish politics, in which ends the revolutionary left and right stood fascist, and amid a moderate Republican right and left with an anticlerical center and a right strong Catholic component and monarchy (which represented many military, landowners and the hierarchy Catholic were jeopardized its privileged position and its concept of the unity of Spain). A division that could be traced back to the nineteenth century when the difficult process of change that took place started in 1808 to end the absolutism that ballasted the country, maintaining strong economic differences between privileged and unprivileged, and that conservatism nineteenth century only managed to overcome part. The result was a rural population divided between anarchists laborers and smallholders clinging to (and dominated by) the caciques and the Church; a conformist bureaucrats and a working class with very low wages and, therefore, with trends revolutionary own the new century, they also among the poorer classes were very sharp division. Also came from the nineteenth century the tradition that the problems are not tidied than with pronouncements. No wonder, then, that in a Spain marked by the recent dictatorship of Primo de Rivera and failed attempts, like those of José Sanjurjo, having returned to saber rattling and feared a plan to overthrow the new government established. The events give reason pessimists. The trigger: the coup of July 1936 Main article: Coup in Spain July 1936 See also: Military Territorial Organization in 1936 Spain and Spanish Civil War in Castilla y León. The military conspiracy

Nothing more known the Popular Front victory in the elections, there was a first attempt to "coup" by the right to try to stop the transfer of power to the victors. Gil Robles himself was the first who tried unsuccessfully that the Acting Prime Minister Manuel Portela Valladares declare a "state of war" and annul the elections. He was followed by General Franco, even Chief of Staff of the Army, who stepped forward to take the necessary orders to the military commanders to declare the state of war (which according to the Public Order Act 1933 meant that power passed military) authorities, but was overruled by the mayor still Portela and Minister of War General Nicolas Molero.

On March 8, 1936 took place in Madrid, home of a friend of Gil Robles, a meeting of several general ( Emilio Mola, Luis Orgaz Yoldi , Villegas, Fanjul brothers , Francisco Franco , Angel Rodriguez del Barrio , Miguel García de la Herran , Manuel González Carrasco , Andrés Saliquet and Miguel Ponte , along with Colonel José Enrique Varela and Lieutenant Colonel Valentin Galarza , a man of the UME ), which agreed to organize a "coup attempt" to topple the government of the Popular Front newly formed and "restore order in the interior and the international prestige of Spain". It was also agreed that the government would play a military junta led by General Sanjurjo, who at that time was in exile in Portugal.

Since late April, was General Mola who took the direction of the coup plot (thus moving the center of the conspiracy from Madrid to Pamplona), adopting the codename of "The Director". This continued with the project of creating a military junta headed by General Sanjurjo, and began to write and disseminate a series of circular or "reserved Instructions" which took shape in the complex plot that would carry out the coup. The first of five "secret instructions" dictated the May 25 and she already appeared the idea that the blow would have to be accompanied by violent repression.

Mola got hit engage in numerous fittings, thanks to the clandestine plot of the UME but had doubts about the success of the coup in the central place, Madrid, and also Catalonia, Andalusia and Valencia. Thus, problem of the soldiers involved was that, unlike the coup of 1923, now did not have the whole army (or the Civil Guard and other security forces) to back it up. A second difference from 1923 was that the attitude of the worker and peasant organizations would not be passive before the military coup but as they had announced would trigger a revolution. For these reasons it was delayed again and again the date of the military coup, and therefore also the General Mola, "the Director", sought the support of the militias of the antirepublicanos parties ( requetés and Phalangists ) and financial support of the parties of the right. The government of Casares Quiroga came from various sources news of what was afoot but not acted forcefully against the conspirators. Maps depicting the plans outlined by Mola to give the coup to tear down the Second Republic.

In early July 1936 the preparation of the military coup was almost finished, though General Mola recognized that "enthusiasm for the cause has not yet reached the degree of exaltation necessary" and accused the Carlist to continue making it difficult to continue asking " unacceptable concessions ". The plan of General Emilio Mola was a coordinated lifting of all involved garrisons, which implanted a state of war in their areas, starting with the Army of Africa, between 5 and July 12 maneuvers performed in the Llano Amarillo where were completed to outline the details of the uprising in the Protectorate of Morocco. As expected in Madrid was hard to hit triumph alone (the uprising in the capital would be under General Fanjul), was scheduled from the north a column led by Mola himself directed towards Madrid to support the uprising Lining of the capital. And if all that failed was also planned that General Franco after sublevar the Canary Islands would be directed from there to the Protectorate of Morocco on board the aircraft Dragon Rapide, chartered in London on July 6 by the correspondent of ABC Luis Bolin thanks to money provided by the financial Juan March , to take charge of the colonial troops cross the Strait of Gibraltar and advance on Madrid. Once deposed the government of the Republic, a military dictatorship would be established modeled after the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, the head of which the exiled General Sanjurjo would stand. "The rebels carried out their action claiming that rose revolution against an absolutely nonexistent at the time acting, invent false documents composed by Tomás Borrás and spoke of a Soviet government was prepared, and indeed it was the defense representing the positions of the old ruling classes, fighting, more or less deep, social reforms the Popular Front put back on track ".

The murder of José Calvo Sotelo on the morning of July 13 accelerated commitment to the uprising of the Chartists and the CEDA, and finally convinced the military that had doubts, including, as Paul Preston, General Franco. Moreover, Mola decided to take the commotion caused in the country the double crime, and day 14 he announced the date of the uprising that was scheduled for 18 and 19 July 1936. The blow from 17 to 20 July

The July 17 morning in Melilla, the two colonels and other officers who were aware of the military uprising gather in the cartographic department and draw plans to occupy 18 public buildings, plans to communicate Falangist leaders. One of the local leaders of the Falange informs the local leader of Republican Union, getting this information to the General Romerales, Military Commander of Melilla, which in turn informs Casares Quiroga. Romerales afternoon sent a patrol of soldiers and guards assault to register the cartographic department. The colonel commanding the same delayed registration and call the Legion headquarters, where he sent a group of Legionnaires. Given these, the patrol surrenders and the insurrectionists come to arrest Romerales (which was shot along with the delegate of the government and the mayor of Melilla who had resisted the rebellion), proclaim a state of war and early start lifting, informing their peers across Morocco that had been discovered. This led to adelantase in Morocco as scheduled. In the next three days the coup spread fittings Peninsula and Balearic and Canary Islands. Situation on July 23, 1936 after the partial failure of the coup. In blue areas controlled by the rebels.

The military rebels failed to achieve its main objective to seize the nerve center of power, Madrid, or the big cities like Barcelona , Valencia , Bilbao , Malaga and Murcia (although controlled Sevilla , Zaragoza and Córdoba ), but dominated near half of the Spanish territory, since virtually controlled the northern third of the peninsula ( Galicia , León , Castilla la Vieja , Álava , Navarra , much of the province of Cáceres , including the capital, and the western half of Aragón , including the three capitals provincial), unless the Cantabrian fringe formed by Asturias , Santander , Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa , which was isolated from the rest of the Republican zone and Catalonia. Also dominated the Andalusian cities of Seville (where General Gonzalo Queipo blocks unusual determination command of the 2nd Division Organic), Cordoba and Cadiz connected by a narrow strip (as well as the city of Granada, but isolated from the rest), plus all the Protectorate of Morocco and the two archipelagos, Canarias (minus the island of La Palma ) and Baleares (except Menorca ). Outside this area controlled certain places and isolated points of resistance within the Republican zone as the city of Oviedo (which withstood a siege by the Republicans for 90 days, until the entry of Franco's troops on October 17 ), the Simancas headquarters in Gijón, the Alcázar of Toledo or the Sanctuary of the Virgen de la Cabeza in Andújar. This Spain controlled by the rebels was generally "inside Spain, rural, social forms more retardant, large and medium landowners, and extensive agriculture also "proletariat.

In places where the uprising triumphed start the offensive of the rebel troops, to do what the "national" propaganda called the " Reconquista "to take the cities in the hands of the Republic or free places in the hands of the rebels besieged by government troops, as in the case of site Oviedo and Toledo Alcázar.

In the rebel zone death in plane crash which would be the leader of the rebellion, the General Sanjurjo, caused the rebel generals decided to create the Thursday 23 July, a National Defense Council , which would be made ​​the following day in Burgos and that would comprise the general Miguel Cabanellas , who was appointed Chairman of the Board for being the oldest generally between the rebels, Andrés Saliquet , Miguel Ponte , Emilio Mola and Fidel Dávila , besides the Colonel Montaner and Colonel Moreno Calderón. In the Decree 1 published the Board stated that it assumed "all powers of the state" and would represent the country to foreign powers, but in the following weeks no country recognized and still considered as the legitimate government of Spain to the Madrid chaired by Republican left José Giral. On July 27, 1936 Spain became the first squadron of Italian airplanes sent by Benito Mussolini.

The Republican forces, meanwhile, get quell the uprising in more than half of Spain, including all industrialized areas, thanks in part to the involvement of militias armed newly socialists, communists and anarchists , as well as loyalty most of the Assault Guard and in the case of Barcelona, ​​the Civil Guard. The military governor of Cartagena, Toribio Martinez Cabrera, was a supporter of the Popular Front and the crew was also contrary to the military coup, which joined the commotions of 19 and 20 were foiled coup movement in the naval base of Cartagena and the rest of the province of Murcia.

Faithful area roughly the Republic occupies the eastern half of the peninsula: the eastern eastern part of Aragón (minus the three capitals), Catalonia, Valencia , Murcia , eastern Andalusia (less the city of Granada ), Madrid , New Castile and La Mancha. In the West controlled the provinces of Badajoz and Huelva. This area was isolated from the Cantabrian fringe formed by Asturias (Oviedo and Gijón least), Santander, Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa. The fair territory was greater in extent to rebel and was, in general, areas of Spain "socially more advanced, with important industrialized and urban population centers of modern unionism organized".

Thus, the result of the uprising was uncertain because it succeeded in some places and failed in others, so that Spain was divided into two zones: one controlled by the military who had risen against the Republic (the rebel zone ) and another He remained loyal to the government (the Republican zone ). Approximately one third of Spanish territory had passed rebel hands, so neither side had absolute supremacy over the other. The attempted overthrow of a blow to the Republic had failed miserably. Both sides prepared for the inevitable: a confrontation that would bleed Spain for three long years. The Spanish Civil War had just begun. Military operations General map of the development of the war. Legend Initial National Area - July 1936 National Advance to September 1936 National Advance to October 1937 National Advance to November 1938 National Advance to February 1939 Last area under Republican control Solid blue.png Major centers of national Red-square.gif Top Republicans centers Panzer aus Zusatzzeichen 1049-12.svg Land battles Vattenfall.svg Naval battles Icon vojn new.png Bombed cities City locator 4.svg Concentration camps Gatunek trujący.svg Massacres Red dot.svg Refugee camps See also: Timeline of the Spanish Civil War The two armies

Although this is a very controversial issue, most historians estimate that 70% of the 15,000 chiefs and officers active in 1936 fought on the Nationalist side (about 1,500 were shot or imprisoned for being disaffected winning side in each place ), while, conversely, the most general not revolted 100. Of the 210,000 enlisted men and noncommissioned theoretically formed the regular army in 1936, about 120,000 remained in the rebel zone, but more decisive was that among them were 47,000 who formed the Army of Africa that were the best troops of the army Spanish. The Civil Guard, meanwhile, was sharply divided between loyalists and rebels to the Republic.

Thus, the rebellious side did not have to build your army but told from the outset with the military (and law enforcement) rebel units during the coup and organized and led by their leaders, chief among them the army of Protectorate of Morocco, called the Army of Africa , consisting of the Foreign Legion and the Regulars (blackberries native troops commanded by Spanish officers) who was the most experienced military force around the Spanish army. On the other hand the militias Carlist ( requetés ) and militias Phalangists who supported the rebels were integrated into the army that were considered allies and not enemies (unlike what happened in the Republican side where the workers' militias, especially the CNT militias anarchists always distrusted the military institution, with the exception of militias Communists ).

In the camp revolted army quickly gained control unit and completely dominated the civil life of the rebel zone, they called home area. The death in a plane crash in the early days of the coup General Sanjurjo, which was the military elected by his peers to lead the uprising, had the command of the rebel zone stay then distributed among the general Emilio Mola and Francisco Franco , but only two months later, on October 1 , General Franco took sole command military and political (General Mola died in another plane crash the following year, 3 June of 1937 ).

"The phenomenon of military centralization of the war effort in the rebel zone did not allow anything that asemejase to political disunity, bitterness between political groups and the lack of confidence in the commanders and heads of the campaign, everything which manifested especially in the Republican rearguard north in Aragon and Catalonia, where the war is really lost. (...) As the Republic was losing the war, increased hunger and deprivation in the rear , creating a hellish situation with refugees, shelling, shortages and cold ".

As for foreign aid, the rebellious side received all kinds of weapons and aircraft almost from day one by the Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy which will soon complete military units (the added Legion German and CTV Italian ) in a continuous flow that never stopped throughout the war.

Meanwhile the Republican side were without virtually any military unit complete organized and disciplined with all its commanders and NCOs and during the first months of military force to oppose the rebel army, following the decision of the government of José Giral for licensing troops to prevent the uprising from spreading, consisted of columns improvised and composed of loose units militias of labor organizations, when they were commanded by career officers they often aroused suspicions of treachery among combatants. It was after the formation of the government of Largo Caballero on September 5, 1936 when the process of building an army began with the militarization of the militias and their integration into the mixed brigades, first step in the creation of the Army People who only achieved after overcoming the crisis of the " events of May 1937 "and then the formation of the government of Juan Negrin. But Republican Army always had a structural difficult problem: the lack of professional managers (as calculated by Michael Alpert, only 14% of the soldiers who were on the Military Yearbook 1936 still served in 1938 in the Army Republic). One problem was particularly acute in the case of the Navy. Something that recognized the Republican General Vicente Rojo wrote:

We have created an army under the name of such, with all the nomenclature and control system of a regular army ... but we've just uploaded the first steps to reach the summit

Also on the Republican side control unit only achieved (and was never complete) in mid-1937 when the People's Army was completely structured and, on the other hand, only thereafter military requirements were imposed on the civil life (marked by the Social Revolution of 1936 ). And, unlike the Nationalist side, it was the government that made ​​the decisions but almost always as recommended by the Chief of Staff, Colonel, then General Vicente Rojo, and other loyal military.

As for foreign aid the Republic, on the grounds that France and Britain came to his aid and also boosted the covenant that gave birth to the Non-Intervention Committee (the ban on supplying weapons to any of the warring parties was not fulfilled nor Germany nor Italy, despite having signed the agreement) the Republic had to acquire military equipment where he could, often resorting to arms dealers sometimes they sold outdated materials or in very poor condition at astronomical prices. This made ​​him dependent on supplies that provided the Soviet Union after Stalin overcome doubts about helping the Spanish Republicans, whose material war (automatic weapons, tanks and aircraft) accompanied by Soviet military advisers and instructors, along with the International Brigades recruited by the Communist International, or Comintern , did not start arriving until October 1936 and then successive deliveries were interrupted several times according to European international situation (which determined, for example, the French government opened or closed the border) and the growing naval blockade Republican revolt in ports. Coins minted by the warring parties. 25 cents 1937 incited to rebellion side. 25 cents 1937 's camp revolted. 5 cent 1937 Republican side. 5 cent 1937 the Republican side. July-October 1936: advance on Madrid and campaign Guipúzcoa The front four months of military rebellion. Legend Control Zone under nationalist Area under Republican control Solid blue.png Main nationalist centers Red-square.gif Top Republicans centers

Nothing but knowing the July 17 afternoon that the military uprising had triumphed in the Protectorate of Morocco Minister Marina José Giral (two days after presiding end the government of the Republic following the resignation of Santiago Casares Quiroga and government " Lightning " Diego Martínez Barrio ) ordered several warships were directed to the Strait of Gibraltar to block the way to the peninsula of the colonial troops. Thanks to the provisions of those ships rebelled against their officers, who were involved in the coup, the rebels could not initially have the Army of Africa, consisting of the Foreign Legion and regular (troops formed by Moroccan commanded by Spanish officers).

The same day July 19 that was put down the rebellion in Madrid left the capital to the Sierra de Guadarrama several columns composed of militia and troops of military units that had been dissolved by order of the government to prevent it could add to the uprising. There they managed to prevent the columns of the rebels sent by General Mola from Castilla y León and from Navarra consiguieran through the mountain passes of the mountains of Madrid and reach the capital. The northern front of Madrid was thus stabilized until end of the war. This first campaign of civil war was known as the Battle of Guadarrama.

From Barcelona, ​​also once quelled the rebellion, left several columns quickly formed by the workers' organizations and leftist parties to address Aragón. Along with the columns of the POUM and PSUC (and a Republican Left of Catalonia that came from Tarragona), the largest contingent was contributed by the CNT militias of anarchist organizations ( CNT, FAI , Libertarian Youth ). The first and largest was the Durruti Column, named because it was led by the leader of the FAI Buenaventura Durruti , who left Barcelona on 24 towards Zaragoza. The anarchists also Ascaso column and column The FAI Aguiluchos out towards Huesca. But none of them managed to achieve its objectives to release the three Aragonese capital (from Valencia had gone to Teruel the column Hierro ) and the Aragon front was stabilized, although the anarchists led the revolution to the eastern half of Aragon where they created the Regional Defence Council of Aragon.

From Barcelona an expedition to the islands was also organized Baleares, of which only Menorca continued Republican. The operation began on August 8 under the command of Captain Bayo had initial success in getting occupy a strip of the coast of Mallorca, but the landing of Mallorca ended in complete failure. Another failure was the offensive Córdoba "where the situation was undecided, which was one of the few Republican strategic initiatives. " It was organized from Albacete by General Miaja, whose chief of staff was Lieutenant Colonel Jose Asensio Torrado , but progress was stopped early (General Miaja placed its headquarters in Montoro ) and Republicans could not regain the western Andalusia, hands of the rebels especially after the arrival of the first units from the Protectorate of Morocco.

The deadlock in the Army of Africa (the main fighting force that had the rebels to take Madrid, once detained columns of General Mola in the Sierra de Guadarrama) was could be overcome thanks to the quick help received the rebels of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. The July 26 arrived in Morocco the first twenty German transport planes Junker, which could easily be converted into bombers accompanied by fighters, and four days later, on July 30, the first nine Italian bombers. With these aerial means the General Franco, head of the rebel forces of Morocco, was able to organize an airlift to the mainland to transport the legionnaires and regular, and also achieve air superiority in the narrow and thus the August 5 could cross a small fleet called by the propaganda of the rebels " Convoy of Victory ". However the full release of the passage of the Strait would not occur until later when the Republican government decided to transfer most of its warships to the Cantabrian, which according to historian Michael Alpert constituted "perhaps the biggest mistake of the Civil War." This decision was motivated, among other reasons, by the refusal of Britain, which had the naval fleet Mediterranean's most important war, the republican government stopped traffic neutral directed at enemy territory, so warships Republicans could not prevent German and Italian merchant ships landed war materials at ports of Ceuta, Melilla, Cádiz, Algeciras and Seville, controlled by the rebels. Republican militia making a break in the fighting in the summer of 1936.

On August 1, General Franco gave the order that the columns of legionaries, regular Moors and volunteers move north from Sevilla to go to Madrid through Extremadura, taking the left flank protected by the border of Portugal , whose regime salazarista supported the rebels. Also along this route to the capital both areas controlled by the rebels would join. Thus began the Extremadura campaign. The call " column death " because of the brutal repression that applied in Extremadura localities was occupied, and whose most notable event was the massacre of Badajoz, advanced rapidly to an average of 24 miles a day. On August 10 took Mérida and 15 Badajoz, then establishing contact with the rebel forces in the north. The feed is then turned northeast to reach the valley of the Tagus and the September 2 fell Talavera de la Reina and in the province of Toledo. The rapid advance of the rebels to Madrid, coupled with the news of the imminent fall of Irun (so that the north would be completely isolated from the rest of the Republican zone ), prompted President José Giral, feeling short of support and authority, submitted his resignation to President Manuel Azaña. On September 5th a new government of "anti-fascist unity" headed by the Socialist formed Francisco Largo Caballero, who personally took the portfolio of War, with the primary objective of organizing an army that could stop the advance of the rebels and win the war.

How quickly fell one after the other stocks in advance by Extremadura and the Tagus was mainly due to the Army of Africa was composed of the best trained troops and tanned in combat (legionnaires and regular), perhaps the truly professional unique in the first chaotic months of the war. Instead the Republican forces were composed mostly by militiamen who lacked military training. "They were undisciplined and tended to flee in panic, abandoning the weapons, which were rifles and loose pieces of artillery, since the upheaval caused in the capital by the uprising did not allow an adequate military planning. In July and August was lost much military equipment. In contrast, the rebels were armed increasingly with foreign material, apart from taking the enemy. " In addition militants, the vast majority came from labor organizations and leftist parties, distrusted professional soldiers who wanted to send and rejected on ideological grounds discipline and military organization, except for the Communists who advocated the complete militarization of the militias and the creation of a people's army modeled after the Fifth Regiment organized by them. Heinrich Himmler visiting the Alcázar of Toledo with José Moscardó in October 1940, a year and a half after the end of the civil war.

