Upper Reka



Upper Reka (Горна Река; ) is a geographic area and ethnographic subregion of the broader Reka region of western North Macedonia, including settlements within the upper left portion of the Municipality of Mavrovo and Rostuša and of Gostivar Municipality. The region historically is home to both a Muslim Albanian community and Christian Orthodox Albanian speaking population. In the modern period, Orthodox Upper Rekans self identify as Macedonians, and due to their migration from Upper Reka, the remaining population by 2010s are Muslim Albanian Upper Rekans. Upper Reka is a mountainous and rugged region with animal grazing and highland pastures. In contemporary times, the largest inhabited settlement is the village of Vrbjani. Upper Reka is an isolated and underdeveloped region with limited communication links, whereby access and travel becomes difficult during the snowy winter months.

Historically Upper Reka inhabitants mainly engaged with agricultural and farming activities of which some of the remaining population continues to do. The region has experienced much depopulation over time due to seasonal or permanent migration to nearby regions and abroad in search of employment and better living standards. In the 14th century Upper Reka was part of the Lordship of Prilep, of the Mrnjavčević family, until 1395, when its territory was subjugated to Bayezid I of the Ottoman Empire under which it remained until the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913. Thereafter it became part of Kingdom of Serbia, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and eventually part of North Macedonia.

Location
The broader Reka region is divided into Mala (small), Dolna (lower) and Golema (large) or Gorna (Upper) sub-regions (ethnographic/geographic regions). Upper Reka alongside the wider Reka region was also considered (and from an Albanian point of view still considered) to belong to the larger region of Dibra that encompasses multiple sub-regions centered around the town of Debar on both sides of the Albanian-Macedonian border.

The region of Upper Reka is bordered by Kosovo to the north and by Albania in the west. It is a mountainous area with highland alpine pastures, situated at the northern end of the Radika river basin that continues on into Lower Reka all the way to the southern Boškov Bridge, near the area of Small Reka. Upper Reka's northern and northeastern territorial borders consist of the Vraca Mountains which are part of the wider Šar Mountains that extend nearby as the Ničpur Mountains with Lera peak at 2194 m. The northwest and western borders of Upper Reka go along the Korab Mountains with Golem Korab peak at 2753 m. A narrow pass at 1920 m above sea level, between the Korab and Šar Mountains exists that allows for communication and interaction with the ethnographic/geographic Gora region. Through this opening, located between the three point border mountain peak of Ksulje e Priftit at 2092 m and the Vraca Mountains is the most suitable communication link (consisting of an automobile road, pedestrian and mule paths) between the former village of Štirovica at the extreme northern end of Upper Reka and Restelica village at the southern edge of the Gora region in Kosovo.

The southern border of Upper Reka is on the right side within the valley of the river Radika. It is between the villages of Vrbjani in Upper Reka and Žirovnica in Lower Reka that are represented by geographical and communicative limitations presented by the imposing Korab Mountains. A road links both villages and is the main outlet for transitory communication between within the area that goes all the way to Debar. The eastern part of the southern border from the left side of the Radika river valley fully belongs to the Bistra Mountains with Medenica peak at 2163 m. An eastern road that intersects with the others at Volkovija village heads toward near Vrben village at Upper Reka's eastern limits. Onward that road continues toward to Mavrovi Anovi town and Mavrovo Lake and further on to Gostivar. Apart from the main Radika river, a series of tributaries that feed it are found throughout Upper Reka such as Dlaboka Reka (Përroi i Thellë), Brodečka Reka (Ujë të Vaut, also Uji i Vaut), Ribnička Reka (Përroi i Rimnicës) and so on. Highland mountain alpine pastures used for livestock grazing by the local populace are found throughout the mountainous region such as Rečka Planina (Bjeshka e Reçit), Nistrovski Korab (Korabi i Nistrovës) and Ḱafa Kadis (Qafa e Kadisë). In total, the confines of the Upper Reka region covers an area of about 358.8 km2.

Settlements
Upper Reka settlements within Mavrovo and Rostuša Municipality include Tanuše (Tanushaj), Nivište (Nivisht), Ribnica (Rimnicë), Žužnje (Zhuzhnjë), Nistrovo (Nistrovë), Ničpur (Niçpur), Volkovija (Vallkavi), Kičinica (Kiçinicë), Krakornica (Krakarnicë), Beličica (Beliçicë), Vrben (Vërben), Bogdevo (Bogdë), Sence (Sencë), Vrbjani (Vërbjan), Bibaj and Grekaj. Upper Reka settlements within Gostivar Municipality are Brodec (Va, definite form: Vau). Traditionally three other adjacent villages, Duf and Orḱuše (Orqushë) in Mavrovo and Rostuša Municipality and Gorno Jelovce (Jalloc i Epërm, also Jallofcë e Epërme) all within the neighboring Upper Polog region have at times also been considered belonging to Upper Reka, due to linguistic affiliations and cultural connections. Also due to uprisings in the Upper Reka region, former settlements such as: Trnica (Tërnicë), Reč (Reç), Dubovo (Dëbovë), Štirovica (Shtirovicë), Strezimir (Shtrezmir) and Zavojsko (Zavojskë) were burned down by Serbian and Bulgarian forces between 1912–1916.