On September 21 the Army of Africa took Maqueda just 100 kilometers from Madrid. That same day the rebel generals in a farm gathered around Salamanca to appoint General Franco as the sole and supreme commander of the rebel forces. A week later will meet again to elucidate the political leadership. In the meantime General Franco decided to divert to Toledo columns advancing on Madrid to lift the siege of the Alcazar of Toledo, where policemen and a few Academy cadets Infantry commanded by its director, Colonel José Moscardó , carrying two months resisting Republican attacks. This decision, which some historians made ​​the rebels lose the ability to take Madrid before his defense be organized, has prompted a debate among historians. For a good part of them was a political decision that military since strengthened the prestige of General Franco to his teammates when he was already discussing the political single command. "The Alcázar contained a treasure of symbolic legitimacy: Military Academy, the besieged resisted amidst the ruins with the walls of the powerful medium factory destroyed, refugees in basements With its release, Franco received a huge political capital. The Alcázar was the symbol of salvation of Spain, as a martyr, resurrected from the grave that had led his enemies ". Also had a huge propaganda value for the cause of the rebels. "Del Alcazar subsequently became a myth by Franco, whose main points -the episode Moscardó dialogues and son in the hands of the besiegers, for example-are now completely discredited." However, some historians claim that also had a military motivation. "It seems the usual convincing explanation military camaraderie and propaganda value to rescue the besieged in the Alcazar lift the siege imposed sooner may have political reasons, not separated from the ambition to be Generalissimo Franco and civil chief. to impose such a heroic gesture But the fact of taking first Toledo could be justified militarily. ensure Madrid city would attack from the south and east, protecting the flanks of the Tagus and having two first-class roads instead of a ". On the same day it was lifted the siege, on September 28, General Franco was appointed by his fellow revolt not only "Generalissimo of the national forces of land, sea and air," but also "Chief Spanish State Government, during the war. "

On October 8th Army Africa reached San Martin de Valdeiglesias, about forty kilometers from Madrid, where he made ​​contact with the rebel forces in the north under General Emilio Mola, who had just finished the campaign Guipúzcoa after taking Irun , on September 5 and San Sebastián the September 13 , leaving the Republican northern land surrounded by the "nationalists". So in early October the rebel forces were deployed in a semicircle around Madrid that left from Toledo to the south and reached the northwest at about ten kilometers north of El Escorial, which was between 40 and 55 kilometers from the capital. Although the Republican forces opposed greater resistance thanks to the military reorganization undertaken by the government Caballero (with the formation of mixed brigades under mostly military career and in which they were framed militias militarization accompanied by the creation the figure of the political commissars), "national" forces were narrowing the semicircle that gripped the capital (whereas in the north the October 17 broke the siege of Oviedo ) and early November reached the southern suburbs of Madrid. "The attack on Madrid marked the end of the first period of the war." November 1936-March 1937: The Battle of Madrid and decision-Málaga The French Bridge on the Manzanares River. Famous and played bridge during the Battle of Madrid.

The November 6 when it seemed that the rebel army was about to enter Madrid, the government of Largo Caballero decided to move to Valencia, entrusting the defense of the city to General Miaja should form a Board of Defense of Madrid. "A hasty departure, kept secret, on which no public explanation was given." "Those who stayed in Madrid could not interpret these facts but a shameful flight ... especially since the locals were able to organize their defense. " Two days later began the Battle of Madrid.

Since the forces of "national" were not superior to the Republican forces defending Madrid (23,000 troops), penetration in the capital would have to be fast and in a very narrow front. A column cross the Manzanares River north of Bridge of the French and would advance the University City of Madrid and then down the Paseo de la Castellana. Another column cross the Parque del Oeste to continue along the boulevards and reach the Plaza de Colón. And third cross the neighborhood Rosales to reach the Plaza of Spain and Princess Street. To support this development was considered essential to take the hill of Garabitas in the House where you could place the artillery and bomb the city from there. The success of the operation depended on Republicans believe that the attack would occur in the south and concentrate their forces there, but on the night of 7 to 8 November at precisely the time that he would begin the battle of Madrid, Lieutenant Colonel Vicente Rojo , chief of the defense of Madrid, known plans attackers thanks to the papers found on the body of a dead rebel army officer.

Between 8 and 11 November there was heavy fighting in the Casa de Campo. On the 13 "national" occupied the hill Garabitas and two days later succeeded in crossing the river Manzanares deeper into the University City. But there might not happen due to strong resistance from the Republican forces, reinforced by the arrival of the first International Brigades, units of Soviet tanks T-26 (the first intervention had occurred at the Battle of Seseña ) and 132 Russian aircraft " Flies "and" Chato "who played air superiority to 117 aircraft Legion German. On November 23 the "Generalissimo" Franco desisted from continuing the unsuccessful frontal attack on the capital and the front was stabilized that day. Soviet tank T-26 used by the Republican forces.

"The resistance of Madrid changed the sign of war. He was no longer a conflict of rapid outflanking, but large-scale battles, tactical maneuvers to achieve strategic objectives, in which a few hundred meters of land have meaning and whose model would be the war of 1914-1918, more than the colonial campaigns, the only form of warfare that the Spaniards knew of direct mode ".

Failing the frontal attack "national" Madrid decided to wrap the northwest concentrating their forces to cut the road to La Coruña and try to penetrate there in Madrid. In the first attempt took place in late November ( first battle of the road to La Coruña ) only managed to take three of the seven planned kilometers, he remained arrested the attack. The second attempt took place in December ( second battle of the road to La Coruña ) and also proved a failure. The third and final attempt (known as the Third Battle of the road to La Coruña ) took place in early January 1937 and was the "first major battle of the Civil War in open country". The national organized an important army, called Enhanced Division of Madrid, which had Italian tanks, anti-tank batteries to counter the T-26 Soviet and heavy artillery. Opposite her Republicans deployed an army of five divisions, each with three brigades, although some were not complete and very few were commanded by infantry officers career (to send the five divisions had to resort to two retired by the Azaña Act of 1931, two officers from security forces, and a militiaman, the Communist Juan Modesto ). Between 6 and 9 January the Enhanced Division attacked north and then turned east to reach the road to La Coruña, but the Republican forces resisted and "national" had to give up on their progress.

Failed attempt to wrap Madrid by Northwest, "national" do try the southeast moving towards the river Jarama to cut the vital road from Valencia, arrived in Madrid where most of its supplies. The Battle of Jarama began on February 4 with the attack by units of the Spanish Legion forces and regular Moroccan, supported by tanks, to Republican positions. The February 11 taking the bridge Pindoque defended by the company " André Marty "the XII International Brigade who had 86 dead. The "national" continued their advance but the republican forces backed by Soviet tank units led by General "Paul" (the overall Rodimtsev ) and the air domain of republican aviation through " Chato "forced to stop and give reach the line Arganda - Morata de Tajuña. But Republicans failed to regain lost ground and the front was stabilized February 23, 1937. It was the end of the Battle of Jarama.

While it began Battle of Jarama, produced the taking of Malaga by the "national" on 8 February 1937, especially thanks to the intervention of motorized units of the division of militia fascist Italian ("legionari" CTV, Corpo di Truppe Volontarie ) who had begun arriving in Spain two months before sent by Mussolini , imbued with the idea that the fascist soldier was far superior fighter "red". The attack began on January 14, 1937 moving from Ronda to the north, following the coastal road moving towards Marbella in the west (with the support of two modern cruise Balearic and Canary bombarded from the sea and against which little could Do destroyers and older and poorly armed Republican cruises) and from Granada to Alhama in the northeast. Although the Republican militias managed to contain the ground attack inside, on February 5 multiple columns converged on Malaga headed by Italian forces. This forced to retreat to the militias in the capital but there lack of controls, fortifications for the defense and support of the Republic fleet had no choice but to take flight eastwards along the coastal road from Malaga and Almeria accompanied by thousands civilians while they were strafed and bombed by Italian aircraft and warships of the rebels. A few days 'national' came to Motril making numerous prisoners and obtaining large quantities of material. "For the Republican government, defeat showed a thorough inefficiency and a lack of moral energy and marked the beginning of disappointment Communists regarding the performance of Largo Caballero as Prime Minister and Minister of War. The splash came to controls Largo had appointed, which were processed as a result of investigations conducted after the disaster ". Italians rebellious side gunners firing a cannon at the Battle of Guadalajara.

The third and final attempt to wrap Madrid was an initiative of " Corpo di Truppe Volontarie "(CTV) Fascist Italy, which agreed the" Generalissimo "Franco, which led to the Battle of Guadalajara. The Italian idea of the offensive was to attack Madrid from the northeast going to Guadalajara, after taking the city of Valencia cut the road and into the capital. For this operation, the tactics of what the general Italians called "it would follow blitzkrieg "(the forecast was that in a week, between 8 and March 15, 1937, Madrid would be conquered), much were deployed of the 48,000 troops that then had the CTV (integrated into four divisions with 4,000 vehicles, 542 guns and 248 aircraft). Italian soldiers CTV during the Battle of Guadalajara.

On March 8 the attack began and at night from 9 to 10 March the 3rd Italian Division took Brihuega and 11th Trijueque encountering strong resistance from the Republican forces, among which were the XI and XII International Brigades (which was part of the Garibaldi Battalion composed of fascist Italians), supported by units of Soviet tanks and aviation, and aided by bad weather (rain muddy soil hindered the progress of vehicles and prevented takeoff aircraft the flooded fields, while Republicans aircraft itself possessed usable fields aviation). On March 12th the Republican troops launched a counteroffensive that drove away demoralized the 3rd Italian Division and allowed to recover in the next few days Trijueque and Brihuega, seizing equipment abandoned by the Italians. On March 19th the Republican forces halted their advance and organized lines of defense. The March 23 ended the Battle of Guadalajara that liberal and leftist international press called the "first victory against fascism", highlighting the fact that many "legionari" CTV had been captured by the "Garibaldini" of the International Brigades.

"With Russian help the Republic had failed to respond to the threat posed by the arrival of weapons from Italy and Germany for the national side . The People's Army no longer consisted of loose bands of militiamen with improvised controls. There was demonstrated to know retire fortifications prepared resisting with small rearguard awaiting reinforcements. Reply to this technique would require other capabilities that owned the CTV ". March-November 1937: North campaign and the battles of Brunete and Belchite See also: Spanish Civil War in the Basque Country and Spanish Civil War in Cantabria. Map of the Northern Campaign.

The Battle of Guadalajara was the last attempt incited to rebellion side taking Madrid and just a week after his final the initiated Northern Campaign, the attack of the forces revolted against the Cantabrian fringe that remained loyal to the Republic but was isolated by land of the rest of the Republican zone. The goal of "national" was to control its important mining and industrial resources (especially steel mills and factories of arms), plus his conquest would move the revolt of the Mediterranean fleet to try to stop sea traffic bound for ports Republicans. 97 offensive rebel forces commanded by General Mola (about 28 000 troops, including units of CTV Italian, supported by 140 Italian and German aircraft of Legion Condor ) was launched on March 31, 1937 from the positions reached in October 1936 in the campaign Guipúzcoa, which were located about 35 kilometers west of San Sebastián, on the defenses of Vizcaya who had organized the Basque government led by José Antonio Aguirre since October 1936 after having passed Republican Parliament the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country. The Basque Army recruited by Aguirre rejected the authority of General Francisco Plain Commit who was the chief of the Northern Army, which theoretically brought together all the forces of Vizcaya, Santander and Asturias , and acted independently (in it there was no figure of political commissar and had few professional managers). 98 Bombing of Guernica, on April 26th of 1937.

In the first offensive campaign Vizcaya "national" forces, but had the naval and air superiority (the bulk of the Republic fleet was in the Mediterranean and only had a small number of Soviet fighters), advanced relatively little because the strong resistance they encountered and bad weather. The second offensive began on April 20 had more success reaching five days after the line Guernica - Durango. On April 26, after being bombarded Jaén and Durango previous days, there was the bombing of Guernica by German planes of the Condor Legion and Italian aircraft CTV causing many civilian casualties and massive destruction as well as conventional bombs used pumps incendiary. Three days after "national" forces occupied the city and on April 30 reached Bermeo. 99 Gudaris (Basque soldiers) against the Tree of Guernica.

Then both armies were reorganized (the " Lehendakari "Aguirre himself assumed supreme command of the Basque army) to attack and defend respectively the set of fortifications around Bilbao, called " Iron Belt ", which however had lost much its usefulness because the engineer who had designed the'd spent the rebellious side with the planes of the same. Thanks to them "national" could penetrate their weaknesses while Bilbao city was bombarded by heavy artillery and aviation. Finally Bilbao fell on June 16, without the government of Valencia, chaired since May 17 by the Socialist Juan Negrin after beating the Republican crisis " events of May 1937 "could organize an attack on other fronts that would hampered the large concentration of land and aircraft deployed by the "national" in Biscay Campaign. 100

Finally in early July the Republican forces launched an offensive in the Madrid front to relieve pressure "nationalist" army in the north. Thus begins July 6 Battle of Brunete so named because the struggle for the conquest of that village located west of Madrid by Republicans (who intended to follow later in a southeasterly direction to meet other government forces would advance from southern the capital, which if successful would force the "national" to order a general withdrawal of its forces lest they be fenced) became the centerpiece of the fighting. The attack on Brunete was released by the rearranged V Corps Republican Army under the command of militias Juan Modesto supported by units of tanks T-26 Soviets occupied the town with little resistance, but General Franco reacted quickly and sent units Legion and Regulars plus brigades Navarra and 150 Italian and German aircraft withdrawn from northern front and stopping the attack against Santander. This allowed national forces make the break. 101 "and started a battle of attrition under tremendous summer sun with no shade or water, which ended throwing a balance of 40,000 casualties. The tough battle ended July 26, out of sheer exhaustion . The People's Republican Army had you held important sectors of the territory he had conquered ... but lost Brunete. (...) [The Battle of] Brunete coincided with the anniversary of the beginning of the war. From a few columns rebel who fighting militias were formed impromptu two armies with significant support from artillery and aviation. " 102 >

After the Battle of Brunete "national" forces reorganized and resumed the Northern Campaign Santander attacking from the south by the mountain of Reinosa and from the east along the coast. The Battle of Santander began on August 14 with the attack on Reinosa which was occupied only two days later and whose arms factory was not destroyed by the Republicans in their retreat in disarray. Republican resistance on the coast also quickly fell to the advancing units CTV Italian special thanks to air superiority (the Republicans were unable to send aircraft to that area because of the remoteness of the bases) with continuous bombings shattered and demoralized Republican forces under General Mariano Ulibarri Gamir named the August 6th. On August 24, just ten days after the start of the offensive, the city of Santander (where shortage of food and fuel because of the naval blockade of the rebellious army) was occupied after the law enforcement, once evacuated controls, hoisted the white flag. 103 "History campaign Santander is an advance continued, with occasional and brief resistance. There were many prisoners and those who" passed ", which attested the state of demoralization of the Republican ranks " 104 Map developed environment where battle of Belchite indicating the initial and final situations.

The second Republican offensive to relieve the pressure of "national" in the North lllegó began late as the day of the fall of Santander. This time it was held at the Aragon front, which remained virtually unchanged since the beginning of the war when the columns of CNT militias anarchists and the POUM came from Catalonia and occupied the eastern half of Aragon (where they created an almost independent body called the Council Aragon ) while not achieved their goal of conquering Zaragoza, and that after the " events of May 1937 "had been incorporated into the regular units of the Army of the East. On August 24 began the offensive Zaragoza whose purpose was to break the front and reach Zaragoza, forcing General Franco to suspend their offensive North. North of the Ebro fighting anarchist south divisions and led Communist Enrique Lister and two international general " Walter "and" Kleber ". After making the peoples of Codo and Quinto they surrounded Belchite the 26th, starting the Battle of Belchite the war made ​​the highlight of the campaign. The "national" defending the people resisted fiercely until September 3rd. Four days before "national" had started counteroffensive north of the Ebro drove back anarchist divisions and south in Fuentes de Ebro, a town located 26 kilometers from Zaragoza , managed to defeat Soviet tank units BT5 and XV International Brigade. 105

Although Belchite remained in Republican hands the two objectives of the offensive Zaragoza were not achieved, neither Zaragoza took neither the "nationalist" breakthrough on the northern front stopped. After the occupation of Santander began on September 1st offense Asturias along the coast and inland to end the last territory of the northern fringe republican. A few days earlier had formed in Gijón ( Oviedo still occupied by the "nationalists" from the beginning of the war) the Sovereign Council of Asturias and León under the chairmanship of socialist Belarmino Tomás, one of the former leaders of the Revolution of Asturias of October 1934, who tried to organize the defense, but his situation was as difficult as that of Santander. The Asturian had no naval support (only available to the destroyer Ciscar ) or air support (the few aircraft that had were much lower than those of the attackers) and were subject to naval blockade of armed revolt that had caused problems in civil supplies and military aggravated by the presence of some 300,000 refugees from other areas occupied by "national" troops. Thus resistance "nationalist" advance was very difficult to maintain due to lack of supplies and food and the abandonment of the area from air and sea and the demoralization of the troops withdrawn resulted in panic disordered. However until 20 October was not taken Gijón, the last stronghold of the Republican Asturias and the entire north. 106 Most Northern Front prisoners were held in the field of Miranda de Ebro.

The consequences of the 'nationalist' victory in the Northern Campaign were very important in the course of the war. "Franco could concentrate their forces in central Spain and the Mediterranean, and obtained the benefit of an industry not destroyed. The victory restored the pride of Mussolini [lost by the defeat of the Battle of Guadalajara ], hereinafter cooperate willingly with Franco. International opinion judged that once lost its way, the victory was only a matter of time. " 107

In November 1937 the republican government of Juan Negrin decided to move from Valencia to Barcelona (where since November 1936 and the president was Manuel Azaña ) to " give full performance war industry "Catalan, in the months next came under the direct authority of the government of the Republic, to supply us the loss of important armament factories Vizcaya, Cantabria and Asturias, and to " definitively settle the government's authority in Catalonia ", which relegated the government the Generalitat of Lluís Companys to a secondary role. 108 December 1937-November 1938: Battle of Teruel to the Battle of the Ebro See also: Battle of Teruel and Battle of the Ebro.

The December 12, 1937 the 11th Republican Division commanded by communist militia leader Enrique Lister cuts of roads in the city of Teruel with "national" rear. Thus begins the battle of Teruel, whose strategy has been designed by the Head of the Republican Staff, Colonel Vicente Rojo. The goal is to conquer this ledge behind enemy lines represented Teruel besides preventing the attack of the "national" against Madrid scheduled for December 18 and achieve a military success as it was taking a provincial capital in the hands of the rebels from the beginning of the war to strengthen internal and external confidence in the Republican cause after the defeat of the Northern Campaign at a time when the arrival of military equipment from the Soviet Union was declining because of the difficulty was finding to spend the French border by the fall of the socialist government Leon Blum. General Franco reacted immediately to break the siege of Teruel but as he could not get it on the first try had to send more forces and suspend the planned attack on Madrid (with what one Republican offensive strategic objectives had been achieved Teruel). Low temperatures and snowfall hampered the actions of the two armies and prevented "national" break the siege, despite enjoy air superiority and artillery, so that Colonel Domingo Rey d'Harcourt decided to surrender on January 8 and the Republican forces (the 46th Division under the command of the militia Valentín González "El Campesino") occupied the city. 109 Thereafter the "national" forces stepped up their attacks to regain Teruel launching several offensives that were undermining the defenses and morale of the republican forces. On February 7, 1938 reached the line of Alfambra river and February 21 the city was besieged. Division 46 commanded by "El Campesino" escaped or fled, according to the different versions, and the city was reconquered by the "national". 110 "The value of a poorly conducted, armed and dressed and faced by political grudges inexperienced soldiers [anarchists against communists] could do little against experienced and well-equipped troops and, above all, against the bombings ". 111 Colonel Vicente Rojo wrote to the Minister of Defence of the Republic Prieto on the withdrawal of Teruel, Division 46: 111

It will take a long time even for heads of our army behave properly

Map of Spain in July 1938 after Aragon offensive began as the Battle of the Ebro. Legend Control Zone under nationalist area under Republican control Solid blue.png centers Main nationalist Republican Main centers Red-square.gif

The Battle of Teruel showed the weaknesses of the republican army that led to the "Generalissimo" Franco definitely postpone the attack on Madrid to instead launch the Aragon offensive against Catalonia and Valencia. The attack, which was to spread throughout the Aragon front, started south of the Ebro River on March 9 where the front collapsed under the heavy concentration of artillery fire and aviation. On day 14 the CTV took Alcaniz and 17 "national" taking Caspe, after "recaptured" Belchite. The same happened north of the Ebro where they took Fraga on 27 March and early April came to Lleida (where the 101 Brigade commanded by militia leader Pedro Mateo Merino prevented from crossing the river Segre there). North of Lleida advanced to the Noguera Pallaresa and established bridgeheads in Balaguer and Tremp. Once these positions reached the "Generalism" Franco ruled go to Barcelona and opted to move towards the Mediterranean south of the mouth of the Ebro, objective Scoring April 15 to reach Vinaroz, so the Republican zone was divided into two. 112

The failure of the Battle of Teruel and the collapse of the Aragon front caused the crisis in March 1938 on the Republican side when the Prime Minister Juan Negrin tried to Prieto change his ministry and left the defense because, as President of the Republic Manuel Azaña, Prieto felt that what had happened showed that the Republican army could never win the war and had to negotiate a surrender with Franco-British support. But after failing Negrin Prieto asked to leave the government, 113 then recomposing his cabinet on April 6 and assuming Negrin personally the MoD, 114 with the communist Colonel Antonio Cordon as undersecretary of war, who proceeded to the reorganization of republican forces grouped into two large army groups, consistent with the division of the Republican zone caused by the arrival of the "national" the Mediterranean: the Gerc (Army Group of South Central Region) and GERO ( Army Group of Oreintal Region). 115 The positions of the new government Negrin with a view to a possible peace negotiations were fixed in its " Declaration of the 13 points ", released on the significant date of 1 May 1938. 116 Replacement Republican intended Teruel front.