Climate, fauna and wildlife
The Upper Reka region is the only area within North Macedonia to have a cold Alpine climate. Due to the high altitude, the region is exposed to winds from various directions. From the east, the strong gusts of what Upper Reka locals refer to as era bardh, literally the white wind, the rain-bringing warm southeast wind ladas and the northwest wind heralding weather change called era poshtr or low wind. The region is exposed to thunderstorms mainly during summer, while rain, frost, hail and rainbows occur according to seasonal weather patterns. The winter season is often long and snowy and so too is the summer season, while spring and autumn seasons are short. Snow mostly appears in the region from the middle of autumn lasting until mid-spring. It recent times snow fall continues late into spring and even at times into early summer. Due to snow fall, Upper Reka becomes an isolated region as communication for most of the year with neighbouring areas is severely limited and even impassable such as that with Albania through the Korab Mountains. In past times, the population was forced during the short summer season to supply food grains, salt, beans and other food stuffs as snow made communications difficult between nearby villages and the outside world. Most of Upper Reka along with Dolna Reka is located within Mavrovo National Park. In the area of Upper Reka, parts of the region still contain virgin forests of old and unique species of Beech trees (Abies borisii-regis) especially around Dlaboka river and the northern part of the Radika river valley. Parts of Upper Reka forests were felled until the 1950s to create pastures for sheep grazing. Upper Reka is also home to the critically endangered subspecies of Eurasian lynx, the Balkan lynx (Lynx lynx balcanicus).

Population and Identity
Upper Reka is inhabited by Muslim and Christian Albanian speaking people referred through demonyms in Macedonian as Gornorekanec (plural: Gornorekanci) and Rekali (plural: Rekalinj/të) in Albanian. By outsiders they are referred to as Shkreti, from the Albanian word and expression shkretë/i shkret meaning the poor ones, due to their isolated mountainous homeland and difficult living circumstances. The term was used by people from Upper Polog, Mavrovo Pole, and Lower Reka, regardless of ethnicity or religion. In the modern period, the term is used by people from the Mavrovo area and Lower Reka, its use in Macedonian is as a pejorative and in all neighbouring areas the word is used as a way to identify people from Upper Reka. Upper Rekans do not use the word to describe themselves and only say it when describing the hardships of the past.. "Сето горнореканско население, повторно без оглед на етничката и верска припадност, во соседните предели е познато под егзонимот "Шкрети". И не случајно е задржан овој егзоним до ден денес. "Шкрето" во албанскиот говор значи "пусто". Според описите на етнолошките и етнопсихичките карактеристики кои ги даваат некои од авторите (Цвијиќ, Недељковиќ, во одредена мера и Смиљаниќ) генерално за горнореканското население, може да се согледа дека било навистина тешко и мачно да се живее во постојан страв од напади, пљачкосувања и убиства, да се живее во "оваа пустелија" како што изјавуваат и денес Горнореканците. Дека пределот бил "пуст", во смисла тежок за живеење најмногу во однос на грабежите, знаело и населението од соседните предели особено од Мавровско Поле, но и од Горни Полог и Долна Река. Така користејќи ја албанската форма "шкрето" за "пусто", токму населението од мавровско Поле го употребувало овој егзоним најмногу. Етнонимот/егзонимот се користи и денеска во пределот, но само од страна на Мавровци и Долнареканци, додека еден Горнореканец за себе никогаш нема да рече дека е "Шкрет". Додека разговарав со Горнореканките кои живеат во пределот, многу често го употребуваа зборот "шкрето", кога сакаа да објаснат колку тешко живеат во минатото во Горна Река. Дури кога зборуваат и за други работи кои немаат врска со тешкиот живот во минатото, сепак го употребуваат. За нив зборот "шкрето" нема статус на етноним, но за сите други во соседните предели тоа е етоним/егзоним со кој ги идентификуваат Горнореканците. [All of the population of Upper Reka, again regardless of ethnic and religious affiliation of neighboring regions, is known by the exonym "Shkreti." And this happens to be the exonym retained until today. "Shkrete" in Albanian speech means "deserted". According to descriptions of ethnological and ethno-physical features, provided by some authors (Cvijić, Nedeljković, to some extent, Smiljanić), in general the population of Upper Reka, as you can see that it was really difficult and painful to live in constant fear of attacks, robberies and murder, living in "the wilderness" as stated today in Upper Reka. That area was "desolate" in the sense of living in the most difficult in terms of robberies, known by the population from neighboring areas especially Mavrovo Pole, and the Upper Polog and Lower Reka. So using the Albanian form "shkreto" for "desolate" is precisely why the population of Mavrovo Pole employed this exonym most. Ethnonym/exonym is used today in the area, but only by Mavrovci and Lower Rekans while an inhabitant of Upper Reka never would call himself a "Shkret." While talking to Upper Rekans who live in the area, often they used the word "shkreto" when they wanted to explain how hard life in the past was in Upper Reka. Even when speaking of other things that have nothing to do with the hard life of the past, it is still used. For them the word "shkreto" has no status of an ethnonym, but for all other neighboring areas it is an ethnonym/exonym that identify people from Upper Reka.]"