Once reached the Mediterranean the "Generalissimo" Franco decided to lead his troops against Valencia rather than against Barcelona, ​​headquarters of the Republican government, not because he feared, according to historian Michael Alpert, that "Catalonia was a hard bite" but because "the presence German and Italian forces in Spain made ​​possible approach Franco to the French border could lead to international tensions. " 117 The Thus began offensive Levante whose plan was to converge on Sagunto (about 20 kilometers north of Valencia) advanced along the coast from Vinaroz and inland from Teruel, from there take Valencia. Republican resistance was hard especially when the "national" forces after conquering Castellón de la Plana June 13 reached the line of fortifications called line XYZ extending from Almenara, a few miles north of Sagunto, on the coast to the Turia River inside. There 'national' troops had to stop their advance. 118 Map of the area where the Battle of the Ebro was developed.

On July 25, 1938 the Republican Army of the Ebro, one of the two army corps that made ​​up the newly created GERO , crosses barges surprise the Ebro river between Mequinenza and Amposta with the aim of attacking from the north army "national" who approached Valencia. It was the beginning of the Battle of the Ebro which became for both sides in a tough fight wear. 119 Although the passage of Ebro Amposta on the coast was soon settled by "national" forces the bulk of the Republican army reached the gates of Waldo inside but failed to take this town due to the strong resistance opposed units regular and legionaries who defended and especially because inexplicably the Republican aviation did not protect the progress and Legion promptly dispatched by General Franco dominated the air and bombed and strafed constantly Republican positions. So onto 2 or 3 August the Republican maneuver had failed and that was not going to produce any breakthrough republican units in the territory controlled by the rebels. 120 From that point operations focused on the stock territory won by Republicans south of the Ebro, these defended at all costs while the "national" trying to evict them from there (even though some of the staff of General Franco advised him to leave the front of the Ebro once halted the advance reemprendiera Republican campaign against Valencia, but Franco thought, however, "that with the constant help he received from Germany and Italy in aviation and heavy artillery, with their greater logistical flexibility (against an enemy that could not bring reinforcements to their French troops to be closed border) and the virtual sea blockade of the coast, could slowly destroy the best of the forces of the Republic "). 121 After three months of hard fighting, which caused more than 60,000 casualties per side, Republicans had to withdraw and re-cross the Ebro to the contrary. The November 16 did the last units thus ending the battle of the Ebro, the longest of the war and that was another victory for the side revolted. 122

While the unfolding battle of the Ebro crisis erupted the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia that could lead to war in Europe. Negrin then decided to withdraw the International Brigades to get a favorable attitude towards the Republic of democratic powers France and Britain and so did General Franco to reduce the presence of Italian troops attitude (while retaining what really interested in the Italian fascist Help : artillery, aviation and tanks) and ensure Britain and France who remain neutral if war broke out in Europe. However the closure of the crisis with the Munich Agreement of 29 September 1938, under which Czechoslovakia should deliver the Sudetenland to Hitler, was a new defeat for the Republic at the international level because the agreement meant that democratic powers, France and Britain, continued their policy of "appeasement" about Nazi Germany, and if not intervened to defend Czechoslovakia less would do to help the Spanish Republic. 123 124 December 1938-April 1939 offensive on Catalonia and defeat of the Republic See also: Spanish Civil War in Catalonia and Catalonia Offensive. Spain in February 1939 after the fall of Catalonia. Legend Control Zone under nationalist area under Republican control Solid blue.png centers Main nationalist Republican Main centers Red-square.gif

The two armies went very broken in the Battle of the Ebro but the "national" managed to rally quickly so early December 1938 they were ready to begin the offensive in Catalonia, "that would significantly last war", 125 at a time after the Munich Agreement attacking Catalonia no longer involved the danger of a French reaction ("France and Britain had agreed, at least tacitly, the continuation of the Italian presence in Spain, and only wanted an end to conflict . For his part, Franco had guaranteed its neutrality in case of a general war "). 125

The attack on Catalonia was delayed because of bad weather and finally started on December 23 advancing from the south and from the west and encountering strong resistance during the first two weeks but on January 6 the remains of Army Ebro had been almost completely decimated, while the other group of armies of GERO, the Army of the East , was retreating. The head of the Republican Staff General Vicente Rojo designed a diversion in the south central area to relieve pressure on Catalonia but this failed (had to withdraw from landing in Motril by the weakness of the Republican fleet, "undermined by laziness, indiscipline and lack of a clear political-strategic "direction; the offensive at the front of Extremadura had little success given the low morale and lack of material and transportation suffering the armies of the south central area ( Gerc ) under the command of General Miaja ). 125

Thus, from the first week of January 1939 the advance of "national" troops was virtually unstoppable (thanks again to better prepare their -comandantes middle managers, colonels and lieutenant colonels-in its artillery superiority and air by the permanent presence of the Legion and the Italian air force and the navy bombed rebellious ports preventing the arrival of material for the Republican forces). The "national" in their progress did growing number of prisoners, which "always an indication of the breakdown of an army." 126 Artesa de Segre was taken on January 4, Tárrega 15, 21 Villafranca del Penedès, 22 Igualada and 24 reached the Llobregat river. Republicans shattered armies retreated towards the French border accompanied by an immense crowd of civilians and officials and authorities collapsing roads. On January 26 "national" without much resistance entering Barcelona, abandoned by the government and the military authorities who crossed the French border on February 5 after celebrating the last meeting of what was left of the Republican Parliament in the castle Figueras. A day earlier, on February 4, the "national" had occupied Gerona. 127 General Vicente Rojo Lluch compared a year later from exile what happened in Madrid in November 1936 and what happened in Barcelona in January 1939: 128

What atmosphere so different! What excitement then! And what decay now! Barcelona forty-eight hours before the entry of the enemy was a dead city ... [is] lost quite simply because there was no will to resist, or the civilian population, or some troops contaminated environment

Between 5 and 11 February the last of the two republican armies of GERO neatly crossed the border deposing their weapons and then being interned in makeshift camps on the French beaches to the weather. 129

While the Republican troops crossed the French border occurred the occupation of Menorca by the "national" thanks to British intervention, the one that occurred in the War of Spain. To prevent the strategic island of Menorca, which for toda la guerra había permanecido bajo soberanía republicana, pudiera caer bajo dominio italiano o alemán, el gobierno británico aceptó la propuesta del jefe franquista de la Región Aérea de las Baleares, Fernando Sartorius , Conde de San Luis , para que un barco de la Royal Navy lo trasladara a Mahón y negociar allí la rendición de la isla a cambio de que las autoridades civiles y militares republicanas pudieran abandonarla bajo protección británica.The British government launched the operation without informing the Republican ambassador in London Pablo de Azcárate (when he learned later filed a formal protest have paid a British ship to an " emissary of the Spanish rebel authorities "). So on the morning of February 7 it arrived at the port of Mahon cruiser Devonshire with the Count of San Luis on board, where he met with the Republican governor's captain Luis González de Ubieta, who after trying unsuccessfully to contact Negrin, accepted the conditions of surrender the next day. At 5 am on February 9 the Devonshire Mahon departed for Marseilles with 452 refugees on board. Immediately Menorca was occupied by the "national" without any contingent participate either Italian or German. The British intervention led to a heated debate in the House of Commons on February 13 during which the Labour opposition accused the Conservative government of Neville Chamberlain had committed to the UK in favor of Franco. The next day the official representative of General Franco in London, the Duke of Alba, sent the secretary of Foreign Office Lord Halifax " Gratitude Generalism and the national government "to collaborate on" reconquer Menorca " 131

On February 9 crossed the French border the prime minister, Juan Negrin, but in Toulouse took a plane back to Alicante next day accompanied by some ministers with the intention of reviving the war in the south central area, the last stronghold of the Republican zone. 132 there one last battle between those who considered useless continue fighting and still thought that "resist is overcome" (hoping that tensions had just exploding in Europe and Britain and France finally broke would come in aid of the Spanish Republic, or at least imposed on Franco peace without reprisals), 133 but the fatigue of war and famine and food crisis that plagued the Republican zone were undermining the resilience of the population. 124 The problem for Negrin, who set up his headquarters in a farm near the Alicante town of Elda (whose code name was " Position Yuste ") was how to end the war without fighting other than the delivery so unconditionally. His position was almost unbearable when the February 27, France and Britain recognized the Franco government in Burgos as the legitimate government of Spain, and the next day the president Manuel Azaña who was at the Spanish embassy in Paris resigned charge. 134

Lie was therefore quite advanced military and political conspiracy against the Negrin government led by the head of the Central Army, Colonel Segismundo Casado, convinced that " it would be easier to settle the war through an understanding between military "by what had contacted through the " fifth column "in the headquarters of" Generalissimo "Franco for a surrender of the republican army" without retaliation "by way of" embrace of Vergara "of 1839 that ended the First Carlist War (with the preservation of jobs and military included) charges. Something that the emissaries of General Franco never committed. Married won the support of several military leaders, among which was the anarchist Cipriano Mera, head of the IV Corps, and some leading politicians, as the Socialist Julian Besteiro , who had also been in contact with the "fifth" of Madrid. They criticized the strategy of resistance Negrin and its "dependence" of the Soviet Union and the PCE, which were the ones that were already supporting policy Negrin. 135

Probably in connection with the conspiracy Casado, March 4 saw the uprising of the naval base of Cartagena led by pro-Franco military encouraged by the fifth column that was extremely active in the base and in the city. During day 4 and 5 are fighting among the rebels and the Republicans resistant. And among them, Admiral Miguel Buiza commands the Republican fleet to leave the port and directs it to the naval base in Bizerte in the French protectorate of Tunisia, despite the uprising had been dominated by the Republican forces Cartagena on March 7. 136 137

On March 5, the day after the start of the uprising of Cartagena, began Casado coup seizing supporters of the nerve centers of Madrid and then announcing the formation of a National Defense Council chaired by General Miaja. The Council issued a manifesto addressed to the radio "fascist Spain" in which he deposed the government of Negrin, but did not speak at all about peace negotiations. Military units controlled by the Communists resisted in Madrid and surroundings but were defeated (there were about 2,000 dead). The next day Negrin and his government, along with major Communist leaders, left Spain by plane to avoid being captured by the "casadistas." 138

Following the coup of Casado, General Franco refused to accept a new "embrace of Vergara" as Mola also had rejected on the first day of the coup of 1936 and did not grant Married "none of the knees implored almost guarantees by his emissaries [interviewed only low-ranking members of the Headquarters], and answered British and French, eager to act as intermediaries in the surrender of the Republic so as to contain the German and Italian influence on the new regime, not needed and that the spirit of generosity of the victors was the best guarantee for the vanquished. " 139 Statement issued by the Headquarters of Generalissimo announcing the end of the war

Franco just accepted a "unconditional surrender" so it only remained to prepare the evacuation of Casado and the National Defense Council. These embarked with their families on March 29 in the British destroyer that moved to Marseille (the Socialist Julian Besteiro decided to stay). A day before "national" troops made ​​their entry into Madrid and quickly the rebels in their final offensive occupied virtually the entire fight south-central district had been under the authority of the Republic during the war (the March 29 Cuenca, Albacete , Ciudad Real, Jaen, Almeria and Murcia, on March 30 Valencia and Alicante, and on March 31 the city of Cartagena ). 140 141 In Alicante from day 29 some 15,000 people, including military officers, politicians Republicans, combatants and civilians who had fled Madrid and elsewhere huddled in the harbor waiting to board any British or French ship, but most did not succeed and were captured by Italian troops from the Littorio Division, under General Gastone Gambara. Many of those captured were executed on the spot. 142

On 1 April 1939 radio rebel side (" National Radio of Spain ") broadcast the last part of the Spanish Civil War, which read:

On this day, captive and disarmed the Red Army, have reached their final national military objectives troops. The war is over. Burgos, 1 April 1939, the year of victory. The Generalissimo. I fdo. Francisco Franco Bahamonde.

The naval war Main article: Spanish Civil War at Sea The heavy cruiser Canarias, and after the war

In the Spanish civil war prevailed ground actions on maritime and sea on both sides avoided the great deeds of war for political and strategic reasons. 143 So after fighting for control of the Strait of Gibraltar in 1936 the two fleets had no "decisive encounters at sea" and "strategies moved in very conservative, aimed especially effective conservation of their contexts." 144 The historian Michael Alpert in his study "The Spanish civil war at sea," says the "Two marinas Spanish war had to be redone" but that the "government managed not living up to the moment and, despite having most of the fleet units, played a defensive role for most of the contest ". Instead "Navy rebels took the most of limited resources and assistance received from abroad." 145

Since the early twentieth century the primary role of the navy was no longer destroy the enemy's ships but block their sea routes, ports and prevent their movements on the coast. This is what made ​​increasingly successful with the Navy incited to rebellion side while marine who remained loyal to the government abandoned that goal after the first few weeks and adopted a defensive stance aimed at protecting maritime communications themselves, while "national "strove to interferirlas. 146

At the beginning of the Civil War Navy Republican side was much higher than that remained in the hands of the rebels because it was made ​​by almost all of the Spanish Armada then: the battleship Jaime I (launched in 1914); the cruise light Libertad (launched in 1925), Miguel de Cervantes (launched in 1928) and Méndez Núñez (I launched in 1923); sixteen destroyers in service or about to deliver; seven shortstops ; twelve submarines (the submarine Isaac Pear (C-1) to C-6 submarine and sub ​​B-1 to B-6 sub ); one gunboat ; four Coast Guard and almost all of Naval Aviation. 147 148

Despite having such a large fleet, the problem was that throughout the war was not able to overcome the effects of repression that took place at the time of the coup in July 1936 when the sailors and NCOs revolted to prevent ships would join the uprising since the vast majority of the officers was in favor of the coup. 143 As late as May 1938 a report to President Juan Negrin on the situation of the fleet noted the absence efficiency and discipline. " In general moral offense of controls is small and the combat morale of the allocations is low ". Also pointed out the presence of the fifth column Franco both Fleet and the naval base of Cartagena (" defeatist Moral. Much freely fascist action ", it was said). Later reports indicated that the situation had not improved. 149

Moreover, unlike what happened with the Nationalist side was supported by the Italian and German armies, the Republic only received the USSR four torpedo boats of class G-5, plus a few knobs and specialists submarines, according a report "privileged and confidential" presented to President Negrin, were "considered -within the float as unwelcome guests to which we endure with kindness. The same applies to the naval base of Cartagena . " 149 For its part, France and Britain only participated in a timely occasion to avoid the capture of own vessels for "national" fleet.

Thus, beyond the occasional victory, although spectacular, like the sinking of Baleares in early March 1938 in the Battle of Cape Palos, "the reality was that the Republican navy had focused on service traffic protection Merchant, in maintaining a supply channel war supplies and food. " 150 But even that function escort's played very successfully, as noted in a report of Republican Secret Service ( SIM ) January 1939 after stating that the "notorious inferiority" of the Republican Navy Navy respect "national" stated: 149

The truth is that the Navy has increased factional war without hostilización by us ... and your Merchant navigate smoothly through the seas, while ours, persecuted and virtually defenseless, easy prey for rebels

The Republican submarine C-3.

The Republic fleet and naval base of Cartagena were increasing their strategic importance to the cause of Republican side half that increased difficulties for the supply from outside by road, due to the frequent closures of the French border, so maintenance of maritime "umbilical cord" with the Soviet Union was vital for Republicans. Also charged increasingly important as the Republican defeats were accumulated and the territory of the Republican zone was reduced because, especially after the fall of Catalonia in early February 1939, "for Republicans fighters Base and Fleet were a sort of safeguard for the case of an organized evacuation or last minute. " 151

At the beginning of the Civil War the Navy he rebelled side was much lower than the government's marina as only had the battleship Spain (launched in 1913 and in July 1936 was in drydock); light cruisers Republic, renamed Navarra (launched in 1920 but was in war reparations and did not enter service until late in August 1938) and Admiral Cervera (I launched in 1928); the destroyer Velasco (launched in 1923); five torpedo; three to five Coast Guard gunboats. But this inferiority was offset soon thanks to the control of the rebels of the main marine shipyard in Ferrol where the heavy cruiser was practically finished Canarias, which entered service in September 1936 and another, the Balearic Islands , about to be delivered (entered service in December 1936), together with the two minesweepers unique Spain (the Jupiter minesweepers , which entered service in early 1937, and Vulcano minesweepers , which entered service at the end of that year). 147 152

The initial inferiority of the rebels was offset also supported that counted almost from the beginning of the war of the Italian Navy, who participated with auxiliary cruisers and submarines in blocking arms shipments to the Soviet Union, and German. The scandal produced by an Italian submarine to sink a British destroyer mistakenly made ​​that Fascist Italy stopped participating directly in shares of naval warfare, yielding four "submarines Legionnaires'" national "and selling them four destroyers and two submarines.

For its part, Nazi Germany sent two submarines in the Mediterranean called Operation Ursula, by sinking a U 34 Republican German submarine C3 against Málaga. The Germans brought cruises, but they did not intervene, except in the bombing of Almeria by Admiral Scheer on May 31, 1937, carried out in retaliation for the air strike that had suffered the May 28, 1937 the pocket battleship Deutschland in Ibiza. This call Deutschland incident was probably made ​​by Russian crews, without knowledge by the Republican leadership. But international furor caused the Republic say it was a mistake and that it was Republicans who believed planes attack the heavy cruiser Canarias. The bombing of Almería, who had openly produced (displaying the German flag), came to be regarded as a possible motive for the Republic declared war on Germany (position defended by Colonel Red and Prieto, in search of generalization conflict throughout Europe), but eventually the opposite view and Azaña Negrin won. 153

A report by the Republican secret service ( SIM ) January 1939 marked the disadvantage of the Republican Navy regarding the "Navy factional war" that had "a total of about 100 units-telling including a large number of Cruise auxiliary artillados- perfectly ". 154 The air war and bombing Stocks Main article: Bombings in the Spanish Civil War Aerial photograph of the bombing of Durango taken by one of the Italian aircraft that carried out the attack

The main innovation in the field of air war Spanish contention 1936-1939 was that "for the first time in the history of aviation was used extensively in bombing missions over the rear". 155  So "from the Spanish civil war victims could be hundreds of miles from the places of military confrontation and simply be defenseless civilian population. " 156 As the Spanish military aircraft in July 1936 was obsolete this was only possible because both sides received help from foreign powers who brought their modern bombers: the rebellious side of Savoia-Marchetti SM81 and SM79 Savoia-Marchetti the Legionary Aviation of Fascist Italy and the Junkers Ju 52 and Heinkel He 111 of the Condor Legion of Nazi Germany ; the Republican side the Katiuskas of the Soviet Union. 156

The national side repeatedly used the "terror bombing" as they call Solé i Sabaté and Villarroya, whose only goal was to demoralize the civilian population and push to surrender. This strategy began in Madrid when in November 1936 failed frontal attack against the city and continued the bombing of Durango, the bombing of Guernica The bombing of Lerida , the aerial bombardment of Barcelona in January 1938 , the aerial bombardments Barcelona in March 1938 , 157 the Bombing of Alicante , the bombing of Granollers and shelling on various Catalan towns in the final months of the war, especially those in Figueras, and whose principal victims were women and children in a when the republican army no longer existed in Catalonia. 158 The only possible case of "terror bombing" by the Republican side was the goat in November 1938, but it appears that this was a terrible mistake committed by pilots mistook the market in the city with a camp of tents of an Italian unit, according to the order they had received, had to seek and destroy. 159 Bombing of North Station in Valencia in 1937 by Italian aircraft.

So as to the most devastated cities by shelling the list is headed by the three leading Republican cities, Barcelona, ​​Madrid and Valencia, followed by Tarragona, Reus , Lleida , Badalona , Granollers , Gerona , San Feliu de Guixols , Palamos , Figueras , Cholera , Portbou and Perello in Catalonia, Alicante , Sagunto , Gandia , Denia and Cartagena on the coast of Valencia and Murcia; and Vizcaya Durango and Guernica , the latter turned into the symbol of the atrocities of bombings incited to rebellion side , and had a huge impact internationally. 160 Regarding the number of victims there is also a huge difference between those caused by Republicans bombing, about 1100, and those caused by the bombing of the Franco side, around 9000 ( Barcelona 2500 dead, Madrid , 2000; Valencia , about 1000; Alicante about 500, Durango , Guernica , Lleida , Tarragona , Granollers , Figueras and Cartagena over two hundred dead each, Bilbao , Reus , Badalona and Alcaniz about 200; Xativa over 100 dead and small towns whose deaths were lower this number). 161

So it was that "aviation became a decisive weapon and performance of Italian and German aircraft was instrumental in the victory of Franco's army." 156

Other milestones of aerial warfare during the Spanish civil war are that during the same probably the first airlift in history was made; that fighter jets began to prevail ceiling and speed that marked the end of biplanes and also its importance for air supremacy was demonstrated to avoid bombing enemies (even at night); that air attacks on naval units in port and at sea were made; that bombers were used in chopped to launch food and messages of encouragement to besieged positions as the Alcázar of Toledo or the Sanctuary of Santa María de la Cabeza, and the "ideological bombing" by launching leaflets and harangues to the cities that were in the rear, as the "bombardment of bread" on Alicante. Evolution of the rebel zone Main article: Area sublevada Ticket issued by the rebellious side on 12 October 1937. The shield is the monarchy of Alfonso XIII.

After some provisional stage representing the National Defense Council formed after the plane crash death of General Sanjurjo, who was who should head the Military Board to rule the country after toppling the government of the Popular Front , the generals and commanders rebels decided to appoint a military and political sole command. From 1 October 1936 the General Franco was "Generalissimo" of the rebel forces and the "Head of the State Government." After the failure of decision-Madrid (between November 1936 and March 1937) and with the prospect that the war would be long the "Generalism" Franco with the help of his brother Ramón Serrano began to shape the political organization "New State". The first step was the Unification Decree April 1937 by all political forces supporting the "national uprising", and particularly the Falange and the Carlists were who with his militia's had contributed to the war were integrated under a single party called Traditionalist Spanish Falange and JONS. The next step was the organization of the "New State" was the task given by the "Generalism" his first government appointed on January 30, 1938 (which replaced the Technical Board of the State ). 162

The construction of the "New State" was accompanied by the destruction of everything that had to do with the Republic. Thus in the rebel zone, contrary to what was happening in the other area (which had triggered the revolution ), we proceeded to a " counter-revolution "taking place" systematic repression of individuals, organizations and institutions that somehow, real or even imagined, could be understood linked to the Revolutionary Republic or in the hands of revolutionaries, which was said to fight. " 163 The National Defense Council Mola next to General Franco in an appearance in Burgos on 27 August of 1936 , compiled by the German newspaper Berliner Illustrierte Zeitung. Mola is protruding from the right.

The death on July 20 of General Sanjurjo, in exile in Estoril, because of the accident that took nothing off the plane had to turn from Lisbon to Pamplona to take charge of the uprising, he left the rebel generals without leader who would lead the uprising. 164 To fill in part the lack of a unified command generals and chiefs rebels formed in Burgos on 24 July a National Defense Council presided over by General graduation and older, Miguel Cabanellas. 165 His Decree No. 1 stated that assumed " all powers of the State " 165 and successive decrees extended the state of war that the rebels had proclaimed at each site throughout Spain (which served as the basis for subjecting martial summary trials all who oppose the military rebellion), 166 outlawed political parties and unions of the Popular Front and banned all political workers and employers and trade union action " for the duration of the circumstances "(Decree of September 25). 167 General Cabanellas, president of the National Defense Council

But the most urgent task was to achieve unity of military command. 166 Thus the September 21, 1936 took place on a farm around Salamanca the first meeting attended by the generals of the National Defense Council, with the addition of General Orgaz , Gil Yuste and Kindelán. There the meeting discussed the need for unified command of the rebel forces and appointed to office by General Franco because he was who commanded the army that was about to get entry in Madrid (the Army of Africa was near Maqueda only 100 kilometers from the capital) and had enlisted the support of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, and it came dealing with them. But once I decided the only command in the military field remained to elucidate the political leadership. 168

Then General Franco made ​​a "master stroke": order the columns advancing on Madrid was diverted to Toledo to release the Alcázar and thus raise the siege of two months who had undergone a thousand policemen and phalanges plus some cadets Infantry Academy in command of its director, Colonel Moscardo, 167 and had held "hostage women and children of known leftists." 169 "Taking the Alcázar enlarged the legend of General Franco. The famous phrase Moscardo The Siege of the Alcazar, repeated to Franco and many journalists two days after his release, he was properly propagated. Franco was El Salvador of the besieged heroes, the symbol of an army ready to win the war at any cost. " 170

The September 28, 1936, the same day the Alcázar of Toledo was released, the second meeting of the generals in Salamanca was held to decide who would hold the political leadership. The choice was General Franco to his fellow uprising appointed not only " Generalissimo of the national forces of land, sea and air, "but also" Head of Government of the Spanish State, while the war . " 83 But when it was published the next day the decree No. 138 of the National Defense Council with his appointment had introduced a major change in the text: he had deleted the tagline " while the war "and the appointment of General Franco as" Head of Government Spanish State "he added," who bears all the powers of the new state . "This decree of September 29, 1936 would be the basis for the legitimacy of the power of" Generalissimo "over the next 39 years. 167 General Franco, "Generalissimo" and "Caudillo" Facade of the Palace of Captaincy General (Burgos).

On 1 October of 1936, in the throne room of the Captaincy General of Burgos , Francisco Franco took possession of his new position, as Generalissimo of the rebel army and Head of the State Government. 171

One day before the bishop of Salamanca Enrique Pla and Deniel had issued a pastoral in presenting the war as " a crusade for religion, country and civilization ", giving a new legitimacy to the cause of the rebels: religious. Thus the "Generalism" was not only the " leader and savior of the Fatherland "but also the" Leader "of a new" crusade "in defense of the Catholic faith and social order. 170 Cord house in Burgos, home of the Technical Board of the State.

The first law promulgated the "Generalissimo" Franco was creating the Technical Board of the State (replacing the National Defense Council ), chaired by General Davila (which in the summer of 1937 would be replaced by the monarchical General Francisco Gómez -Jordana, much more efficient than its predecessor) 172 and had a General Secretariat of the Head of State, a post he held Nicolás Franco , the older brother of "Generalism". His occupation was "rectify any Republican legislation returning things to their previous point." 167

The headquarters of the Technical Board of the State was established in Burgos while the political capital of the " National Spain "was Salamanca where he lived military power, because there it was headquarters of the "Generalissimo" Franco. 167 Unification Decree April 1937 Main article: Unification Decree Flag Spanish Falange.

The next step in strengthening the power of the new "Leader" came when after the failure of decision-Madrid (between November 1936 and March 1937) the need to create a "one-party" was raised, following the model of the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, from the merger of the Carlists and Phalangists. 173

From the headquarters of Generalissimo the new advisor Franco Ramón Serrano Suner (brother of "Leader" and former Member of the CEDA had reached Salamanca escaped from the "red zone") it led to a rapprochement between the Traditionalist Communion and Spanish Falange and JONS with a view to merging, but the ideological and political differences that separated them were almost insurmountable (as they were separating the traditionalism of fascism ), and it was another obstacle that was not negotiable: that in front of the "one-party" General Franco would place itself. That is, both parties had to accept the new political formation would be subject to personal power of "Generalism" vertex of military and political power. To support this idea spread from the headquarters of Salamanca the slogan " One nation, one state, one Caudillo "copy of the Nazi slogan" Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer "('one people, one state, one leader' ). 174

Falangist and Carlist contacts occurred but were not successful and the whole process is not stopped creating tensions within both parties that resulted in the case of the Phalangists in the " events of Salamanca "April 1937, during which several Phalangists were killed in clashes between supporters of the merger and the subordination of military power (led by Sancho Dávila and Agustín Aznar ) and contrary to it (led by Manuel Hedilla ). 175

Finally, the headquarters of Franco decided to act, and the same day the contrary falangistas the merger held a National Council which was elected Manuel Hedilla as "national leader" on Sunday April 18, 176 General Franco himself announced that it would issue the next day, a Unification Decree Falange and the Traditionalist Communion, which passed now be under the direct leadership as "national leader" of it. 177

Franco a week later ordered the arrest of Manuel Hedilla (along with other dissidents Phalangists) when he refused to join the Policy Board of the new party as simple voice and also told his provincial chiefs to obey only their own orders. 178 "Lest remain questions about the location of power in what was beginning to be called New State, Hedilla was tried and sentenced to death for their apparent performance of indiscipline and subversion against the command and the unique and indisputable power of the national Spain . Everyone should be clear that the unity of military command would in future political unity of command. " 179 But the "Generalissimo" Franco followed the advice Sister "Away" Pilar Primo de Rivera (industry leader "pure" Falange) of Serrano and the German ambassador and Hedilla pardoned, although he spent four years in jail and when he came out I stay away from politics. 180

The statutes of the "one-party" published on August 4 was established that the "Leader" would only be "responsible before God and History", and to anyone else. 181

Two months earlier, on June 3, in full Northern Campaign , the General Mola , the "Director" of the military conspiracy which gave the coup of July 1936 which began the Civil War, died when the plane he was riding crashed into a hillside village Alcocero , near Burgos. 182 Mola used to employ the aircraft frequently traveling and there is no evidence of any sabotage, although death clearly favored Franco to eliminate the "Director . "as rival 182 The German ambassador wrote shortly afterwards: " Certainly Franco is relieved by the death of General Mola . " 183

In October 1937 they were appointed by the "Generalism" Franco the 50 members of the National Council of FET y de las JONS, but not transformed from a purely advisory role. 184 The same could be said of the FET y de las JONS, whose only activity was reduced in practice to make propaganda. 185 However, the leaders of Falange occupied many of the most important positions in the administration of the "New State" and the party. 183 The birth of the "New State" See also: Prime Minister of Spain during the Franco dictatorship (1938-1939) Coat the "New State".

In January 1938, as occurred the battle of Teruel, is the first step to the final configuration of the " New State "with the enactment by the" Generalism "the Law of the Central Government for which he created a administrative structure that took the ministerial manner and with the appointment on January 30 in his first government in which Franco himself assumed the presidency , while Francisco Gómez-Jordana (until then president of the Technical Board of the State ) was the Vice President and Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, the outstanding character of the cabinet was Ramon Serrano Suner, Minister of Interior and cuñadísimo Franco. 186 This government has already foreshadowed the ideological amalgam that would be provided in future Franco : "His conservatism traditional, and derechismo reactionary . " 187

Will this government that initiates the process of institutionalization of the "New State", with the enactment of the " Labour Law "based on the Letter of lavoro of Italian Fascism 188 and was the first of the seven Fundamental Laws of Dictatorship Franco that functioned as a "constitution" of the new regime; 189 190 repeal the Statute of Autonomy of 1932 and the enactment of a series of orders and decrees prohibiting the use of Catalan in public documents and in private conversation ; 190 the Press Law that subjected newspapers to censorship and attributed to the government after the appointment of editors; 190 the reintroduction of the death penalty, which had abolished the Republic; 189 the adoption of a Law on Secondary Education which guaranteed the Catholic Church absolute autonomy in secondary education. 190

According Julián Casanova 's fascism and Catholicism were the two ideologies whose amalgam is built the "New State". The rise of fascism was evident by the exaltation of the leader, the "Leader" as the Führer or the Duce ; raised arm salute established as "national salute"; Falangist uniforms and symbols; etc.And while proliferated Catholic rites and religious events such as processions, masses of campaign or political-religious ceremonies that mimicked alleged forms medieval. 188

On April 19, 1939, nineteen days after the "last part" in which the "Generalissimo" Franco declared " war is over ", was held in Madrid on" Victory parade headed by the "Leader". Before start the parade the General Varela imposed on him " on behalf of the Fatherland "Franco's" Great Laureate Cross of Saint Ferdinand "," that had so coveted from his African campaign and had to finish autootorgándosela "in a decree signed by him thereof and which was read by General Count Jordana . at the beginning of act The next day the newspaper ABC of Madrid titled his chronicle: " Spain, in the grand military parade before the Caudillo, showing the world the power of the shapers Arms new state. "A month after General Franco ofrendaba his sword victorious leader God in a ceremony on May 20 at the Madrid church of Santa Barbara and chaired by the Cardinal Primate of Toledo Isidro Goma . 191 Evolution of the Republican zone Main article: Second Spanish Republic at war The government's reaction to the military uprising Diego Martínez Barrio.

In the afternoon of Friday 17 July was known in Madrid in the Protectorate of Morocco had launched a military uprising. The next day the uprising spread to the mainland and labor organizations ( CNT and UGT ) claimed "weapons for the people" to end it, what the government Santiago Casares Quiroga refused. 192

In the evening of that Saturday July 18 Casares Quiroga submitted his resignation to President Manuel Azaña and he commissioned Diego Martínez Barrio, President of the Parliament and leader of Republican Union , to form a government that got "stop the rebellion" without resorting to armed support of labor organizations. Martínez Barrio included in his cabinet to moderate and willing to reach some kind of agreement with the military rebels political 193 and on the morning of Saturday 18 to Sunday July 19, spoke by telephone with General Emilio Mola, "The Director" of the uprising, but he flatly refused any type of transaction. Thus the "government of reconciliation" Martinez Barrio Azaña resigned and appointed the same Sunday July 19 new prime minister a man of his party José Giral, who formed a government composed only Republicans left, but with the explicit support of the Socialists, who decided to give arms to the workers' organizations, something that was also denied Martinez Barrio because, like Casares Quiroga, considered that fact went beyond the threshold of constitutional defense and "legal" in the Republic. 194

Because of this decision to "give arms to the people" Republican state lost the monopoly of coercion, which could not be initiated to prevent a social revolution, as the labor organizations took to the streets "just to defend the Republic ... but to make revolution. (...) A counterrevolutionary coup, trying to stop the revolution finally ended desencadenándola. " 195 The social revolution of 1936 and the government of José Giral (July-September 1936) Coat of Regional Defence Council of Aragon , a body created during the Spanish social revolution 1936 See also: Spanish social revolution 1936

The arming of the parties and labor organizations did they quickly constituted " militias armed to deal with the rebellion in the military field and to undertake a profound social revolution (ignoring the republican authorities, which were not demolished): seized and collectivized farms and industrial and commercial to ensure continuity of production and distribution of goods, and over the maintenance of the main competition of the state functions were made. The production, supply of the population, surveillance, repression, communications and transport, health, remained in the hands of union committees, which, in many localities suppressed the currency to replace vouchers. Before the collapse of the mechanisms of public power ["a government that distributes weapons is a government that has run out of tools to ensure public order and impose its authority "] appeared in the summer of 1936 a new labor power, it was a military, political, social, economic time." 196 "In the Basque Country, without But where the PNV had rejected the coalition with the CEDA in the elections of February 1936 and supported by the left in processing the Statute of Autonomy , finally approved the October 1, 1936, no social revolution and a Catholic party and Nationalist remained until June 1937 at the head of an autonomous government with little power over the territory of Biscay. " 197

The committees sprang up everywhere were autonomous and did not recognize limits on its actions, 198 but the paradox was that while the revolution did not end the republican state, but simply ignored it and reduced it to the ineffectiveness. In Catalonia was constituted Central Committee of Antifascist Militias, but the government of Catalonia was not fired and continued at his post. In Valencia appeared Popular Executive Committee. In Malaga and Lleida two separate Committees of Public Health arose. In Cantabria, Gijón and Jaén , provincial committees of the Popular Front ( Gijón War Committee , People's Committee of Sama de Langreo , etc). In Vizcaya, a Board of Defense. In Madrid a National Committee of the Popular Front, which organized militias and life of the city was established, but there remained with him the government of José Giral formed only by Republicans left. 199

But the Giral government, even though the real power was not in his hands, he continued to act, especially internationally. It was this government that ordered the sale of arms to the government of the Popular Front in France, and not get it, then to the Soviet Union, for which disposed of gold reserves Bank of Spain. Inside plane dismissed officials suspected of supporting the uprising and issued the first steps to try to control the "executions" indiscriminate, arbitrary and extrajudicial "fascists" who carried out dozens of "revolutionary courts", also known as " Catalogue "mounted by organizations and workers' parties that had imposed the" red terror "in Madrid and elsewhere. So the Giral government created special courts "to judge the crimes of rebellion and sedition and those against state security". However these "people's courts" did not end with the activities of the "Catalogue" that followed killing "fascists" by the " rides "(illegal arrests ended with the murder of arrested and whose body were thrown into a ditch or by the wall of a cemetery) or " bags "(prisoner releases that were supposed to be released but in reality they were taken to the wall). 200

When the September 3, 1936 the Army of Africa rebelled took Talavera de la Reina (and in the province of Toledo, having held Extremadura ), and furthermore also fell Irun in the hands of the rebels (so that the north was isolated the rest of the Republican zone ), José Giral presented his resignation to President Manuel Azaña. 78 The government of Largo Caballero (September 1936-May 1937) See also: Events of May 1937 Francisco Largo Caballero.

Following the resignation of Giral, the president Manuel Azaña commissioned the formation of a "coalition government" to Francisco Largo Caballero, the Socialist leader of UGT , one of the two unions who were leading the revolution. Largo Caballero, who also assumed the presidency War key ministry, government understood this as a great "anti-fascist alliance" and so ushered in the cabinet to the greatest number of representations of the parties and unions that fought against the rebels " fascist "(as they called labor organizations to the military uprising of July). But the government is not actually completed until two months later when the November 4 (at the time that rebel troops were already on the outskirts of Madrid) were integrated in it four ministers of the CNT, including the first woman was minister in Spain, Federica Montseny. 201

The new government of Largo Caballero, self-proclaimed "government of victory", then concluded that priority should be given to war, and hence the political program launched immediately, the main measure was the creation of a new army and unification of the conduct of the war (which included the incorporation of militias to mixed brigades and creating the body of commissioners ). Thus, union leaders of UGT and CNT to accept and promote this program "agreed that the implementation of libertarian communism, aspiring to the CNT, or socialist society, which sought the UGT, to expect the military triumph ". 202

But all these measures failed to halt the advance towards Madrid Army Africa and the November 6 was about to enter the capital. That day the government decided to leave Madrid and move to Valencia, entrusting the defense of the city to General Miaja should form a Junta de Defensa de Madrid. "A hasty departure, kept secret, on which no public explanation was given." 85 "Those who stayed in Madrid could not interpret these facts but a shameful flight ... especially since the locals were able to organize their defense. Madrid withstood the first onslaught and rejected the following, stopping the advance of the rebel army. " 86

The second major objective of the government of Largo Caballero was to restore the authority of government and state powers. 203 But tensions were resolved with the governments of the "autonomous regions" of Catalonia and the Basque Country, nor with the regional councils that had arisen elsewhere. In Catalonia, the government of Catalonia, the September 26 up to several directors of the CNT and the POUM so the Committee of Antifascist Militias was dissolved, he organized his own army and October 24 approved the decree of communities, both of which exceeded the scope of its powers. As for the Basque Country, October 1 Cortes approved the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country and the Basque nationalist José Antonio Aguirre was invested " Basque president "of the Basque government, whose members did not include any representatives from the CNT (in the Country Vasco there had been social revolution or just anticlerical violence and churches continued to open). Aguirre constructed a "quasi-sovereign" state on the Basque territory not yet been occupied by the camp revolted and virtually reduced to Vizcaya. In addition to a Basque police, Ertzaina created its own army and did not accept the command of General sent the Madrid government to take charge of the Northern Army. As for the Council of Aragon, dominated by the anarchists, the government of Largo Caballero had no choice but to legalize it. 204

In the spring of 1937, following the decision of "Generalissimo" Franco to end yet to take Madrid after the Republican victory in the Battle of Guadalajara, the prospect of a long war soon broke open and the crisis between political forces supporting the Republic. 205 The fundamental conflict was the one who confronted the anarchists of the CNT, defending the compatibility of the revolution war, 206 207 and the communists of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and PSUC in Catalonia, who understood that the best way to curb the military uprising was to restore the republican state and bring all the forces of the political left , including the parties of the petty and middle bourgeoisie, which had paralyzed the social revolution and prioritize the war. However, Santos Juliá states, contrary to the opinion of other historians, who in the spring of 1937 between the forces supporting the government of Largo Caballero "ran no divider between war and revolution but between parties and unions" because the priority due to war and had decided on 4 September when the government of Largo Caballero, who two months after the four anarchist ministers joined formed. 208

The crisis was triggered by the fighting started in Barcelona on Monday, May 3, 1937 when a detachment of the Guard of Assault by order of the Government attempted to regain control of the Telefonica building in Plaza Catalunya, held by the CNT from the "glorious" days of July 1936. Several anarchist groups responded with weapons and the POUM joined the fight. On the other side, the Government and the Communists and Socialists in Catalonia unified under one party (the PSUC ) faced the rebellion, which they themselves had caused, and the fight lasted several days. On Friday May 7 the situation could be controlled by the forces of public order sent by the government of Largo Caballero from Valencia, aided by militants PSUC, although the Government paid the price for which they were withdrawn its powers over public order. 209 The fighting in the streets of Barcelona was reported by the British George Orwell in his Homage to Catalonia.