Of the Albanian speaking populations who remained Christian Orthodox, they assimilated and identify as Macedonians, while those who embraced Islam consider themselves Albanians. Due to the migration of Orthodox Christians to urban centers a few decades ago, today the majority of inhabitants are Muslim Albanians, with a minority of Orthodox Albanian speakers, who self-identify as Macedonians. The 2002 Macedonian census listed Vrbjani as the largest Muslim Albanian settlement in Upper Reka with 625 inhabitants and the main Orthodox settlement was Vrben with 142 inhabitants. In Upper Reka, households are called shpi (Standard Albanian: shtëpi) or literally house and traditionally consisted of patriarchal extended families. These families, some affluent ones, lived in large and at times fortified multi story stone dwellings called kulla or tower house while other families had smaller houses.

Economy and Seasonal/Permanent migration
Due to difficult living circumstances and at times sociopolitical disturbances, especially in the 19th century, Upper Reka has historically been a region with much outward temporary and permanent migration. Traditionally the population was mainly engaged with animal husbandry and agricultural activities which some of the small remaining population still carry out. As such during the late Ottoman era, Upper Reka males (mainly adults) would seasonally go on kurbet or economic migration. Often they would find employment as pastry makers or as halva, salep and boza merchants and salesmen in the then Ottoman capital Istanbul or regional cities like Skopje and Edirne. In Romania and Bulgaria, some Upper Reka people were also employed in the housing construction industry as stonemasons or builders and likewise when the need arose in cities such as Shkodër or their local area too.

Permanent migratory flows during the late Ottoman era were mainly to neighbouring villages and regions where today these populations often form few households within a settlement amongst their wider Albanian population. In the region of Upper Pollog, Upper Reka people relocated to the following villages: Čegrane, Forino, Korito, Balin Dol, Malo Turčane, Dolna Banjica, Sretkovo, Novo Selo, Rečane, Vrutok, Pečkovo, Zdunje, Vrapčište, Kalište and Gradec. In Lower Polog: Gorno Sedlarce, Rakovec, Žerovjane, Radiovce, Tenovo, Lukovica, Sedlarevo and Gurgurnica. In villages within the vicinity of Skopje city: Crn Vrv, Krušopek, Sveta Petka and Patiška Reka, while near Veles at: Gorno Jabolčište, Sogle, Klukovec and Buzalkovo. In some villages, the Upper Reka population migrated there as Christians like in Lukovica and only converted thereafter to Islam. While in Patiška Reka, they remained Orthodox and Albanian speaking until World War Two, before relocating to Skopje thereafter. The population in these new villages outside Upper Reka still identifies as Albanian, the Orthodox part of the settlers from Reka after their relocation to nearby villages and towns where Slavic was the language of the majority gradually were assimilated ("Macedonicized") after the Second World War. The villages were inhabited by large populations of people whom in recent decades, have migrated to Skopje, Veles, Tetovo and Gostivar or the majority to Italy and Germany.

Some Upper Reka residents from Vrbjani have in recent decades migrated to the neighbouring Muslim Macedonian village of Žirovnica with municipal services in Lower Reka and number some 258 people. While Orthodox Christians migrated from the 1950s onwards to the then Yugoslav capital Belgrade, other cities like Skopje and to nearby Gostivar town where they form the main population of Durtlok neighbourhood. Due to the 2001 insurgency in northern Macedonia, the village of Tanuše was affected by the conflict which made some residents migrate thereafter to other places. Young Upper Reka people in recent times have also emigrated to Western countries, while some older inhabitants return to their homes in Upper Reka during the summer period.

Upper Reka Albanian dialect
The Albanian Upper Reka sub-dialect belongs to the larger Gheg dialect spoken by Northern Albanians. In the 2000s, among the Orthodox population residing in Upper Reka, in terms of daily speech were mainly fluent in Albanian between themselves and even the young, while having knowledge of Macedonian. In the modern period (2010s), Muslim Albanians residing in Upper Reka are to varying degrees bilingual in Macedonian.

Observances, Customs and other folk culture
In Upper Reka, a number of secular and religious holidays are celebrated. Secular celebrations are Diten e Vers (first Day of Spring) celebrated March 1. The main Orthodox Christian celebrations are Shnkrysh (Feast of the Cross) and Blagavesht (the Annunciation). Other important celebrations are the feast days of saints such as Shingjergj (St. George), Shumtanas (St. Athanasius), Shmitr (St. Demetrius), Shën Eremia (St. Jeremiah), Shën Mëria (St.Mary) and St. Barbara. Muslim celebrations are Sultan Nevrus (Nowruz), Ramadan and the two Bajrams (Eid al-Fitr, and Eid al-Adha). The traditional clothing of Upper Reka, though sharing similarities with clothing of surrounding areas, is known for its distinctive regional style and use of multiple colours, as well as complex floral and other patterns.

Origins
Various positions exist about the origins of the Upper Reka population within Balkan related scholarship. Some of those by historians and ethnographers were based on ideological or nationalist perspectives, referring either to an Albanisation or Slavisation of the population.

One of the earliest authors to write about the matter was Serbian journalist Spiridon Gopčević. In his now discredited work regarding the Balkans, Gopčević claimed that Upper Reka inhabitants were “Albanianized Slavs”. In the late 1890s Štilijan Čaparoski and folklorist Panajot Ginoski, both from Galičnik, Dolna Reka, maintained that Upper Reka inhabitants spoke a corrupted form of Albanian that was understood only by the locals, and contained a mixture of Slavic and Albanians words.

Due to some patronymic names of families, Serbian philologist Dušan Nedeljković contended a Vlach origin for some Upper Reka families in the villages Brodec and Reč, alongside Slavic origins that were Albanianized. Historian Nick Atanasovski, who did fieldwork in Lower Reka contends that the sub-regions of Small, Lower and Upper Reka were subjected to Islamisation, though not colonisation. While anthropologist Mirjana Mirčevska who did field work in Upper Reka during the 2000s, stated that both the Muslim and Orthodox population was mainly of Macedonian Slavic origin, with possible Albanian elements in their ethnogenesis.. "Но некои од овие термини имаат словенски завршетоци, како што е модифицираниот турскиот термин “дајџевиц” (е) - вујна. Како реликти од влашката терминологија на сродство се називите “крушк” – “круушк”, со значење “сват-сваќа”. [However, some of these terms have Slavic suffixs, as in the modified Turkish term "dajdzhevic" (е) - Uncle’s wife. They are as relics of Vlach kinship terminology and designations like: "Krushk" - "Kruushk", meaning "(Male) in law-(Female) in law."; p. 232. "Во почетокот на XIX век, поради големата самостојност на албанските феудалци во Дебарската област, која ги зафаќала териториите до Мавровско Поле, колонизацијата на албанско муслиманско население од средна и северна Албанија, имала големи размери. Истовремено, при населувањето Албанците ги запоседнале сите комуникациски влезно излезни точки во котлините и планинските превои. Ваквото распоредување на Албанците турската државна власт го толерирала се до крајот на своет владеење во Македонија, до 1912 година. [In the early XIX century, due to the great autonomy of the Albanian feudal lords in the Debar area, which occupied territories up to Mavrovo valley, the colonization by the Albanian Muslim population of central and northern Albania, was of a large scale. At the same time, due to that settlement the Albanians occupied all communication entry and exit points in the valleys and mountain passes. This deployment of Albanians the Ottoman state authorities tolerated until the end of its rule in Macedonia, 1912.]"; p. 233. "Обратно пак, кај родовите, семејставата со христијанска православна вера, денес преовладува појавата тие да се декларираат како етнички Македонци, иако присутниот билингвизам навестува можно присуство на албански елементи во етногенезата, со оглед на фактот што припадниците на двете конфесии во Горна Река функционираат како единствена етничка група. [Conversely, of the relatives, families with Orthodox Christian faith, today it appears and prevails they declare themselves ethnic Macedonians, although present bilingualism suggests the possible presence of Albanian elements in ethnogenesis, given the fact that members of the two religions in the Upper Redka function as a single ethnic group.]" Mirčevska recorded local Upper Reka traditions in Bogdevo, Krakornica and Ničpur that attribute the founding of those villages to three brothers: Boge, Krako and Niko who originated from the Kolašin region located in contemporary Montenegro.. "Богдевци, Кракорчани и Ничпурци имаат зачувано предание дека селата ги основале тројца браќа, Боге, Крако и Нико, кои се од татко со потекло "некаде од Црна Гора, од Колашин".[380]...[380] Во делото Мијаци, Горна Река и Мавровско Поље, авторот Тома Смиљановиќ не дава никакви информации за црногорското потекло на населението од овие три села. Несватливо е, како е можно оваа информација авторот да не ја регистирал во ниту едно од трите села, бидејќи (денес) сите ја знаат. Кога информаторот Методија Јосифовски од с. Кракорница, бил на отслужување на воениот рок во Црна Гора, при една посета на некоја кафеана во градот имал прилика да присуствува на разговор кој се водел помеѓу неколкумина Црногорци кои според него, зборувале на албански јазик ист како и албанскиот говор на Горнораканците. Нашиот информатор дознал дека луѓето се православни Црногорци од два села во Црна Горна, Дајбабе и Пармири (Лични теренски истражувања). Но, во разговор со професорскиот факултет во Белград, дознав дека населението од овие села зборува само на српски јазик. Очигледно, ова прашање бара детални и комплексни истражувања како би се добиле попрецизни податоци за потеклото на ова население." "[Inhabitants from Bogdevo, Krakornica and Ničpur have preserved recollections that the villages were established by three brothers, Boge, Krako and Niko, who had a father originating "somewhere from Montenegro, like Kolašin". [380] [380] In the work Mijaks, Upper Reka and Mavrovo Polje, author Toma Smiljanovic does not give any information about a Montenegrin origin of the population of these three villages. Can not understand why as possible this information the author has not registered from none of the three villages because (now) everyone knows. When the informant Metodija Josifovski from Krakornica village was serving in the military in Montenegro, during a visit to a restaurant in the city had the opportunity to attend a talk that ran between several Montenegrins according to him, he spoke in Albanian, the same Albanian speech of Upper Reka inhabitants. Our informant learned that those people are Orthodox Montenegrins from two villages in Montenegro, Dajbabe and Parmiri (Personal field research). But in conversation with the teaching faculty in Belgrade I found that the population of these villages only speaks the Serbian language. Obviously, this issue requires detailed and complex research in order to obtain more accurate data on the origin of this population.]"