The " events of May 1937 "in Barcelona had an immediate impact on the government of Largo Caballero. The crisis brought on 13 May the two Communist ministers threatened to resign if Caballero kept the Ministry of War (the PCE especially since the fall of Malaga on February 8 made ​​him responsible for the ongoing Republican defeats), and to dissolve the POUM. In this attack Caballero had the support of the socialist fraction Prieto, who controlled the direction of the PSOE , which like the Communist government wanted to eliminate the trade unions, UGT and CNT , and rebuild the Popular Front. Largo Caballero refused to accept the two conditions of the Communists and finding no sufficient support for his government resigned on May 17. The president Manuel Azaña, who also disagreed with the presence of the two unions in government, appointed a "prietista" socialist, Juan Negrin, the new head of government. The next day the body of the CNT Solidaridad Obrera stated in an editorial: " It has been a counterrevolutionary government . " 210 The government of Juan Negrin (May 1937-March 1939)

The new government formed the Socialist Juan Negrin in May 1937 responded to model coalitions Popular Front : three Socialist ministers occupying key positions (Negrin himself, who held the Finance portfolio had already held in the government of Largo Caballero, Prieto, on which fell all responsibility in the conduct of the war, being named to head the new Ministry of Defense, and Julian Zuga in Government), two Republicans left, two communist, one of the PNV and other of Republican Left of Catalonia. 211 According to Santos Juliá, behind this government was Manuel Azaña , which sought "a government able to defend inside and not lose the war abroad. (...) With Prieto by a Ministry of Defense unified, it would be possible to defend himself with Negrin president, could entertain hopes of not losing the war abroad. " 212

The policy of the new government had five cornerstones, some already undertaken by Largo Caballero: the completion of the formation of the People's Army 213 and the development of the war industry (which led the government to move from Valencia to Barcelona in November 1937 for, among other reasons, " give full performance war industry "Catalan); 108 continued recovery by the central government of all powers, with the justification that the conduct of the war they claimed (was dissolved the Council of Aragon, the last stronghold of the CNT , the transfer of the government of Valencia to Barcelona to " definitively settle the government's authority in Catalonia "relegated to the government of the Generalitat de Lluís Companys to a secondary role). 214 maintaining public order and legal certainty (with Zuga in Interior and Justice Irujo in the "extrajudicial" killings and activities "fell Catalogue "but in the" disappearance "of the POUM leader of the government stopped making the Communists and agents the Soviet NKVD ), 215 guarantees were given to the small and medium land; 216 attempted to change the policy of "non-intervention" in Britain and France for mediation in the conflict, to put pressure on Germany and Italy and cease in supporting the rebels, with the ultimate goal of achieving a "negotiated peace" but it did not get anything. 217 The big loser in this political line was unionism, both the UGT and as the CNT. 218 By contrast, those who were most strengthened were the Communists, hence the accusation against Negrin of being a "crypto". Map of the Spanish Civil War in July 1938

The defeat of the Republic in the Battle of Teruel and the Aragon offensive caused the crisis in March 1938. Azaña and Prieto felt that what had happened showed that the Republican army could never win the war and had to negotiate a surrender with Franco-British support. Before them Negrin and the Communists were firm supporters to continue resisting. The crisis Negrin opened to try to change his ministry Prieto (having declared his conviction that the war was lost, Prieto was the worst possible defense ministers), but Azaña backed Prieto and other Republicans left and nationalist ERC and PNV. However, they failed to articulate any alternative to Negrin, who ran out stronger from the crisis, with the resulting output Prieto government. 113

Recomposed Negrin government on April 6 and personally assumed the defense ministry and joined the cabinet to the two unions, UGT and CNT. Also José Giral was replaced in the ministry of state for the socialist Julio Alvarez del Vayo. 114 positions in the new government with a view to a possible peace negotiations remained fixed in their " Declaration of the 13 points ", released in significant date May 1. In it, "the government announced its war aims were to ensure the independence of Spain and establish a democratic republic whose legal and social structure would be approved in a referendum, said his respect to legitimately acquired property, the need for land reform and an advanced social legislation, and announced a broad amnesty for all Spaniards who want to cooperate in the immense task of reconstruction and enlargement of Spain. In his attempt to appear to foreign powers with controlled internal situation, Negrin began fruitless negotiations with the Vatican to establish diplomatic relations and open the churches to worship. " 116

Negrin was aware that the survival of the Republic depended not only on strengthening the People's Army and the will to resist civilians are kept in the rear, but also that France and Britain put an end to the policy of " nonintervention "or at least put pressure on the fascist powers so that they in turn persuade the" Generalissimo "Franco to accept a negotiated end. Negrin thought his policy was the only possible one. As said in private, " you can not do otherwise . " So his idea was to resist to negotiate an armistice that avoided the " reign of terror and bloody revenge "(reprisals and shootings by the victors over the vanquished) Negrin knew that Franco would impose, as actually happening over. 219

In addition Negrin, General Vicente Rojo Lluch, Chief of Staff, and the Communists believed possible that the Republican army was still capable of a final offensive, which began on July 24, 1938, thus beginning the Battle of the Ebro the longest and decisive civil war. But after three months of heavy fighting, there was another defeat of the Republican army had to return to their initial positions, "with tens of thousands of casualties and considerable loss of war material that could no longer be used to defend against Catalonia the decisive Franco offensive . " 124

Shortly before the end of the Battle of the Ebro was another fact which was also decisive for the defeat of the Republic, this time from outside. The September 29, 1938 was signed the Munich agreement between Britain and France on the one hand, and Germany and Italy on the other, which closed all possibility of intervention by the democratic powers in favor of the Republic. In the same way that agreement involved the delivery of Czechoslovakia to Hitler, also meant abandoning the Spanish Republic's allies Nazis and fascists. 124 De anything served in a last desperate attempt to get foreign mediation Negrin announced at the Society of Nations on September 21, a week before signing the Munich Agreement, the unilateral withdrawal of foreign fighters who fought in Republican Spain, accepting (without waiting for the "national" do the same) resolution Non-Intervention Committee which proposed a plan of withdrawal of foreign volunteers in the War of Spain. On November 15, 1938, the day before the end of the Battle of the Ebro, the International Brigades marched farewell by the Diagonal Avenue Barcelona. In the rebel camp, meanwhile, in October 1938, insurance and its military superiority and victory was near, they decided to reduce fourth Italian forces. 220

The latest military operation of the war was the campaign of Catalonia, which ended in a new disaster for the Republic. On January 26, 1939 Franco's troops entered Barcelona almost without a struggle. On February 5 occupied Gerona. 132 Four days earlier, "on February 1, 1939, at the meetings for the remainder of the Congress in the castle of Figueras, [Negrin] dropped 13 points at three guarantees that your democratic government had powers like peace terms: independence from Spain, the Spanish people pointed out what would be his regime and his destiny and cease all persecution and retaliation on behalf of a patriotic work of reconciliation few days later did. namely the French and British ambassadors who was willing to order an immediate ceasefire if the government obtained assurances that there would be retaliation. But not received. " 221

On February 6, the main republican authorities, led by President Azaña, crossed the border followed a massive exodus of civilians and military Republicans marching into exile. On February 9 did the same the prime minister, Juan Negrin, but in Toulouse took a plane back to Alicante on 10 February accompanied by some ministers with the intention of reviving the war in the south central area. The only support that had already Negrin, along with a part of his own party (PSOE was divided between "Negrinistas" and "antinegrinistas") were communists. 132 The coup of Casado and the collapse of the Republic (March 1939) Main article: Coup Married Map of the two Spains in March 1939.

In the territory that was still held by the Republic a final battle between those who considered useless continue fighting and still thought that "resist is overcome" (hoping that tensions in Europe had just bursting and Britain and France for broke Finally, would come to the aid of the Spanish Republic, or at least imposed on Franco peace without reprisals), 133 but the fatigue of war and famine and food crisis that plagued the Republican zone were undermining the resilience of the population. 124 Negrin But the problem was how to end the war without fighting other than the delivery so unconditionally.

On February 24, Negrin left Madrid after holding a cabinet and set up his headquarters in a farm near the Alicante town of Elda (the " Position Yuste "which was his codename). Three days later, on February 27, France and Britain recognized the Franco government in Burgos as the legitimate government of Spain, and on February 28, before this international recognition became official's resignation as President of the Republic of Manuel Azaña and his interim replacement by the President of the Cortes, Diego Martínez Barrio (both were in France). After all these facts Negrin's position was untenable. 135

Lie was well underway both military and political conspiracy against the Negrin government led by the head of the Central Army, Colonel Segismundo Casado, who had contacted through the " fifth column "in the headquarters of" Generalissimo "Franco for a surrender of the republican army "without retaliation" by way of "embrace of Vergara" of 1839 that ended the First Carlist War (with the preservation of jobs and military, including charges). Something that the emissaries of General Franco never committed. Married won the support of several military leaders, among which was the anarchist Cipriano Mera, head of the IV Corps, and some leading politicians, as the Socialist Julian Besteiro , who had also been in contact with the "fifth" of Madrid. They criticized the strategy of resistance Negrin and its "dependence" of the Soviet Union and the PCE. 135

The March 5 Colonel Casado mobilized their forces (convinced that " it would be easier to liquidate the war through an understanding between military ") and took possession of the nerve centers of Madrid and then announced the formation of a National Defence Council chaired by General Miaja and composed of two Republicans, three socialists (including Julian Besteiro ) and two anarchists. The Council issued a manifesto addressed to the radio " fascist Spain "in which he deposed the government of Negrin, but did not speak at all about peace negotiations. Military units controlled by the Communists resisted in Madrid and surroundings but were defeated (there were about 2,000 dead). The March 6 Negrin and his government plane left Spain to avoid being captured by the "casadistas" and soon did the same the main communist leaders. 222

Following the coup of Casado, General Franco refused to accept a new "embrace of Vergara" and denied Married "none of the guarantees almost to his knees implored by his emissaries [who met with members of the Headquarters], and answered British and French, eager to act as intermediaries in the surrender of the Republic so as to contain the German and Italian influence on the new regime, which did not need the spirit of generosity of the victors was the best guarantee for the vanquished ". 139

Franco just accepted a "unconditional surrender" so it only remained to prepare the evacuation of Casado and the National Defense Council. These embarked with their families in Gandia on March 29 in the British destroyer that moved to Marseille (Julián Besteiro decided to stay). A day before "national" troops made ​​their entry into Madrid and quickly occupied the rebels fighting virtually all central-south which had remained under the authority of the Republic during the war. In Alicante from day 29 some 15,000 people, including military leaders, Republican politicians, soldiers and civilians who had fled from Madrid and other crowded places in the harbor waiting to board any British or French vessel, but most did not succeed and were captured by Italian troops from the Littorio Division, under General Gastone Gambara. On 1 April 1939 radio rebel side (" National Radio of Spain ") spread the last part of the Spanish civil war. 142 The international dimension of the conflict and foreign intervention Main article: Foreign Intervention in the Spanish Civil War Soldiers of the International Brigades.

The "war of Spain" (as he called the international press) had an immediate impact on the complicated international relations of the second half of the decade of the thirties. 223 In Europe there was a strategic political struggle, diplomatic, ideological and three bands between the democratic powers, Britain and France ; the fascist powers, the Germany of Hitler and the Italy of Mussolini ; and the Soviet Union of Stalin ; and the "Spanish case" was focused by each European state from their specific interests. 224

European fascist regimes ( Germany and Italy ) and Portugal Salazar supported from the beginning to the military rebels, while the Republic, after denying your support France and Britain who chose policy nonintervention, won the support of the USSR and the International Brigades from October 1936 (also received almost symbolic support of Mexico ). This "international support for the two sides was vital to combat and continue the war in the early months. The Italo-German military assistance enabled the rebels to move the Army of Africa to the peninsula in late July 1936 and Soviet aid contributed decisive for the Republican defense of Madrid in November 1936 "mode. 225 226

There is a humanitarian aspect of the international dimension of civil war should not be forgotten: that most foreign embassies and legations of Madrid and some consulates provincial capitals gave asylum to thousands of Spaniards on both sides who were in threatening. 227 The policy of "hands off" Britain and France

Britain and France saw that the "war of Spain" could further complicate the difficult strategic game that was developed at European level. Therefore, the first orientation of the diplomacy of these powers was to ensure the isolation of the Spanish conflict. A policy that strategy on the "non-intervention" to which 27 European countries joined and gave birth due to Non-Intervention Committee based in London. 228

The "non-intervention" was determined by the British policy of " appeasement "( appeasement policy ) of Nazi Germany, which was drawn the Popular Front government of France, which had only the British against a possible German aggression. Besides the sympathies of the British Conservative government were decanted to the Nationalist side, before the fear that Spain fell " in the chaos of some form of Bolshevism "(in the words of the British consul in Barcelona) if he won the war the Republican side. 224 229

The idea came from the French government aware that they could no longer help the Republic (because that would open a large internal conflict in French society and also enturbiaría relations with its ally "vital", Great Britain), could at least prevent aid to the rebels. The British government immediately joined the project, although the same "put on the same plane to a legal government and a group of rebel soldiers." 229

But in practice the policy of "non-intervention" became a "farce" as they described some contemporary, because Germany, Italy and Portugal not suspended at all shipments of arms and ammunition to the rebels. 230 The Republic, which from October 1936 began receiving Soviet aid reported to the League of Nations fascist intervention in favor of the rebels powers, although they were never reprimanded. 224 Foreign intervention in favor of the rebels

Given the failure of the coup in July 1936 (as to the immediate seizure of power), the military rebels quickly gained support of Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The aid Men Nationalist side materialized in the Legion German (about 6,000 men) and Corpo di Truppe Volontarie Italian (up to 40,000), plus a contingent of Portuguese soldiers called Viriatos. 231 For there is no doubt their commitment to the cause of the Nationalist side, the 18th of November of 1936 (in full battle of Madrid ), Italy and Germany officially recognized the "Generalissimo" Franco and his Technical Board of the State as the legitimate government of Spain. 232 As armaments, as Julio Aróstegui, the rebels received from Italy and Germany 1359 aircraft, 260 tanks, 1730 guns, rifles, and ammunition for all. 231

The German fighters, Italians and Portuguese were regular soldiers who were provided with an allowance in their country of origin, although the propaganda of the rebels always presented as "volunteers." Genuine volunteers were a thousand or fifteen hundred men, among which were the Irish Brigade General Eoin O'Duffy, comprising approximately 500-900 effective note 12 who had come to fight in Spain to " fight the battle of Christianity against Communism "(although only participated in the Battle of Jarama and a few months later returned to Ireland), and the organization 300-500 French far-right Croix-de-feu (that later became the French Social Party ) that constituted the battalion Jeanne d 'Arc. 235 footnote 13 should also be counted among the foreigners who participated in the rebellious side to the thousands of Moroccans of the Spanish protectorate in Morocco who were enrolled in intensive troops Regulars of the Army of Africa in exchange for pay. 232

The main reason for the help of Nazi Germany Franco was that Hitler considered the "inevitable" European war would break out in the coming years would be better to have in Spain with a favorable anti-military-led government that one Republican who strengthen its ties with France (and its ally Great Britain) and the Soviet Union. 237 The decision of Hitler also had two other factors, one ideological (as propaganda Nazi war of Spain was a confrontation between "fascists" and "Marxists", blaming the Soviet Union and the "international communism" have caused it) 238 and other military (experience new weapons and new tactics, which culminated in the deployment in the rebel zone of complete air unit, supported by tanks and anti-aircraft guns, called the " Legion "). 232 fighters were tested Messerschmitt Bf 109 and Junkers Ju 87 A / B and bombers Junkers Ju 52 and Heinkel He 111. Also premiered in Spain its tactics bombing of cities. Although not the only one, the most famous was the bombing of Guernica represented by Picasso in his painting Guernica, exhibited at the Spanish Pavilion at the Universal Exhibition in Paris in 1937. Italian armored advance of the CTV during the Battle of Guadalajara.

The main reason for the assistance of Fascist Italy was to gain an ally Mussolini project to build an empire in the Mediterranean, and thus weaken the military position of France and Britain. Also like the Nazis used anticommunism in its propaganda to justify intervention in the Spanish civil war. 239

Although less airy, aid to the rebels by the dictatorship of Oliveira Salazar in Portugal was also important, especially in the first months of the war because he let the military rebels use their roads, railways and ports to communicate northern Andalusia, and also returned to the rebel zone Republicans fleeing repression. After Portugal established a base of operations for the purchase of weapons and was also a staunch ally of the rebels in the "farce" of "nonintervention" who always defended before the Non-Intervention Committee and the League of Nations. 240 Foreign intervention in favor of the Republic Soviet tank T-26B during the Battle of Belchite, September 1937.

The dictator of the Soviet Union, Stalin , responded positively to the request for assistance made ​​by the Republican no immediate government but when convinced that if the Spanish Republic was defeated increase the power of the fascist powers in Europe which would threaten the Soviet Union (as for France, a possible ally). Thus in September 1936, Stalin decided to send military equipment to the Spanish Republic and also ordered the Third International or Comintern organize sending volunteers who form the International Brigades. 241 For Brigades spent a total of 40 000 men approximate and Soviet war material that the Republic received, whose first shipments arrived at the port of Cartagena in early October 1936, were 1100 aircraft, 300 tanks and 1,500 guns (which should add some small French consignments from artillery and planes and guns and ammunition Mexicans). 242 Others require more numbers and claim that the USSR sent 680 aircraft (fighters Chato and Mosca and bombers " Katyusha "), 331 tanks, 1,699 pieces of artillery , 60 cars Shielded, 450 000 rifles Mosin-Nagant , 20,486 machine guns and light machine guns DP and 30,000 tons of ammunition. 243 This war material was accompanied by some 2,000 technicians, pilots and military advisers (and also agents of NKVD, the secret police Stalinist , under the command of Alexander Orlov ). She also sent fuel, clothing and food, some of them covered with popular donations. 244 The Soviets, like the Germans and Italians, tested weapons and combat tactics. 245 246 247 Flag of the International Brigades.

Recruitment and organizational aspects of the International Brigades leaders undertook the French Communist Party, led by André Marty , and recruitment center was established in Paris. The vast majority of those who enlisted were truly "voluntary freedom" (as the Republican propaganda saying) arrived from countries dominated by dictatorships and fascism, such as Germany, Italy and Poland, but also in democratic countries like France (which provided the largest number of brigades, 9,000), Britain and the United States (with the famous Lincoln Battalion ). Therefore the International Brigades were not the "Army of the Comintern "as asserted propaganda Nationalist side, instrument of Stalin's policies. 248 The training center in Spain stood at Albacete and there were organized five brigades numbered from XI to XV, whose entry in combat occurred in the Battle of Madrid. 249

Mexico supported the republican cause of military, diplomatic and moral way: providing forces loyal to 20,000 rifles, ammunition (speaking of approximately 28 million cartridges), 8 batteries, some airplanes and food as well as creating nursing nearly 25,000 Spanish Republicans, providing protection, shelter, food and food to thousands of intellectuals, families and children who arrived at the port of Veracruz. Argentina cooperated in the evacuation of refugees to France with two ships of Argentina Navy, ARA 25 May and ARA Tucumán. The financing of the war and the "Moscow Gold"

The Republic financed the war with the gold reserves of the Bank of Spain sent to the Soviet Union (what propaganda Franco called " Moscow gold "), unless a quarter of which was sold to France (the" gold Paris "that Francoist propaganda never spoke). The "Moscow gold" was meant "to pay the purchased weapons from Russia and other countries that were always paid, while German and Italian deliveries [the rebels] were free or deferred payment in goods. Gold is evaluated come [to Moscow] at 510 tons, worth 530 million dollars of the time. Today we know that there is no "Moscow gold" that, which was fully invested in the purchase of weapons. " 250

The timing and success of the government's decision to Largo Caballero in Moscow depositing most of the gold reserves of the Bank of Spain (where they arrived in early November 1936) has been the subject of controversy among historians. Some say, essentially following investigations Angel Viñas, Republican government had no choice because of the hostility they had shown to the Republic banks of Britain and France, so that the Soviet Union was the only one guaranteed weapons and food in exchange for gold. By contrast Pablo Martín-Aceña, a specialized financing the civil war researcher believes that the government of the Republic decided in haste before having explored other options, such as France and even the United States. 251

The propaganda Franco said gold's Bank of Spain (which he called the "Moscow gold") had been stolen by the Republic and delivered to Stalin without compensation, 252 but investigations of Angel Viñas have shown that the "Moscow gold "It was spent entirely on purchases of military equipment. Meanwhile the Bank of France bought 174 tons of gold, a quarter of the total reserves, for which he paid the Republican Treasury $ 195 million. In total, between the "Moscow gold" (three-quarters of the reserves of the Bank of Spain) and the "Golden Paris" (a quarter of the Francoist propaganda never spoke) republican authorities obtained $ 714 million which was the financial cost of the civil war to the Republic. In Russia there was nothing of Spanish gold reserves were almost exhausted in the summer of 1938. The problem was that due to the policy of "non-intervention" in many cases the emissaries of the Republic were scammed by arms dealers who sold obsolete at prices well above the actual cost equipment. 253 Republican governments were also scammed by the Soviet Union itself, as noted by Gerald Howson, or by Poland and other countries who abused the precarious republican situation to sell "war scrap". 254

Meanwhile the rebellious side, as had gold, bearing the bulk of the cost of the war (about 700 million, a similar amount spent by the Republic) by credits earned in Italy and Germany. 255 The Nazi Germany a part of war material supplied 'in kind' (a system devised by claimed Hermann Goering with food, raw materials and minerals and Spaniards who came to Germany through two companies created for that purpose). Something similar happened with Italy, so that the two fascist powers replaced France and Britain as the first commercial customers in Spain. 256 Also the rebels also obtained economic and financial assistance to companies and businessmen from Britain, France and the United States, especially those most sympathetic to the "national cause" (eg, the American and British companies Texaco and Shell Oil sold them on credit during the war). 257 The rebellious side also received financial support from wealthy Spaniards as Juan March, which contributed 15 million pounds, or ex-King Alfonso XIII , who donated $ 10 million. 258 The Church and the Spanish Civil War Main article: Catholic Church and Spanish Civil War The Catholic Church in the rebel zone

Although religious motivation does not appear on either side of pronouncement of the coup in Spain in July 1936, 259 conversion coup in a "crusade" or "holy war" in defense of religion, occurred rapidly , which was particularly appropriate to legitimize the coup. 260 This "sacredness" of the war was accentuated especially when started arriving in the rebel zone the first news of the "savage religious persecution" that had been unleashed in the Republican zone where the military uprising failed. 261 José María Pemán, one of the leading ideologues side he revolted wrote: " incense smoke and gunpowder smoke that rises to the soles of God, are a same vertical willingness to assert a her faith and save a world and restore a civilization . " 262 Pope Pius XI.