Galaba Palikruševa, examining medieval Ottoman tax registers or defters of the region in the 1970s regarding personal names, stated that there was a prominent non-Slavic element in Upper Reka of Albanian and/or Vlach origin. As such, Palikruševa contended that certain scholarship which stated that the contemporary Upper Reka population was Slavs who adopted the Albanian language to preserve their Christian faith is an untenable position. Historian Dimitar Bechev regards the Christian populace of Upper Reka as Orthodox Albanian speakers, whereas historian Noel Malcolm considers them to be Orthodox Albanians. Albanian philologist Edibe Selimi-Osmani who did fieldwork in Upper Reka during the 1990s and 2000s regarded the population as being of Albanian origin.

Linguist Qemal Murati, referring to both the Muslim and Orthodox population as Albanians argued that scholars who suggested the Upper Reka population are Albanianized Slavs have done so due to nationalist reasons so as to deny the historical Albanian element in the region. Murati also states that certain Upper Reka Albanian vocabulary regarding kinship attributed to a Vlach origin does not suffice. This is due to those Albanian words being direct borrowings from Latin that had not undergone an intermediate stage in Aromanian before entering the Albanian language.. "Të shumtë janë autorët sllavë që janë marrë me problematikën e Rekës së Epërme nga këndvështrime të ndryshme: antropogjeografike, gjuhësore, dialektologjike, etnografike, historike, folklorike, etj., e ku që të gjitha hulumtimet e tyre i përshkon si një pe i kuq pansllavizmi, pra mohimi i autoktonisë së shqiptarëve në trojet e tyre etnike, të tashme dhe historike, dhe mbiçmimi i elementit sllav. [Many authors of Slavic heritage who have dealt with the issue of Upper Reka from different perspectives: anthropo-geographic, linguistic, dialectological, ethnographic, historical, folk, etc., were all in their research following along in a red string of pan-Slavism so as to deny the autochthony of the Albanians in their homelands, present and historical, and over valuating the Slavic element.]"; p.102. "Emërtesa e termave të farefisnisë, me burim të pastër e të vjetër shqiptar e latin si: motër, vlla, kunat, kunaat, kusherin, krushk, krushk (kjo leksema e fundit sipas Mirçevskës me prejardhje vllahe, - e që nuk është aspak e vërtetë, - sepse arumunët për krushk e krushkë përdorin cuscru, cuscră e nuntaš), dhe me ndonjë term mbishtresor të proveniencës turke e sllave, e mbështet për muri “tezën” e kësaj studiueseje për prejardhjen sllave të kësaj popullsie a për “sllavë të albanizuar” (nëse do të flitej për “sllavë të albanizuar”, ata nuk do ta ndërronin deri në këtë shkallë terminologjinë familjare të gjuhës së tyre të parë). [Designation of kinship terms of with a clear old source from Albanian and Latin like: sister, brother, brother-in-law, sister in-law, cousin, father in law, sister in law (this last lexeme which Mirčevska places as being of Vlach origin - which is not at all true - because Aromanians for krushk and krushkë use cuscru, cuscră and nuntaš), and any term with a source layer from Turkish and Slavic backs to the wall the "thesis" of this researcher the Slavic origin of this population while for "albanianized slavs" (they would will not change to such an extent the familiar terminology of their first language).]" In the early 2010s, scholar Andrea Pieroni and a team of researchers from various national backgrounds did fieldwork and a comparative study of past and present Upper Reka botanical terminology. In their findings they concluded that the Upper Reka population was one that “had been heavily influenced by the Slavic culture - and not vice versa, as Spiridon Gopčević stated.” The research team attributed that acculturation process to the imposition of the border in 1912 limiting contact with Albania and extensive interactions with surrounding multiethnic regions where trade was undertaken. In addition Slavic languages and culture played a role in that process due to they being the national and dominating ones of the state. The team also identified that there was some Aromanian botanical terminology present in the Upper Reka dialect.. "This is especially true in those areas where the Albanian population was historically in extensive contact with the South-Slavic cultures, such as the Gollak area in eastern Kosovo, the Pešter plateau in south-western Serbia and the Sharr Mountain (Šar Planina in Macedonian) in western Macedonia (Figure 3). This may confirm the findings of both our linguistic analysis on the folk plant names carried out in Table 1 and also Franz Nopcsa's ethnolinguistic analysis of the terms referring to the material culture in upper Reka, which showed very important loans from the Romanian and especially Slavic languages. It can thus be postulated that the upper Reka Albanians had been heavily influenced by the Slavic culture - and not vice versa, as Spiridon Gopčević stated. Study participants confirmed that over recent decades their most important markets and “exchange” centres have been the multi-ethnic (Macedonian, Albanian, and Turk) towns of Gostivar in Western Macedonia and Prizren, in Southern Kosovo. Moreover, it must also be noted that over the span of the last century, the Albanians of the upper Reka lived outside of the borders of the Albanian state (founded in 1912), and for the major part of this period within the former Socialist Republic of Macedonia within Yugoslavia, where the dominant culture and languages have been Macedonian and Serbo-Croatian. In other words, the remarkable “ interference” of the Slavic cultures found within the domain of Albanian traditional plant knowledge of the upper Reka represents a unique phenomenon, which nowadays is not easy to trace back in detail. This could be due to the difficulty faced in establishing to which degree the Slavic culture influenced the traditional knowledge among Albanians in the upper Reka, considering the role that ancient “hybridisations” may have played, as both Gopčević and Nopcsa, although in a different way, have underlined in their respective works."