Most Spanish bishops waited for the Vatican to rule before making public its vision of war, but this did not occur until 14 September 1936 when Pope Pius XI gave the speech " The presenza vostra "at his residence summer in Castel Gandolfo at a public hearing to a group of some 500 Spanish Catholics who had managed to flee the Republican side, many thanks to the help of the republican authorities, especially the Government of Catalonia. But in the speech the Pope did not use the term "crusade" to refer to the war in Spain but of "Civil War" " among children of the same people, the same motherland "and made ​​a final exhortation to love enemies. 263 Indeed the rebel zone of discourse only those paragraphs that seemed ratify the condition published cross civil war and the entire second half in which he exhorted them to love their enemies was abolished. The Spanish bishops, who at first only knew the speech of Pius XI in this propaganda version, made ​​public immediately lit pastoral in favor of the rebels, among which highlighted the Bishop of Salamanca Enrique Pla and Deniel published on September 30, 1936, just one day before General Franco was proclaimed "Generalism" and "Head of the State Government", entitled "The Two Cities" and declaring war as a "crusade for religion, country and civilization "(when Pla and Deniel met the full version did not retract at all of his ministry, nor did the other bishops). 264 In this way "Franco had the support and blessing of the Catholic Church . " 265 Similarly expressed the Cardinal Isidro Goma, archbishop of Toledo and primate of Spain :

The war of Spain's civil war? Do Not; a struggle of the godless [...] against the real Spain, against the Catholic religion. The War of Spain, 1936-1939, page 261.

The Lehendakari Aguirre in French exile (April 1939).

A serious challenge to the idea of "crusade" advocated by the raised side revolted when the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), a Catholic party, remained faithful to the Republic (so in the Basque Country Republican, comprising Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa There was no religious persecution, no church was burned down or closed and the Catholic cult developed normally), which threw overland conception of civil war as a "crusade". So the August 6, 1936, just three weeks after the coup of July, the bishop of Vitoria (whose diocese then covered also Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa , plus Álava ) Mateo Múgica and bishop of Pamplona Marcelino Olaechea , published jointly a ' Pastoral Instruction "(which actually had been written by the Cardinal Primate of Toledo Isidro Goma ) in urging the Basques to end their collaboration with the Republic nationalists. 266 In the "pastoral instruction", and other writings Posterior Cardinal Goma on the "Basque question", referring to the priests killed in the first weeks of the war by the "national" is done, not by the "red" and whose death somehow justified as "separatists ". The murder of these priests led the protests of the Bishop of Vitoria Mateo Múgica Urrestarazu which was answered by the Board of National Defense with the requirement to the Vatican that he was dismissed from his bishopric and leave Spain, despite having supported the "uprising" ( the October 14, 1936 Bishop Múgica went into exile). 267 This "Basque question" reappeared when Republican Basque country was occupied by the "national" in June 1937, because of that repression also included many priests Basque "separatists" who were imprisoned for the crime of "rebellion." 268

Two months later issued the collective Letter of the Spanish bishops on the occasion of the war in Spain was drafted by the Cardinal Primate of Toledo Isidro Goma instances of "Generalissimo" Francisco Franco who asked the May 10, 1937 that, since the Spanish bishops supported him, published " a writing, addressed to bishops worldwide, with request that seek playback on the Catholic press, can get to put the truth in his point . " 269 The "truth" which sought to General Franco to be disseminated in this document was intended to counter the condemnation made ​​by broad sectors of the most advanced of the murders committed by the "national" fourteen priests in the European and American Catholicism Basque Country and thousands of workers and farmers across the rebel zone, in addition to its refusal to consider the Spanish civil war as a crusade or holy war. 270

The objective pursued Franco collective letter to win the World Catholic opinion in favor of the cause of the rebellious side so fully achieved because virtually bishops worldwide thereafter adopted the view of the Spanish Civil War expressed the collective letter, especially the description made ​​it from religious persecution that had been unleashed on the Republican side. 271 However, five bishops signed it. Including the bishop was exiled from Vitoria Mateo Múgica Urrestarazu he "could not sign a document responding to the accusation that the Franco area also had harsh repression, the principles of justice and how to apply it is praised military courts. " 272 Nor was signed by Cardinal Vidal i Barraquer, who was undoubtedly the most significant case of the five because it was perhaps the most prominent figure of the time of the Catholic Church in Spain. The refusal to sign the letter was based on that he "believed that fratricidal war that the Church should not be identified with any of the two sides, but rather to work of pacification." 272 Consecration of Pope Pius XII, March 1939

The Vatican announced that it would fully recognize the Nationalist side, amid the collapse of the Aragon front spring of 1938, when informed that he would appoint a nuncio to replace the "papal delegate" Ildebrando Antoniutti, which since 1937 had held July the papal representative to the "Generalissimo" Franco. The appointed by Pope Pius XI was Archbishop Gaetano Cicognani. He presented his credentials to Franco on May 24, and a month later, on June 30, did the same "in solemn audience" to Pius XI ambassador "National Spain" to the Vatican, José Yanguas Messía. 273

At the time of the triumph of the "national" in the war, the "Spanish Church, which was massively joined the uprising, turned enthusiastically in the celebrations of victory over the other half. And the Holy See, which for most of the conflict had been so reticiente in the end he also joined the celebrations. " 274 On 1 April 1939, the same day the "Generalism" Franco issued the famous "last part" in proclaiming " The war is over ", Pope Pius XII (Cardinal Pacelli that on March 2 had been appointed after the death of Pope Pius XI) telegram congratulating Franco for his " Catholic victory ": 275 Two weeks later, on 16 April 1939, Vatican Radio broadcast a message read by Pope Pius XII himself saying 276

With great joy we turn to you, dear children of Catholic Spain, to express our paternal congratulations for the gift of peace and victory, with which God has deigned to crown the Christian heroism of your faith and charity, proven in many and so generous suffering

On May 20, 1939, one month after the Victory parade in Madrid chaired by the "Generalism" Franco ", held at the Church of Santa Barbara in Madrid ) A political-religious ceremony "medievalizante who wanted to represent as sacred drama ideology of holy war that had just ended "in which General Franco captain general's uniform, blue shirt (the Falange ) and red beret (of requetés ) accompanied by his wife walked under a canopy in the temple ( while the organ rang the national anthem) which offered up the sword of victory to God. 277 Then the Cardinal Goma, who presided over the ceremony accompanied by nineteen bishops (and in the presence of the Vatican nuncio Archbishop Cicognani), blessed the "Caudillo "bended knees before him: 278

The Lord be with you always. He, from whom all law and all Power and under whose rule are all things, bless you and keep loving providence protecting you and the people whose regime has entrusted you. Pledge of this is the blessing that I give in the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit

The Catholic Church in the Republican zone Militiamen dressed in liturgical vestments after the sacking of a church. Madrid, 1936

Especially during the early months of the war in the Republican zone "wild religious persecution" with murder, arson and looting whose authors were "extremists, uncontrolled and common criminals coming out of prisons that were joined" broke, all immersed in the wave of violence against persons and institutions representing the "bourgeois order" that wanted to destroy the Spanish social revolution of 1936 that occurred in the area where the military uprising failed. 261 "For several months enough that someone was identified as a priest, religious or simply Christian activist, member of a pious apostolic or organization to be executed without trial. " 279

As the number of victims of a brochure advertising Franco published in Paris in 1937 put the number at 16,750 priests and 80% of members of religious orders. These figures remained as the official during the first two decades of the Franco dictatorship until 1961 the priest Antonio Montero Moreno (who later became Bishop of Badajoz) published the only systematic and serious study that has been done so far, citing for their names of victims. According to the study entitled History of religious persecution in Spain 1936-1939 280 were killed in the Republican zone 12 bishops, diocesan priests 4184, 2365 and 263 religious sisters. 281 It remains to know the number of lay Catholics who were killed not by what who had supposedly done individually but belonging to a Catholic confessional association or merely to be practicing Catholics. 282

What post-Montero Moreno research has clarified is that most murders occurred between July and September 1936 when the clergy were imprisoned and executed without any trial. From the last date began operating the popular courts under the leadership of the new government of Largo Caballero giving minimum legal safeguards for detainees and convictions usually ended with imprisonment and not death. Following the events of May 1937 and the formation of the government of Juan Negrin in which the justice ministry was occupied by catholic PNV Manuel de Irujo completely stopped the killings and most of the priests who were in prison were released. However, the prohibition of public worship continued Catholic and other revolutionary measures. Only at the end of the war with the disbandment of the Republican army towards the French border became new victims among the clergy, including the Bishop of Teruel stresses occur Anselmo Polanco Fontecha. 283 Thus, according to historian and monk Benedictine Hilari Raguer, "you can not deny the tragic reality of the massacres summer 36 but is confusionario pretend that terror had lasted until the end of the war." 283

The republican authorities (especially the autonomous governments of Catalonia and the Basque Country) tried to prevent the murders of priests and religious, and generally right-wing people and military. In the Basque country the government of José Antonio Aguirre got the situation under control and there were no religious persecution. In Catalonia, although the effective power they had hundreds of mostly anarchist revolutionary committees that had emerged after the defeat of the uprising of July 19, the Government headed by Lluís Companys managed to salvage thousands of endangered right and including many priests (starting with the head of the Church in Catalonia, the archbishop of Tarragona Cardinal Vidal and Barraquer who had been detained by a militia group) and religious (including nuns 2142) 284 granting passports and chartering boats French and Italian so they could flee abroad, 285 but could not prevent hundreds of them were executed for being Catholics. 286

However, despite all these initiatives, the Church and the Catholic faith in the Republican zone, except in the Basque Country, had disappeared. In an internal report submitted to the Cabinet on January 7, 1937 the Catholic minister without portfolio in the PNV Manuel Irujo denounced the " fair territory "" all churches were closed to the cult, which has been downright suspended ". He also claims Irujo, " all convents have been emptied and religious life suspended in them "and" their buildings, objects of worship and goods of all kinds were burned, looted, occupied or demolished . " " Priests and religious have been detained, imprisoned and executed without trial by thousands, facts that while amenguados, still continue . " 287 Finish your Irujo report asked the other members of the government of Largo Caballero approve reinstatement freedom of conscience and religious freedom recognized in the current Constitution of 1931, but his proposal was rejected unanimously by understanding that the public would disapprove because of the alignment of the Catholic Church with the rebellious side , in addition to argue the old (and false) argument, but widespread, from the temples that had been shot and forces loyal to "the people" 288 José Antonio Aguirre during a speech in Aberri Eguna of 1933 held in San Sebastián.

The exception was the Basque Country Republican because there was no religious persecution and the Catholic cult developed normally. The reason was that the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), a Catholic party, remained faithful to the Republic. 266

In the government formed the Socialist Juan Negrin after the events of May 1937 the Catholic and nationalist Basque Manuel Irujo ranked Justice Ministry department was traditionally in Spain was responsible for religious affairs. The commission received Irujo Negrin was to try to normalize religious life in the Republican zone. 289 The first fruit of the new policy was the tolerance for domestic worship so Masses celebrated in private homes were no longer persecuted or, with some few exceptions, resulted in arrests, although occasionally became meetings favorable to the rebels. 290

As for the restoration of public worship the government was met with strong opposition of the anarchists, on the one hand and on the other, by some Republican Catholics and the Church authorities who thought that churches could not be reopened without further forgetting the killings and arson in the first months of the war, in addition to all this could become an instrument of republican propaganda. 291 The government actually sent secretly to Rome a church to make known to the Vatican their order to normalize the ecclesiastical life and reconciled with the Church. 292 But the Vatican's response was evasive without engaging in anything. 293

A new gesture of reconciliation with the Church took place on October 17, 1938 when four government ministers chaired the official Catholic burial of Basque Captain Vicente Eguía Sagarduy killed in combat, which was given wide publicity in the press and had great international impact. 294 The next step was to create the December 8, 1938 the Commissioner for Religious Affairs of the Republic in charge of protecting religious freedom and worship, the head of which Negrin appointed a Catholic colleague and friend Jesús María Golferichs Bellido, who accepted the position "fulfilling a duty of Catholic". But public worship had no time to be restored because of the offense of Catalonia that launched the "Generalissimo Franco" on December 23, 1938 and that in only a month and a half occupied Catalonia. Thus, the reopening of Catholic churches in Catalonia was not the work of the Republic but brought Franco's troops (when already made ​​preparations to reopen the cult one of the chapels of the cathedral of Tarragona, "national "They entered the city on January 15). 295 The repression in the rearguard Main articles: Red Terror (Spain), Terror Blanco (Spain) and Victims of Spanish Civil War.

During the early days, some 50,000 people were trapped on the other side were executed by so called rides. These were carried out by armed groups would find people to their homes or prisons where prisoners were and under the euphemism of going for a walk took them to any road or cemetery walls and executed.

Perhaps the most publicized of such executions between those carried out by the national side, due to the relevance of the protagonist, is the poet and playwright Federico García Lorca in the ravine Víznar in Granada. Also acquired great importance the slaughter of Badajoz, perpetrated by rebel troops after the capture of the city.

By the Republican side the largest series of mass killings were the Paracuellos massacres between November 7 and December 4, 1936, sacks of prisoners from prisons in Madrid (among which was playwright Pedro Muñoz Seca next others, intellectual, religious, political and military) and killed, mostly in the town of Paracuellos.

In the context of the war there were many who were used to perform such macabre acts, sometimes for revenge unrelated to the war itself, and when a zone fell into the hands of either side, they soon get the rides. Particularly cruel for the population was the case of localities that were intermittently occupied by both sides, with subsequent and repeated executions and revenge.

In the area controlled by the Republic, clashes between militias and opposing factions also served as an alibi to episodes of bloody repression, as in the case of the May 1937 conference in Barcelona, ​​narrated by writer Englishman George Orwell in his work Homage to Catalonia, based on firsthand experience.

Military Ramon Salas Larrazabal studied casualty figures who could die in these rears. It found, in his studies that all victims were registered in the Civil Registry, making an estimate of the deaths of the war. In the Annex: Mortality Spanish Civil War, enrollment in court, you can see a summary of its findings. However in subsequent studies, and for example in Navarra place he considered a witness, it has been found that the victims of repression were much higher than the figures he had calculated. Research of Crimes

After the war, the Republican side was accused by the rebellious side of the commission of crimes since the early days of the war. The main allegations concern the religious persecution of Catholics, 296 297 creation of semi detention ( Czech ) where he tortured and killed those suspected of sympathizing with opposing side 298 and carrying out mass killings and massacres of the Model Prison Madrid 299 and Paracuellos. 300 The Franco regime promoted an extensive investigation into the events known as General Cause 301 302 which, despite having been made ​​with partiality and without sufficient procedural safeguards, had abundant documentary and testimonial.

For its part, the crimes of the victors were never investigated or prosecuted. Many voices in the legal field as Baltasar Garzón (Spanish ex-judge of the Audiencia Nacional), Carlos Jiménez Villarejo (founder of the association Democratic Justice ), 8 Raúl Zaffaroni (criminal and Supreme Court of Argentina), 9 as well as various associations of victims of Francoism and others argue that the Nationalist side committed acts of genocide and crimes against humanity, and that documentation now available, such as military records of the time, it would show that his plans included the extermination and systematic persecution political opposition, the rape of women in the Republican zone, 303 304 the imposition of physical and psychological tests to prisoners to link their ideology with mental illness or systematic theft of children to parents Republicans to eliminate ideological "contamination" to which his true identity is still hidden.

Considering that those acts, by definition of crimes against humanity can not prescribe or be acquitted, Baltasar Garzón initiated a process to investigate the facts, based on what had already unsuccessfully pushed against former Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, seeking justice and compensation for victims of Francoism. Among other considerations, argued the charge of genocide, 305 citing the car 211/2008 Central Court of Instruction no. 2 (Case SS-Totenkopf or Nazi Genocide), by which it was considered crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity committed against the Spaniards held in camps of National Socialist concentration ideological or political motivations. 11 12 306

The National Court of Spain decided by majority vote and without any assessment about the criminal nature of the allegations, the Central Court of Instruction No. 5 directed by Garzón lacked subject-matter jurisdiction to investigate, considering extinguished the possible criminal liability of investigated because of his death. 307 The dissenting judges considered that the court was competent to be the facts investigated "crimes against humanity and genocide" as being a "systematic and massive elimination of political opponents" after the Civil War. 308 Impact Economic

Payment of expenses of war by both sides was very high. Having used the republican government gold reserves to buy weapons ended the monetary reserves of the Republican zone. The rebellious side had to pay a lot of money after the end of the conflict, largely leaving Germany exploded mineral reserves of the peninsula and the Spanish Africa now, so until the outbreak of the Second World War had almost no chance of income. Spain had been devastated in some areas, with totally devastated villages. The Spanish economy would take decades to recover. [ citation needed ] Victims of the Civil War Main article: Victims of the Spanish Civil War Mass grave in Estépar, province of Burgos , with 26 victims of the republican side. The excavation took place in July 2014.

The number of civilian casualties is still discussed. Some claim exaggerated the figure would be between 500,000 and 1 million people. 2 Many of these deaths were not due to the fighting, but the repression in the form of summary executions and walks. This was carried out on the side revolted systematically and by order of his superiors, while on the Republican side came uncontrollably at times when the government lost control of the armed masses. 309 Abuses focused on all those suspected of sympathizing with the opposing side. On the Nationalist side was mainly pursued trade unionists and Republican politicians (both left and the right), while the Republican side this repression headed supporters of the reaction or suspected and priests of the Catholic Church, coming to burn convents and churches and murdering bishops , priests and religious. Is incalculable loss in the historical and artistic heritage of the Catholic Church, for some 20,000 buildings, among them several Cathédrales including its ornamentation (altarpieces and images) and records were destroyed. 310 311

The death toll in the Spanish Civil War can only be estimated approximately. The Nationalist side established a figure of 500,000, including in addition to the war dead, victims of bombings, killings and assassinations. Recent estimates show that same figure of 500,000 dead or something less, excluding those who died of malnutrition, hunger and disease engendered by war. The figure of one million dead, sometimes cited comes from a novel of Gironella, that justifies between 500,000 recognized and many others whose life was irrevocably shattered. The Francoist repression after the war and the Republican exile Main articles: Francoist Repression and Republican Exile.

After the war, the Franco regime started a repressive action against the losing side, starting a cleaning which was called The Red Spain and against anything related to the Republic, which led many into exile or death, resulting in theft Baby Republicans parents still unknown today, in many cases, their identity. During that time, talk about democracy, republic or Marxism was illegal and prosecutable.

The forced exile of many repressed before, during and after the war it is difficult to quantify. According to its geographical location and political preferences we chose between going by sea, crossing the ocean to move to South American countries mostly sea or the wealthy to go to England or France. Or by land across the Pyrenees to French side, country many chose for its proximity to Spain and his belief welcomed, demonstrating his mistake with facts as Bram concentration camps.

The Republican exile came in three times. The first was the northern campaign (March-November 1937); the second the fall of Catalonia, January-February 1939, during which went to France around 400 000 people (such an amount that spilled over to the French authorities had to improvise various concentration camps, even on the beaches, where the inmates suffered harsh living conditions), although nearly half of them end up returning to Spain; the third and final wave occurred at the end of war in the last days of March 1939, when thousands of Republicans went to the ports of the Levant for a boat to take them into exile, but few succeeded. 312 is estimated in March 1939 could only leave Spain between 7000 and 7500 people, including sailors manning the fleet who fled to Bizerte. 313

Among the exiles a significant part of the Spanish intellectual elites who sought accommodation in other countries, especially in Mexico was, which was a huge loss of human capital for Spain. For example, "in February 1942 Consulate General of Mexico in Vichy censused 13 400 Spanish higher education who wished to leave occupied France, including 1743 doctors, lawyers 1224, 431 engineers and 163 of the 430 teachers who possessed Spain in 1936 ". 314 International relations

The political and emotional repercussions of the war transcended what is a national conflict, as for many other countries, the Spanish Civil War was seen as part of an international conflict that raged between religion and atheism, revolution and fascism. For the USSR, Germany and Italy, Spain was testing ground for new methods of aerial warfare and tanks. For Britain and France, the conflict represented a new threat to international balance awkwardly trying to preserve, which collapsed in 1939 (a few months after the end of the Spanish War) with the Second World War. The pact of Germany with the Soviet Union marked the end of this interest in maintaining its revolutionary pressure in southern Europe.

In terms of foreign policy, GCE represented Spain isolation and withdrawal of ambassadors from almost everyone. Only a few countries maintained diplomatic relations with Spain since the end of World War II until the beginning of the Cold War. From the 50s, the Spanish international relations, with US support, become almost normal, except with the countries of the Soviet bloc. The "Devastated Regions»

During the Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939, many towns and cities fully or partially destroyed. After the war, was established Directorate General of Devastated Regions that assumed the role of rebuild.