Andrea Pieroni and a multinational research team in the early 2020s found Slavic terminology was present in botanical terminology among neighbouring Albanian villages outside Upper Reka whose ancestral origins were from the region. The team's conclusion was certain Slavic botanical terminology associated with women entered the community through historic intermarriage with neighbouring Orthodox Slavic women of Gora and the Macedonian Mijaks. Slavic botanical terminology used by men, and not the household, came from trade and pastoral interactions with neighbouring Slavic areas.

Medieval Ottoman period
During the 14th century Upper Reka was part of the Lordship of Prilep, of the Mrnjavčević family, until 1395, when its territory was subjugated to Bayezid I of the Ottoman Empire. In 1467 Ottoman defters list the region of Reka as a vilayet and in Upper Reka there were 15 inhabited villages and 3 uninhabited ones. The following villages recorded for the first time were: Štirovica, Ribnica, Vrben, Ničpur, Nistrovo, Volkovija, Žužnje, Brodec, Krakornica, Strezimir, and Ribničica (a former village), with Vrbjani being the largest settlement. Beličica, Kičinica and Leskovo (a former village) were listed as uninhabited. The villages of Nivišta, Bibaj, Grekaj, Reč and Tanuše where not registered as existing at that time. In light of the anthroponymic evidence provided by the archival material, Palikruševa comments that the attested non-Slavic personal names are generally ambiguous and do not necessarily indicate either an Albanian or Vlach origin of the bearer, although undoubtedly attest to an Albanian-speaking element in the region. On the other hand, Murati notes that the vast majority of the recorded non-Slavic anthroponyms (e.g., Gjin, Gjergj, Gjon, Tanush, Progon, Meksha, Bardh, Kola) were Albanian in character.. "Këtë e pohon dhe studiuesja e njohur Galaba Palikruševa, këtu e 40 vjet më parë në një punim të saj të përmendur këtu sipër (Nekoi elementi na etničkata istorija na Gorni Polog, Mavrovsko i Gorna Reka). Duke hulumtuar rreth kësaj problematike në Rajonin e Rekës së Epërme qysh nga gjysma e shekullit 15, në defterët turq të regjistrimeve të popullsisë, kjo dijetare vëren praninë e konsiderueshme të elementit josllav në këtë rajon: Krejt e kundërta është situata në Rekën e Epërme, - nënvijëzon ajo -, ku mbisundon elementi etnik josllav, për të cilin nuk mund të pohojmë me vërtetësi absolute në çfarë përmasash është elementi i grupit etnik shqiptar kundruall atij vlleh. Në fshatin Ribnicë e Vërben janë më të shumtë personat me patronimika më –iq, por në mesin e tyre tek emrat sllavë dalin dhe emra personalë që dëshmojnë për prejardhje tjetër si Gin Cicoviq, Ninçe Lazaroviq, ose Miho Tanusheviq (nga Tanush). Në fshatrat e tjera dalin raste të ngjashme si Gin Mihaiq, Gjon Qirkoviq, Doka Mihaiq etj. Ndikimi nga jashtë për ndryshimin e patronimikave këtu gjithsesi është i qartë. Por në thelb emrat dhe mbiemrat në këtë zonë flasin për përkatësinë josllave të bartësve të tyre. Për ilustrim do të përmendim dy-tri fshatra nga kjo krahinë: Niçpur: Gjon Dum, Pop Nikolla, Mesio Sholed, Gjon Shirqe, Gjoro Qirqe, Kole Dum, Çiko i biri i Qirkos, Petko i biri i Miko-s; Brodec: Like Mihail, Plise Nikosllav, Stanishe Xaxi, Llazar Mihail; Strazimir: Kole Shirki, Kole Riç, Gjon Shirki, Kole Mihail, Pal Mihail; Vërben: Girgj Lluç, Markin Popoviq, Vasill..., Menko...Vasko Lluç, Llazar Kolje, Petar Skore, Shuk Rusi, Kole Dornaj, Petar Riç, etj. Si rezultat i kësaj, pra i pranisë së ndjeshme të elementit shqiptar në Rekën e Epërme qysh në gjysmën e shek. 15, kjo studiuese arrin në konstatim e drejtë kur thotë: "Elementi dominant etnik josllav në Rekën e Epërme në këtë periodë (në gjysmën e shek. 15) na jep një pasqyrë krejt tjetër rreth çështjes së gjuhës amtare shqipe te popullsia e krishterë e kësaj zone, e cila sot ndjehet dhe si maqedonase. Shpjegimi i shfaqjes së këtij fenomeni nga disa punonjës shkencorë si rezultat i pranimit të gjuhës shqipe nga ana e sllavëve maqedonas me qëllim që ta ruajnë besimin e krishterë, vështirë se mund të pranohet”. Po t`u referohemi regjistrave turq të sheh. 15-të, në Vilajetin e Rekës (Vilayet-i Reka, Defteri Nr. 508, 1467), shohim se edhe në vendbanime të tjera të Rekës së Epërme dhe asaj të Poshtme hasim me shumicë persona që mbajnë emra shqiptarë, si: në Vollkovi: Progon Tome; Tërnicë (regjistruar Tirniça): Gerg, i biri i Andreas; Vërben (Virbin): Petar Tanusheviq, Gin Shimjat, Gin Gegoviq; Krakornicë: Gon Duçe, Gon Kirkit, Miho Meksha; Nistrovë: Kole Bard, Gon Pashajet; Ribnicë: Miho Tanusheviq, Bojko Tanusheviq, etj. (TD 1976). [This is confirmed and recognized researcher Galaba Palikruševa here 40 years ago in a paper which is mentioned here above (Nekoi elementi na etničkata istorija na Gorni Polog, Mavrovsko i Gorna Reka). Investigating about this issue in the region of Reka From the upper half of the 15th century, the Turkish defter's recordings of the population, the scholar noted the presence of significant non-slavic element in this region: Quite the opposite is the situation in Upper Reka, - who