Among many devastated populations, the following were found:

Asturias: The Foz, Oviedo, Banners, Tarna, Villamanín. Vizcaya: Guernica, Durango and less Barakaldo. Cantabria: Las Rozas de Valdearroyo. Castellón: Benafer, Xilxes. Extremadura: Mérida. Guadalajara: Gajanejos, Hita, Masegoso de Tajuña. Guipúzcoa: Eibar. Huesca: Banariés, Banastás, Huerrios, Igriés, Lascascas. Madrid: Brunete, La Hiruela, Prádena, Villanueva de la Cañada, Villanueva del Pardillo. Teruel: Híjar. Zaragoza: Belchite.

Historical memory Map pits the Spanish Civil War. Geographical location of the graves or burial sites in the Spanish territory and where information is available, represented by symbols of different colors depending on the action taken on each. Source: Ministry of Justice

In 2007 the Spanish government passed the Law of Historical Memory, trying to refresh the memory and dignity of reprisals. 315 This includes renaming roads with Franco names, symbols falangistas removing monuments, maps of mass graves and exhumation of bodies, etc. . 316

Similarly, other economic authorities have acted in the same line, 317 coming to rule in favor the UN 318 The civil war in art

The theme of the Civil War is the most literary of all historiography Spanish, 319 as well as the most controversial and generating social and political discussion (see historical memory ). Although there is almost unanimous agreement on dates, so-called revisionists next to Franco, propose the 1934 revolution as the beginning of the war. The very statement of the state of war diverged on both sides: the Republican government did not declare a state of war until nearly the end (to maintain civilian control over all institutions), while Franco's government did not raise his statement to several years after completion (to ensure military control). Movies

See Category: Films about the Spanish Civil War 320

Made during the war itself, although there were also fiction films (the Republican hopeful Aurora - Antonio Sau, Barcelona, ​​1937, Slums - Pedro Puche , Barcelona, ​​1937 and our guilt - Fernando Mignoni , 1938- five movies national of Benito Perojo and Florian Rey were shot in German studies UFA , folk genre -Ambient rebuilt in The Girl of Your Dreams , Fernando Trueba , 1998), 321 were mainly gender documentary :

Republican side:

Spain 1936 ( Luis Buñuel ) Days of Hope ( Hope or L'Espoir, of André Malraux , who also wrote a novel with the same title). Land of Spain ( Joris Ivens ) US production.

Rebellious side:

Spanish newscast, 32 documentaries (preceding the NODE ) Vivan the free men! ( Edgar Neville, 1939) Moroccan Ballads (1938-1939) on the intervention of Moroccan troops They were much less numerous, due to fewer producers (eight to over fifty Republican); 322 although there are Portuguese documentaries ( O caminho de Madrid ), Italian ( . Top Spagna Scene della civile war in Spagna ) and German ( In Gegen den Kampf Weltfeind or Legion ). 323  Defenders of the Faith ( Russell Palmer, 1938) 324

During the Franco years (until 1975): 325

Frente de Madrid ( Edgar Neville, 1939), adapted from the novel by the same author 326 The Siege of the Alcazar ( Augusto Geneina, 1940) Italian-Spanish Raza ( José Luis Sáenz de Heredia, 1941) scripted Franco himself Red and black ( Carlos Arevalo, 1942) censored by its harshness, despite its Falangist guidance The Sanctuary does not surrender ( Arturo Ruiz Castillo, 1949)

Since 1975: 327 Fiction:

Long Vacations of 36 ( Jaime Camino, 1975); the same author: Dragon Rapide, used as title the name of the plane that left Franco Canary The long winter Russian children A venduta vita ( Aldo Florio, 1976) Bicycles Are for the Summer ( Jaime Chavarri, 1984) adaptation of the work of Fernando Fernan Gomez The heifer ( Luis García Berlanga, 1985) Requiem for a Spanish Peasant ( Francesc Betriu, 1985) adaptation of the novel Sender Ay, Carmela! ( Carlos Saura, 1990) Land and Freedom ( Ken Loach, 1995) Libertarian ( Vicente Aranda, 1996) A Time for Defiance ( Antonio Mercer, 1998) Butterfly's Tongue ( José Luis Rope, 1999) The Devil's Backbone ( Guillermo del Toro, 2001) Soldiers of Salamina ( David Trueba, 2003) The good news ( Helena Taberna, 2008) The Anarchist's Wife ( Marie Noelle and Peter Sehr, 2009)

Documentary:

Die in Madrid ( Frederic Rossif, 1963) The old memory ( Jaime Camino, 1976) Altarpiece of the Spanish civil war ( Basilio Martín Patino, 1980); the same author had previously treated postwar Songbook after a war (1971) and the figure of Franco Caudillo (1974). The Spanish Civil War ( Granada Television, 1983) The honor of injuries ( Carlos García Alix, 2007) 328 The black dog (Stories of the Spanish Civil War) ( Péter Forgács, 2005) 329 Children of Morelia ( Juan Pablo Villaseñor, 2004, Mexico) 330

Novel

The Spanish civil war in the novel 331

For Whom the Bell Tolls ( Ernest Hemingway ), became film adaptation. Frente de Madrid ( Edgar Neville ) The Forging of a Rebel ( Arturo Barea ) Requiem for a Spanish Peasant ( Ramón J. Sender ) Counterattack ( Ramón J. Sender ) The faithful infantry ( Rafael García Serrano ) Castle Square ( Rafael García Serrano ) Cumbres de Extremadura ( José Herrera Peter ) Fog horn ( José Herrera Peter ) Prone ( Ricardo Fernandez de la Reguera ) The rear ( Concha Espina ) Alas invincible ( Concha Espina ) Madrid, cutting Czech ( Agustín de Foxa ) The Cypresses Believe in God ( José María Gironella ) A million dead ( José María Gironella ) Peace has broken out ( José María Gironella ) The frozen heart ( Almudena Grandes )

The Magic Labyrinth ( Max Aub ) series of five novels: Closed field , Field of Blood , Open field , Campo del Moro , French countryside and Field of almond. Latest flags ( Angel Maria de Lera ) Those we lost ( Angel Maria de Lera ) Blue Monkey ( Aquilino Duque ) Tanguy ( Michel del Castillo ) Duel in Paradise ( Juan Goytisolo ) The novel number 13 ( Wenceslao Fernández Flórez ) Sanco Panco ( Salvador de Madariaga ) You will return to Region ( Juan Benet ) Rusty spears ( Juan Benet ) The red sisters ( Francisco Garcia Pavon ) The other tree of Guernica ( Luis de Castresana ) The only years ( Carmen Diaz Garrido ) San Camilo, 1936 ( Camilo José Cela ) Mazurka for two dead ( Camilo José Cela ) Soldiers of Salamina ( Javier Cercas ) Memory time ( Carlos Fonseca ) The Captain ( Elsa Osorio ) The Wall ( Jean Paul Sartre ) The Carpenter's Pencil ( Manuel Rivas ) Tales of Madrid ( Cesar Arconada ) Capital of glory ( Juan Eduardo Zuniga ) The Confidential Agent ( Graham Green ) 377A, wood Hero ( Miguel Delibes ) Unease in Paradise ( Óscar Esquivias ) 332 The mule ( Juan Eslava Galán ) 333

A case of narrative counterfactual is the novel In this day of Jesus Torbado.

Autobiographical stories of great literary and historical value are: 334 Homage to Catalonia ( George Orwell ) L'Espoir or Hope ( André Malraux, who also directed the eponymous film) The largest cemeteries in the moonlight ( Georges Bernanos ) The Sleeping Voice ( Dulce Chacón ) upon which became The Sleeping Voice, film adaptation (In French) Pas pleurer ( Lydie Salvayre ) A Thousand Days of Fire ( José María Garate Córdoba ) 335

Story and narrative

Many of the stories based on the Spanish Civil War are, according to Ignacio Martinez de Pison, "stories designed from the explicit commitment to either side ... the authors of some of these stories very actively collaborated in propaganda work: Arturo Barea and María Teresa León for the Republican Spain, Edgar Neville , José María Pemán or Agustín de Foxa to national. Certainly, in the heat of battle were many writers who adapted to the emergency and altered its system of priorities: to contribute to the war victory, albeit with something as modest as a narrative or poem, would always be by above any other consideration. " 336 Children's literature

Despite the commitment of the subject, treatment is the same in children's literature. 337 338 339 Theater

Rebellious side:

Cross and Sword, patriotic romance in five altarpieces ( José Gómez Sánchez-Reina , Granada, 1938) A Madrid: 682, scenes of war and love (presented as script for a movie, Juan Ignacio Luca de Tena ) Theirs is the world ( José María Pemán, Seville and Zaragoza, 1938)

Some plays were radiated, as Miaja defends the Villa and worships Zorrilla ( Joaquín Pérez Madrigal, by National Radio from Salamanca). 340

Republican side:

Evening in Benicarlo ( Manuel Azaña, not shown until 1980) Night of War in the Prado ( Rafael Alberti, 1956) recreating the transfer of works from the Prado Museum in 1936 Radio Sevilla (by the same author, brief satirical piece represented during the war itself)

After 1975:

Bicycles Are for the Summer (theater) ( Fernando Fernan Gomez )

Poetry

Bando revolted

Poem of the Beast and the Angel ( José María Pemán, the minstrel of the Crusade )

Republican side

War songs ( Antonio Machado ) Wind Village. Poetry in the war ( Miguel Hernández ) Spain, remove this cup from me ( César Vallejo ) Spain in the heart: hymn to the glories of people in war ( Pablo Neruda )

Music

Republican side

Hidden truths ( Lucia socam, CD 2010) Republican (Lucia socam, CD 2011) 1936 a village in Arms - Without God (War on War, 1997)

Satirical magazines

Bando revolted

The machine gun (for later work in the Quail )

Republican side

Be negre, Papitu (both Catalan); Cartoonists: Tísner , Kalders (in Diari de Barcelona ), Puyol (in Red Front ). 341  The Traca (Valencia); Cartoonists: Bluff (I shot after the war), Butcher, Mendez Alvarez, Palmer In the trenches came to move more than 500 heads 342

Cartoon

Bando revolted

Arrows Pelayo (artist: Valentine Castany ) Arrows and Pelayo (product of the merger of the two, parallel to the fusion of the different parties in FET y de las JONS ) Boys ( Jesus Blasco, Emilio Freixas , Alcaide, Thomas)

Republican side

Red Pioneer

In democracy

Eloy or Manzanares River of Antonio Hernández Palacios 36-39 Bad Times (2007-2008) of Carlos Giménez The blind snakes (2008) by Felipe Hernández Cava and Segui The Art of Flying (2009) by Antonio Altarriba / Kim The angel of withdrawal (2010) by Sergei Dounovetz / Paco Roca New Battle Deeds (2011) of Hernán Migoya with various artists A rookie doctor (2013) of Sento The grooves of chance (2013) Paco Roca

Painting and sculpture

The International Exhibition in Paris in 1937 hosted a Spain Pavilion managed by the government of the Republic in which, among other testimonies of war, was presented the Guernica of Pablo Picasso, the Mercury Fountain of Alexander Calder , The Montserrat by Julio González , The Catalan peasant rebellion of Joan Miró , Discovered and Fusilados of Modesto plums , Negros Aircraft Horacio Ferrer or The Spanish people have a destiny that leads to a star of Alberto Sánchez Pérez. Printing, poster and magazines

Rebellious side:

Vertex (magazine) 343 Hierarchy (magazine) Illustrators: Teodoro and Álvaro Delgado, José Caballero , JJ Acha , J. Olasagasti and Carlos Saenz de Tejada.

Republican side

Time to Spain Mono Azul Photomontage: Josep Renau. Poster: Carles Fontseré. 344  Mainstream had the stamp of international aid Aidez l'Espagne, of Joan Miró.

Photography

Robert Capa, author, among many others, the instant controversy Death of militia (identified as Federico Borrell , but it could be another of those killed in Cerro Muriano on September 5, 1936), which became an icon of the twentieth century. 345  Agustí Centelles More Pelayo, Collector Series 169 photos Martyrdom of art and the destruction of the Church in Red Spain (80 of them in Toledo). 346  Guglielmo Sandri, Italian army lieutenant, took 4000 photographs, recovered in 1992. 347

Games

Some games covering fighting in the Spanish Civil War:

1936, Spain in flames a mod suit Second World War, Call of Duty 2. Complete the game Shadows of war. The game Hearts of Iron 2. 348

See also

Leading figures of the Spanish Civil War Fascism Francisco Franco Franco Symbols of Francoism Operation Ursula Pavilion of the Spanish Republic

Spanish social Revolution of 1936 Appointment of Generalissimo Francisco Franco as  Annex: Aircraft of the Spanish Civil War Annex: Vessels used in the Spanish Civil War Annex: portable Weaponry used during the Spanish Civil War Annex: Tanks in the Spanish Civil War Annex: Charged in Auto October 16, 2008 Central Court of Instruction No. 5 of the Audiencia Nacional

Notes

It was formed by an amalgamation of parties, political movements and trade unions, including especially the members of the Popular Front, but also those who simply defended the republican democratic system, or who opposed fascism. Created on 16 October of 1936 to address the crushing advance of the rebel army, as demonstrated in Extremadura campaign on his way to Madrid. They then join the International Brigades and self Soviet Union also send technicians and supervisors, aircraft, pilots and tanks to the People's Army. participated throughout the war, but since the creation of the People's Republican Army many militia joined it, some even followed his own path, as in the case of the militia POUM. Since 1937 they were integrated in the Popular Army. initiative of the Comintern Communist ideology mainly men from different countries of the world to help send the Second Republic, these would be integrated into the International Brigades. Basque Army. Acted independently of the Popular Republican Army, under the command of the Basque Government. His troops carried the Ikurriña instead of the Republican flag, except battalions socialists, communists and anarchists. Since the spring of 1937 were integrated into the People's Army. The rebellious side was formed by the rebel army at first by the army in the Canary Islands, the Balearic Islands , the Army of Africa set in the Spanish protectorate in Morocco and where they revolted in the same Iberian Peninsula. German forces would be added Legion and Corpo Truppe Volontarie, besides the National Movement , formed by Falangist and Carlist units. Some residual units of White Russians and even Irish blueshirts be integrated into the ranks of this army. Carlist Phalangists with monarchists and supporters of the CEDA would be integrated later by the Decree of Unification in the so-called National Movement. foreign support from the Nazi Germany by order of Adolf Hitler. foreign support from the Fascist Italy by order of Benito Mussolini. teaches employed by the rebel side between the 13th September of 1936 and 2 February of 1938. From July 17 to August 29 both sides used the same teaching, the flag of the Republic. Therefore, the military rebels killed in that period bicolor ever fought under the flag, but under the republican tricolor (except for those who acted in Navarra ). Julián Casanova points five hundred Irish, 233 but other authors raise this number to any number between 700-900 fighters. 234

Julián Casanova mentioned 300 French soldiers, 233 but other studies suggest a higher number, around 500. 236 234

References

Civic Unity for the Republic. Barcelona. Exhibition Airmen Republic The number of losses is debatable; estimates suggest that between 500,000 and one million people died. Over the years, these figures decreased historians, and modern studies conclude that 500,000 deaths is the right figure. Hugh Thomas, The Spanish Civil War (2001), pp. xviii & 899-901, inclusive. Alpert, 1996, p. 127. Sole i Sabate and Villaroya, 2003, pp. 16-17. Santos Juliá, 1999, p. 118. "It was certainly class struggle by force, where someone could die for covering the head with a hat or worn with sandals feet, but was not least religious war, of nationalism faced, war between dictatorship military and republican democracy , between revolution and counterrevolution , between fascism and communism . " Malefakis, 2006 , p. 24. "Although the military started the war, the war can not, as is sometimes defined as follows haciéndose- fight-or Army soldiers plus a handful of wealthy landowners and ecclesiastical hierarchy against the rest of the society. Without the support of many Spanish-especially of the middle and upper classes, but also humble: millions of smallholders and religiously people, the uprising would not have become civil war, despite increased military effectiveness with which the Rebels had at first. " 'The Franco genocide in Córdoba', Córdoba Day , November 17, 2008. "The dictatorship of Franco was a fascist, genocidal", The Plural , July 19, 2006. " The last genocide denied: 'Truth, justice and reparation' for victims of all forms of genocide " New Tribune, March 2, 2010. Article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, adopted by the Genera Assembly of the United Nations on December 9, 1948 and ratified by Spain and many other states, defines the crime of genocide in the following terms: "In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts, committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such : a) Killing members of the group . b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group Injury. c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group. e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group. " Order of October 16, 2008, Central Court of Instruction No. 005, National Court. Madrid. Order of November 18, 2008, Central Court of Instruction No. 005, National Court. Madrid. Garcia Queipo de Llano, Genoveva (1997). The reign of Alfonso XIII. The failed modernization. Madrid: History 16. p. 130. ISBN 84-7679-318-9. Juliá, 1999, pp. 27-28. Suárez, Eduardo (2006). "Three days of April that revolutionized Spain." The Adventure of History (90). ISSN 1579-427X. Aróstegui, 1997, pp. 13-14. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 64-68. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 84. Casanova, 2007, p. 112. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 96. Juliá, 1999, p. 106. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 82. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 82-84. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, pp. 116-117. Casanova, 2007, p. 156. Casanova, 2007, pp. 122-123. Casanova, 2007, p. 120. Casanova, 2007, p. 157. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, pp. 120-121. Casanova, 2007, p. 160. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 121. "A few days before the elections, some eighty thousand Andalusian peasants, La Mancha and Extremadura convened by the FNTT [socialist], took to occupy farms from which they had been evicted in the winter of 1934-1935 [by -cedistas radical] governments. A fait accompli, forcing the Ministry of Agriculture to take timely to re-enact the legislation of the first two "measures are well produced. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 122. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 130. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, pp. 123-125. Casanova, 2007, pp. 166-168. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 123. Juliá, 1999, p. 114. Casanova, 2007, pp. 162-163. Juliá, 1999, pp. 112-116. "In this way, the government fell unassisted by their natural allies and harassed from the right by an emboldened monarchist opposition dragging and tackles Catholics and from the left by a sector of the PSOE that if he had given up the revolution looked impatience when replacing the republican government by one exclusively socialist ". Gil Pecharromán, 1997, pp. 126-127. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, pp. 127-128. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, p. 128. Casanova, 2007, p. 164. Casanova, 2007, p. 165. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, pp. 129-130. Casanova, 2007, p. 171. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, pp. 130-131. Hugh Thomas, Volume I, p. 230. Casanova, 2007, p. 175. Cruz, 2006, p. 167. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 22. Pecharromán Gil, 1997, p. 118. Casanova, 2007, p. 173. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, p. 136. Casanova, 2007, pp. 173-174. Juliá, 1999, p. 115. "The divisions that had emerged within the army itself from the dictatorship ... during the Republic had reached a singular degree of virulence with the creation of military unions faced with the question of the political regime [EMU, Military Union Spanish, monarchical; and Republican Fascist Military Republican Union , UMRA, with a much smaller] influence. " Juliá, 1999 , pp. 115-116. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 25. "Azaña and many members of his party, and self Casares Quiroga, head of government, did not believe that after neutralized easily the coup Sanjurjo in 1932 in the army would have capacity to prepare serious action also considering that had potential heads controlled and if that would be easy uprising abort should occur. " Gil Pecharromán, 1997, p. 138. Casanova, 2007, p. 174. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 32. Gil Pecharromán, 1997, pp. 138-139. Thomas, 1976, pp. 239-240. Hurtado, Victor (2011). The uprising. Barcelona: DAU. ISBN 978-84-936625-6-1. , pp.74-75 Aróstegui, 2006, pp. 92-94. Aróstegui, 2006, p. 190. Speech by Benito Mussolini. Rome, Italy, February 23, 1941, English translation. Alpert, 1996, pp. 123-124. Alpert, 1996, p. 189. Alpert, 1996, p. 190. Alpert, 1996, pp. 187-191. Alpert, 1996, pp. 126-127. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 52. Thomas, 1976, p. 341. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 56. Espinosa Maestre, 2003. Alpert, 1996, p. 128. Casanova, 2007, p. 304. The Spanish Civil War, Dir. Edward Malefakis, chap. 4. Alpert, 1996, pp. 129-130. Alpert, 1996, pp. 128-129. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 57. Juliá, 1999, p. 120. Alpert, 1996, pp. 130-132. Casanova, 2007, p. 309. Juliá, 1999, p. 128. Alpert, 1996, pp. 133-134. Alpert, 1996, p. 134. Alpert, 1996, p. 136. Alpert, 1996, p. 137. Alpert, 1996, pp. 137-138. Alpert, 1996, pp. 138-139. Alpert, 1996, pp. 141-142. Alpert, 1996, p. 142. Alpert, 1996, pp. 142-148. Alpert, 1996, p. 148. Alpert, 1996, pp. 148-149. Alpert, 1996, pp. 149-150. Alpert, 1996, pp. 150-152. Alpert, 1996, pp. 152-153. Alpert, 1996, pp. 153-155. Alpert, 1996, pp. 155-156. Alpert, 1996, pp. 160-161. Alpert, 1996, p. 161. Alpert, 1996, pp. 157-160. Alpert, 1996, pp. 162-163. Alpert, 1996, p. 163. Casanova, 2007, p. 332. Alpert, 1996, pp. 163-166. Alpert, 1996, pp. 166-167. Alpert, 1996, p. 166. Alpert, 1996, pp. 167-170. Casanova, 2007, pp. 333-334. Casanova, 2007, pp. 334-335. Alpert, 1996, p. 172. Juliá, 1999, pp. 139-140. Alpert, 1996, p. 173. Alpert, 1996, pp. 173-174. Alpert, 1996, p. 175. Alpert, 1996, pp. 175-177. Alpert, 1996, p. 177. Alpert, 1996, pp. 177-181. Alpert, 1996, pp. 180-181. Casanova, 2007, p. 336. Alpert, 1996, p. 182. Alpert, 1996, p. 183. Alpert, 1996, pp. 183-185. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, p. 250. Alpert, 1996, p. 185. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 122. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, pp. 215-219. Casanova, 2007, pp. 403-405. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 117. Casanova, 2007, p. 405. Casanova, 2007, p. 337. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, pp. 421-438. Vines and Hernández Sánchez, 2009, pp. 265-284. Casanova, 2007, pp. 337; 405. Juliá, 1999, p. 143. History of Spain. The Spanish Civil War, Ramón Puche Macia. Digital Campus (UMU). Maria embodies Nicolas Marin. Casanova, 2007, pp. 405-407. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, p. 422. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, p. 425. Alpert, 1987, p. XII. Alpert, 1987, pp. 1-2. Thomas, 1976, pp. 360-362. Alpert, 1987, pp. 376-377. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, pp. 422-424. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, p. 423. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, pp. 421-422. "Based on Cartagena could become, for its natural conditions and its magnificent setting, the bastion on any hypothesis of a stepped resistance to settle." Alpert, 1987, pp. 378-379. Jorge Martínez Reverte War against Hitler. Unpublished documents prove that Colonel Vicente Rojo, chief of staff of the Republic, the Government proposed Negrin to provoke a war with Nazi Germany, El País, 18/10/2008; advancement of a book will be titled The art of killing , to publish in 2009. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, p. 424. Solé i Sabaté and Villarroya, 2003, p. 9. Solé i Sabaté and Villarroya, 2003 , p. 10. 21 airmen mercilessly Solé i Sabaté and Villarroya, 2003, p. 313. From the Battle of the Ebro to the end of the war, Volume II of Republican Aviation: History of the Spanish Republican Air Force (1931-1939) , of Carlos Saiz Cidoncha , 2006 Solé i Sabaté and Villarroya, 2003 , p. 303-312. Solé i Sabaté and Villarroya, 2003, p. 313-316. Casanova, 2007, p. 339. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 48. Aróstegui, 1997, pp. 70-72. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 36. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 72. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 76. Juliá, 1999, p. 119. Casanova, 2007, p. 344. Casanova, 2007, p. 345. Ramon Tamames, p. 344 Casanova, 2007 , p. 357. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 90. Aróstegui, 1997, pp. 90-91. Thomas, 1976, p. 690. Casanova, 2007, p. 352. Thomas, 1976, p. 691. Casanova, 2007, p. 353. Juliá, 1999, pp. 121-122. Casanova, 2007, p. 354. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 92. Thomas, 1976, p. 744. Casanova, 2007, p. 355. Thomas, 1976, p. 808. Thomas, 1976, p. 809. Thomas, 1976. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 113. Casanova, 2007, p. 359. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 114. Juliá, 1999, p. 122. Raguer, 2001, pp. 396-397. Aróstegui, 2006, pp. 97-101. Aróstegui, 2006, pp. 97-102. Aróstegui, 2006, pp. 100-103. Casanova, 2007, pp. 204-205. Juliá, 1999, p. 124. Juliá, 1999, pp. 118-119. Juliá, 1999, p. 125. Casanova, 2007, p. 302. Casanova, 2007, pp. 303-304. Casanova, 2007, pp. 304-308. Juliá, 1999, p. 126. Casanova, 2007, p. 313. Casanova, 2007, pp. 313-315. Aróstegui, 1997, pp. 69-70. The Spanish Civil War, Dir. Edward Malefakis, chap. 6. As the fighter and anarchist Errico Malatesta thinker said : "I am a Communist, I am in favor of the agreement and I think with an intelligent decentralization and a continuous exchange of information may become necessary to organize exchanges of products and meet the needs of all without recourse to symbols currency. Like any good communist I aspire to the abolition of money, and like all good revolutionary think it will be necessary to disarm the bourgeoisie, devaluing all signs of wealth that can serve to live without working. " Juliá, 1999, pp. 126-129. Casanova, 2007, pp. 318-321. Casanova, 2007, pp. 317; 323-324. Casanova, 2007, p. 326. Juliá, 1999, p. 132. Juliá, 1999, p. 133. Casanova, 2007, pp. 328; 332. Casanova, 2007, pp. 329-331. Casanova, 2007, p. 328. Juliá, 1999, p. 137. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 98. Casanova, 2007, pp. 335-336. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999, p. 77. "It is true that Spain was" invaded "foreign presence on both sides, but it was more that seen on the side of the government of Burgos and, above all, it persisted to the end. And there is no doubt that the argument wielded Negrin that the Spanish national side was not without being far from truth, had much more reason being that when Burgos said that Republican Spain was virtually a satellite of Stalin ».. Juliá, 1999, p. 142. Casanova, 2007 , p. 337-405. Aróstegui, 1997 , p. 40. Aróstegui, 1997 , p. 60. Casanova, 2007 , pp. 261-262. Casanova, 2007 , pp. 273-274. "[From the beginning of the Battle of Madrid], the war was not a Spanish internal affair. It was internationalized and thereby won brutality and destruction. Because the Spanish territory became a testing of new weaponry that was developing in those years of rearmament, before a great war [WWII] announced ».. THE DIPLOMATIC ASYLUM: A CONDITIONER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC DURING THE CIVIL WAR Manuel Antonio Moral Roncal University of Alcalá de Henares Aróstegui, 1997, pp. 59-60. Casanova, 2007, pp. 263-265. Casanova, 2007, p. 266. Aróstegui, 1997, p. 42. Casanova, 2007, p. 278. Casanova, 2007, p. 277. "Of the genuine volunteers [who fought in the army troops Franco], one thousand to 1500, highlighted the Irish Catholics ... Just fought in the Battle of Jarama in February 1937, which, given his inexperience military, did not go very airy and some months later returned to their homeland. In addition to the five hundred "blue shirts" Irish, there was in Franco's troops White Russians hardened fighting the Bolsheviks, a diverse group of fascists and anti-Semites from Eastern Europe group and three hundred French from the far-right Croix de Feu which formed the battalion Jeanne d'Arc ". RA Stradling. 'Battlefield Votes: Ireland and the Spanish Civil War. " In Paul Preston. The Republic besieged . pp. 185-224. ISBN 84-8307-400-1 . Casanova, 2007, p. 277. Dewaele, H. (2002). Magazine History and Politics: Ideas, processes and social movements, No. 8, ed. "The French extreme right in Spain: myths and realities of the flag Jeanne d'Arc (1936-1939)" . Casanova, 2007 , pp. 267-268. Casanova, 2007 , p. 267. Casanova, 2007 , p. 268. Casanova, 2007 , p. 269. Casanova, 2007 , pp. 271-274. Casanova, 1997 , p. 42. "The problem of the quantitative evaluation of these arms deliveries still standing and appreciation of its utility also" .. Jose Maria Manrique Lucas Molina, The arms of the Spanish Civil War , the field of books, ISBN 84-9734-475-8 . Casanova, 2007 , p. 273. The C-6, commanded by Russian Nikolai Yegipko . Submarine C-1 . In August 1936 he was appointed commander of the Russian official Burmistrov, which replaced the CC Lara.

To head of the flotilla of three submarines, the C-2, C-4 and C-6, was appointed Russian Burmistrov, from the C-6 in command of his compatriot Eguipko, although I have news that were to sink any ship, yes, at least kept his submarine activity until the last moment. Both reach the Admiralty in the Soviet Navy, and Eguipko play in the seventies the post of chief Admiral base of Leningrad. The "Cervera" in sight!

Casanova, 2007, pp. 274-275. Casanova, 2007, p. 276. Aróstegui, 1997, pp. 42-43. Casanova, 2007, p. 281. Casanova, 2007, p. 285. Casanova, 2007, pp. 285-286. Casanova, 2007, p. 289. Who financed the Civil War? Casanova, 2007, pp. 286-287. Casanova, 2007, pp. 287-288. "Without this oil, the war machine of Franco's army had not worked, as Italy and Germany, Spain, the Anglo-American oil depended for their supplies. Franco received 3,500,000 tons of oil on credit, more than double imports got the Republic, and also some of those oil barons hindered trade to the Republic and blocked loans to its banking system ".. Casanova, 2007, p. 288. Raguer, 2001, p. 78. Raguer, 2001, p. 83-84. Raguer, 2001, p. 84. Raguer, 2001, pp. 87-88. Raguer, 2001, pp. 119-122. Raguer, 2001, pp. 123-124. Casanova, 2007, p. 340. Raguer, 2001, pp. 205-206. Raguer, 2001, p. 367-369. Raguer, 2001, p. 250. Raguer, 2001, pp. 151-152. Raguer, 2001, p. 151. Raguer, 2001, p. 172. Raguer, 2001, p. 158. Raguer, 2001, pp. 256-257. Raguer, 2001, pp. 389-390. Raguer, 2001, p. 393. Raguer, 2001, p. 394. Raguer, 2001, p. 397. Raguer, 2001, p. 399. Raguer, 2001, p. 175. Montero Moreno, 1999, p. 762. Raguer, 2001, pp. 175-176. Raguer, 2001, p. 177. Raguer, 2001, p. 178. Raguer, 2001, p. 203. Raguer, 2001, pp. 198-201. The beatification of discord Raguer, 2001, p. 323. Raguer, 2001, p. 324. Raguer, 2001, p. 328. Raguer, 2001, pp. 327-328; 349. Raguer, 2001, p. 330. Raguer, 2001, pp. 331-332. Raguer, 2001, p. 333. Raguer, 2001, pp. 347-348. Raguer, 2001, pp. 354-358. "So for a few days, it was not possible to restore public worship at a point of Republican Spain, even in a single chapel, before the arrival of the" crusaders "victors". Thomas, Hugh (1976). The Spanish civil war. Volume I. Pages 295 and following: Grijalbo Mondadori. p. 1164. ISBN 84-253-2768-7. Tunon de Lara, Manuel (December 1982). "Civil war". History 16. History of Spain. Extra XXIV (12): 18. Thomas, Hugh (1976). The Spanish civil war. Volume I. Pages 301 and following: Grijalbo Mondadori. p. 1164. ISBN 84-253-2768-7. Thomas, Hugh (1976). The Spanish civil war. Volume I. Pages 437 and following: Grijalbo Mondadori. p. 1164. ISBN 84-253-2768-7. Thomas, Hugh (1976). The Spanish civil war. Volume II. Pages 523 and following: Grijalbo Mondadori. p. 1164. ISBN 84-253-2769-5. causageneral.org. "General Cause". Accessed 16/06/2012. Editorial Akron. "General Cause. The red domination in Spain. ". Accessed 17/06/2012. raped and raped, Franco crimes in Euskal Herria, 1936-1940. Queipo: "Our brave legionnaires and regular red have taught man what being Incidentally also women red now finally have known real man and not neutered militants Kicking and.. berrear not save "Union Radio Seville, July 1936. Article 607 of the Penal Code of Spain requires that the crime of genocide concurs that the author has the "intent to destroy in whole or in part a national, ethnic, racial, religious or disability determined by their group members". Auto processing Johann Leprich, Anton Tittjung and Josias Kumpf for acts of persecution against Spanish prisoners in the National Socialists of Mauthausen and Sachsenhausen. Fields, Central Court of Instruction No. 002, National Court. Madrid. National Court. "Auto of December 2, 2008» . Plenum of the Criminal Division . Accessed 15/06/2012 . Clara Bayarri. "I disagree but not transgressed" . El País . Accessed 15/06/2012 . Thomas, Hugh, Op.Cit. "The Church and civil war", by Javier Tusell . On the Civil War, his great book production and small research gaps by Juan García Durán. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999 , p. 439. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999 , pp. 499. Bahamonde y Cervera Gil, 1999 , pp. 339-340. The Ministry of Justice hangs on Internet map of the graves of Civil War Rubalcaba explain the map of pits The municipalities can not ignore the places of the Franco regime "Spain should clarify where and who are in the graves", according to the UN The literature on the Spanish civil war is gigantic. It has been said that far exceeds the existing regarding any other great conflict of the twentieth century, including World War II, and it is true. (Carlos Artola: Overview of Spain Betrayed ). Search Dialnet da 5108 documents. A search on a specialized library gives 571 books marketed to July 2, 2009. http://www.ucm.es/info/multidoc/multidoc/revista/num9/cine/guerra-civil/principal.html. In some lists movies are included in the relationship with civil war is far away: http://www.uhu.es/cine.educacion/cineyeducacion/literatura%201966-1985.htm JM Caparros Lera The Spanish Civil War in film, ABCD Arts and Letters, 15-VII-2006. Some clues about documentary production during the civil war Franco http://cinepolitico.blogspot.com/2007/05/defensores-de-la-fe-russell-palmer-1938.html JM Caparros ( op. cit. ) makes a count of 45 films, 14 of them in the first years after the war. http://cinematecanacional.wordpress.com/2007/09/08/frente-de-madrid-1939-bn-91/ http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/portal/alece/pcuartonivel.jsp?id=925&conten=ficha&ficha=pelicula&nomportal=alece According to the computation of JM Caparros ( op. cit. ) As for the vision of the "losers" in democracy have posted 44 films about the Civil War, almost as many as forty years of dictatorship. Thus in Transition have produced 15 titles, the first socialist era other 17 films in the period of the Popular Party came to 11, and at this stage of the PSOE for now there is only one fiction film: Iris, of Rosa Verges. Rocío García "A legendary vendetta against poverty . Carlos García Alix opens the honor of injuries, a documentary that explores the horror of war and fanaticism through the figure of Felipe Sandoval, anarchist gunman who killed himself in July 1936 (sic, is 1939) in a detention center, " El País , 08/11/2008 [1] Award for best documentary at the Tribeca Film Festival (New York). The film, created from homemade tapes that people like Joan Salvans and Alberto Noriega recorded at the time, offers an intimate and poetic vision of the circumstances surrounding the conflict. [2] National Film Archives of Mexico. See assay Maryse Bertrand de Muñoz, in AIH. V Proceedings (1974). The recent novels in the Spanish civil war. Cervantes Center SANZ VILLANUEVA: "Restless in Paradise", The Cultural [supplement of the newspaper El Mundo ], 22-XII-2005. MARTOS, David: "[Juan Eslava Galán:" What touches is acomplejarnos to be Spanish. We do not have to be ashamed! " http://www.abc.es/cultura/20130505/abcp-juan-eslava-galan-toca-20130505.html ] " ABC, May 5, 2013. Maryse Bertrand de Muñoz (1982). Jose Porrua Turanzas, ed. The Spanish Civil War in the novel: annotated bibliography. Spain. ISBN 84-7217-114-4 | isbn = Wrong ( help ). CLEMENTE, Josep Carles: Stories of Transition: the end of the blackout, 1973-1981. Editorial Foundations, 1994. Anthology Parties war, RBA, 2009: "When I met the 35 stories from 31 authors from different generations, different places, which speak of the countryside and the city, from the front and in the rear, the idea was that the anthology would cover war as a whole; and that this storybook come to replace this collective novel about the Civil War that has not been written; We do not know if I ever will be written "( Stories that supply the great novel about the Spanish Civil War , by David González Torres, Paper Airplane, 15/02/2009). The authors cited are: Ignacio Aldecoa, Bernardo Atxaga , Max Aub , Francisco Ayala , Arturo Barea , Pere Calders , Juan Campos Reina , Manuel Chaves Nogales , Miguel Delibes , Jesús Fernández Santos , Juan García Hortelano , Francisco Garcia Pavon , Rafael García Serrano , Xosé Luis Mendez Ferrin , Ana Maria Matute , Edgar Neville , Lino Novas Calvo , Ramiro Pinilla , Fernando Quiñones , Manuel Rivas , Rodoreda , Tomás Segovia , Ramón J. Sender , Manuel Talens , Trapiello Andrés , Juan Eduardo Zuniga. Literature Magazine No. 262-263. Special The LIJ and the Spanish Civil War Vicente Muñoz Puelles, The Perrona , Anaya, 2006; The War of Amaya , Anaya, 2010. R. Victor Alfaro, Alejandro and cap time, Origami, 2013. Jose Maria Martinez Cachero Talia in the Civil War: Theater on national zone in cervantesvirtual. Humorisme gràfic - història More news AACE: "The comics and the Civil War", by JM Varona 'Che' "The Art of the Civil War in Spain» Retrieved January 6, 2014. Approach to Spanish Art, 1936-1939 - Manuel García García i Miguel Angel Villena. " A documentary dismantles the myth of the militia of Robert Capa. The shadow of the iceberg argues that the dead soldier is not Federico Borrell " El País 16/12/2008 With them, and with those from 1938 monograph of the French magazine L'Illustration was mounted by the Archbishop of Toledo in 2008 the exhibition Toledo, martyred city. 1936 Miguel Mora Spain, seen by an Italian fascist. Lieutenant Sandri took 4,000 photographs during his service in the Civil War - The material salvaged from the trash, returns the memory of the war to Rome, El País 06/11/2008; Lieutenant War Album Sandri (four pictures in gallery of the same article).

Steve Butts (7 January 2005). "Hearts of Iron 2 The most complex and rewarding World War 2 strategy game to date". IGN (in English). Retrieved August 25, 2013.

Bibliography

Alpert, Michael (1987). The Spanish civil war at sea. Madrid:. XXI Century ISBN 84-323-0609-6. Alpert, Michael (1996). "The military history." In Stanley Payne and Javier Tusell. Madrid: Temas de Hoy. ISBN 84-7880-652-0. Aróstegui, Julio (1997). The Civil War. The democratic rupture. Madrid: Historia 16. ISBN 84-7679-320-0. Aróstegui, Julio (2006). Why the July 18 ... And after. Barcelona: Ediciones Wind Flower. ISBN 84-96495-13-2. Bahamonde, Angel ; Cervera Gil, Javier. (1999) Thus ended the war in Spain. Madrid: Marcial Pons. ISBN 84-95379-00-7. Casanova, Julian (2007). Republic and Civil War. Vol. 8 of the History of Spain, directed by Josep Fontana and Ramon Villares. Barcelona: Criticism / Marcial Pons. ISBN 978-84-8432-878-0. Espinosa Maestre, Francisco (2003). The column of death. The advance of Franco's army from Seville to Badajoz. Barcelona: Criticism. ISBN 84-8432-431-1. García Nieto, Mª Carmen. Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. Salvat Editores, Barcelona, ​​1982. ISBN 84-345-7996-0 Strong Palasí, Juan Francisco; Mallench Sanz, Carlos (2013). The Forgotten Battle. Castellón: Divalentis. ISBN 978-84-939522-9-7. Pecharromán Gil, Julio (1997). The Second Republic. Hopes and frustrations. Madrid: Historia 16. ISBN 84-7679-319-7. Juliá, Santos (1999). A century of Spain. Politics and Society. Madrid:. Marcial Pons ISBN 84-9537903-1. Maldonado Moya, José Mª. The front of Aragon. The Civil War in Aragon (1936-1938). Look Publishers. ISBN 978-84-8465-237-3 Malefakis, Edward (2006). 'Historical and theoretical perspectives of war. " In Edward Malefakis. The Spanish Civil War (2nd edition). Madrid:. Taurus ISBN 84-306-0614-9 .  Martinez Bande, J. The Battle of Teruel . Ed. San Martín (Madrid). ISBN 84-7140-088-X   Montero Moreno , Antonio (1999) [1961]. History of religious persecution in Spain. 1936-1939. (2nd edition). Madrid (Spain): BAC. p. 762. ISBN 84-7914-383-5 .   Raguer , Hilari (2001). The powder and incense. The Church and the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) . Barcelona: Peninsula. ISBN 978-84-8307-848-8 .   Solé i Sabaté , Josep Maria ; Villarroya, Joan (2003). Spain in flames. The civil war from the air . Madrid: Temas de Hoy. ISBN 84-8460-302-4 .   Thomas , Hugh (1976). The Spanish Civil War (Ed. Debolsillo (2011) edition). Barcelona: Grijalbo. ISBN 978-84-9908-087-1 .   Tunon de Lara , Manuel (1986). The Battle of Teruel . Zaragoza: Institute of Teruel. ISBN 84-505-5073-4 .   Vines , Angel ; Hernández Sánchez, Fernando (2009). The collapse of the Republic (Ed. paperback (2010) edition). Barcelona. ISBN 978-84-9892-108-3.

External Links

Wikimedia Commons. Wikimedia Commons has media related to the Spanish Civil War. Wikisource has original works on the Records of the Spanish Civil War. Wikiquote lodges famous phrases about the Spanish Civil War. Text of the Constitution of the Spanish Republic The Civil War, 70 years later - Elmundo.es  History of Spain - The Spanish Civil War (1931-1936) in Historiasiglo20.org Republican Memory: "Objectivity and neutrality in the study of the Spanish Civil War" The German involvement in the Spanish Civil War, by Walther Bernecker The website The European Library Harvest is material related to the topic The Republic in peace as in war by Paul Preston. Letras Libres, May 2003 Oblivion released on the Civil War Memorial in Aragon. Ebre 38: International Journal of Civil War from 1936 to 1939, the full text. Juan Pablo Fusi, "In the heat of combat", El País , April 15, 2012. Isthisuseful (talk) 21:36, 2 March 2015 (UTC)