underlines it -, where the ethnic non-Slavic element prevails, which cannot assert the absolute truth to what extent is the element of the Albanian ethnic group as opposed to a Vlach one. In the village of Ribnica and Vrben most people have the patronymic -iq but among them regarding Slavic names emerge personal names that testify to other backgrounds like Gin Cicoviq, Ninçe Lazaroviq, ose Miho Tanusheviq (from Tanush). In other villages similar cases arise like Gjin Mihaiq, Gjon Qirkoviq, Doka Mihaiq etc. The impact from abroad about patronymic changes here however is clear. But basically the names and surnames in this area speak for non-slavic belonging to their holders. For an illustration, we will mention two or three villages in this province: Niçpur: Gjon Dum, Pop Nikolla, Mesio Sholed, Gjon Shirqe, Gjoro Qirqe, Kole Dum, Çiko i biri i Qirkos, Petko i biri i Miko-s; Brodec: Like Mihail, Plise Nikosllav, Stanishe Xaxi, Llazar Mihail; Strazimir: Kole Shirki, Kole Riç, Gjon Shirki, Kole Mihail, Pal Mihail; Vërben: Girgj Lluç, Markin Popoviq, Vasill..., Menko...Vasko Lluç, Llazar Kolje, Petar Skore, Shuk Rusi, Kole Dornaj, Petar Riç, etc. As a result of this, so sensitive is the presence of the Albanian element in Reka Upper in the middle of the 15th century that this reasercher reaches the right conclusion when he says: ''The dominant non-slavic ethnic element in Upper Reka in this period(during the middle half of the 15th century) gives us a completely different picture about the issue of language the Albanian of the native Christian population of this area, which today feels and is known as Macedonian. Explaining the occurrence of this phenomenon by some works of researchers as a result of accepting the Albanian language by Macedonian Slavs in order to preserve the Christian faith, can hardly be accepted''. I refer you to the Turkish records of the 15th century of the Vilayet of Reka (Vilayet-i Reka, Defteri Nr. 508, 1467), we see that even in other Upper Reka settlements and that of the lower one encounters people holding Albanian names like: Volkovija: Progon Tome; Trnica (regjistruar Tirniça): Gerg, son of Andreas; Vrben (Virbin): Petar Tanusheviq, Gin Shimjat, Gin Gegoviq; Krakornica: Gon Duçe, Gon Kirkit, Miho Meksha; Nistrovo: Kole Bard, Gon Pashajet; Ribnica: Miho Tanusheviq, Bojko Tanusheviq, etc. (TD 1976).]" . "Во Пописниот дефтер од XV век во тогашните населени места во горнореканскиот простор се среќаваат лични имиња од словенски и од несловенски карактер. Релатвно е тешко да се утврди потеклото на овие имиња, дали станува збор за влашки или албански имиња. Но, бидеќи во денешните албански имиња не постои ниту едно од тогашните, се чини дека влашките лични имиња во тој период преовладувале во пределот. На тоа ни асоцираат имињата Блаше Тануш, Гон Влаш, Дука (Дока) Михаил, Лазар (син на) Калина, Михо Шалис. Неспорно е дека дел од овие горнорекански семејства имаат подалечно влашко потекло кое во периодот пред XV век почнало интензивно да се словенизира. Но, претрпува и ароманско (влашко) влијание врз имињата претрпува и албанската популација во овој предел, како и во некои од соседните. Токму затоа, речиси е невозможно со сигурност да се каже дали во некои случаи станува збор за албанско, влашко или меѓусебно етничко проникнување сведочат и имињата: Герг син на Андреја, Дабич Лоз(е), Прогон Томе, Цеко син на Герг, Михо Мекша, Петко син на Михо. [In the census books from the 15th century within contemporary settlements in the Upper Reka area are encountered names of a Slavic and non-Slavic character. It is relatively difficult to determine the origin of these names, whether it was Aromanian or Albanian names. But, given that within current day Albanian names there is not one from then; it seems that Vlach names at that time prevailed in the area. With that we associate the names Vlash Tanush, Gon Vlash, Duka (Doka) Mihail, Lazar (son of) Kalina, Miho Shalis. It is undisputed that some of these Upper Reka families have distant Vlach origins that in the period before the 15th century began intensively to become slavicised. Yet there endures the Aromanian (Vlach) impact on names and is sustained also on the Albanian population in this region, as in some neighboring areas. Therefore, it is almost impossible to say for certain whether in some cases the Albanian, Vlach ethnic or mutual interpenetration that testify to names: Gerg son of Andreya, Dabich Loz(e) Progon Tome, Dzheko son of Gerg, Miho Meksha, Petko son of Miho.]"; p. 150. "во Жужње е регистриран Кирк Бард... И од селото Нистрово војнук Гин Шерк (или Ширк) и јамаците Павле Шерк од спомнатото село и Гего Шерк, од спомнатото село. [in Žužnje is registered Kirk Bard... and in the village of Nistrovo a leader Gin Sherk (or Shirk) and an apprentice Pavle Sherk of the said village and Gego Sherk, of the mentioned village.] In 1519, a few Muslim households are counted within Ottoman defters in villages like Vrbjani, Sence, Ribničica and Kučuk or Small Ribnica. A few Muslim households began to appear in the villages of: Krakornica, Strezimir, Štirovica and Žužnje.

Middle to Late Ottoman period
Intensive conversion to Islam occurred in Upper Reka from the late 18th to early 19th centuries, stemming in part from the closure of the Peć Patriarchate and demise of its parishes. The village of Štirovica was the last settlement where its 30 remaining Christian households converted to Islam in 1855. Various Muslim and Orthodox Upper Reka inhabitants still retain memories of family ties and distant common ancestors. A small Catholic population was also present that stemmed from some Catholic Albanians who migrated to Upper Reka from nearby areas located in contemporary Albania and later became assimilated.

Due to Upper Reka's isolation and difficult living conditions, some inhabitants turned to banditry during the 18th and 19th century while others migrated to cities and regions for work. In the late Ottoman period the wider Reka area formed a nahiye or district with its centre in Žirovnica village that had administrative officials and a small army garrison. Orthodox Christian villages of Upper Reka in the late Ottoman period either had a Bulgarian or Serbian village priest. Due to the Macedonian struggle, these priests were sometimes replaced with one or the other depending on the fluid church allegiances of a settlement's Orthodox inhabitants.."Seiner Größe nach steht Nitschpur etwa zwischen Wau und Schtirowitza und ist wie Schtrezmir zu Halfte von Orthdoxen, zur Hälfte von Mohammedanern bewohnt. Zu einer scharfen Trennung in zwei ist es zwar hier nicht gekommen, doch wird die eine westliche Dorfecke von Mohammedanern, die östliche von den Orthodoxen bevorzugt. In Nitschpur treffen wir nebst einer Moschee einen Pfarrer als Seelsorger, der früher dem Exarchate angehörte, sich aber seit 1903, wo die Bulgaren in der Türkei sich verhasst gemacht hatten, samt seinen Glaubensgenossen zum Patriarchate zugewendet hatte. Diese Glaubensänderung ließ sich damals wie an allen anderen Orthodoxen des Rekatales, so auch an den bisher erwähnten, konstatieren, und seither nennen sich diese Leute, die zuvor ,,Bulgaren” gewesen waren, immer ,,Serben”. Dem Popen von Nitschpur obliegt außer der Seelsorge in Nitschpur selbst auch die der Dörfer Retsch und Schtrezmir, die, wie erwähnt, Kirchen, aber keine Seelsorger hatten. [By size Nichpur is somewhere between Vau and Shtirovitsa and as with Shtrezmir half are Orthodox, which is equally inhabited by Muslims. At a sharp division into two, it is not occurred here, though the western village area is populated by Muslims and the eastern part settled by the Orthodox. In Nichpur we meet alongside the mosque a priest as chaplain, who formally belonged to the Exarchate, had however turned since 1903, where the Bulgarians had made themselves despised in Turkey and his co-religionists align with the Patriarchate. Then this faith change could be like with all other Reka Orthodox, so also to the previously mentioned, as stated, and since then these people who previously called themselves ,,Bulgarians” had always been ,,Serbs”. The priest of Nichpur was an incumbent who except undertook the pastoral care of Nichpur and even the villages of Rech and Shtrezmir which, as mentioned had churches, but no pastor.]" Certain Orthodox individuals from Upper Reka during this time like Josif Bageri made significant contributions to the Albanian national awakening.

In the 19th century, due to the lack of Albanian language schools and books, but also as a result of foreign propaganda, the Albanians of Upper Reka were to prone to being assimilated.

Serbian researcher M.V. Veselinović wrote in 1890 there were fifteen Upper Reka villages that spoke Arbanaški, were of Serbian Orthodox faith, had Serbian liturgy and "celebrated the same religious holidays as the Slavs". Veselinović stated Upper Rekans and Serbs shared a religious affiliation, while "their language brought them closer to the Albanians". In the late 1890s Štilijan Čaparoski and folklorist Panajot Ginoski, both from Galičnik, Dolna Reka, maintained that Upper Reka inhabitants spoke a corrupted form of Albanian that was understood only by the locals, and contained a mixture of Slavic and Albanians words. Ethnographer Vasil Kanchov in his demographic study of Ottoman Macedonia (1900) wrote the Kaza of Reka had a total of 23 Albanian villages with a majority Orthodox population in the region. At that time, the Albanians of Reka accepted the authority of the Bulgarian church and attended Bulgarian schools. According to the newspaper Shkupi (1911), Orthodox Albanians of Reka informed the Constantinople Patriarchate they were against foreign languages being taught in their villages, or accepting priests without knowledge of Albanian. The inhabitants demanded Albanian be taught in the school and church, otherwise they would seek to become Catholic.

Yugoslav period
Ottoman rule lasted until the First Balkan War (1912–13) with the arrival of the Serbian army that annexed the region into Serbia. In 1913, Muslim Albanians of the region, led by imam Malik Mema, rose up against Serbian forces and managed to free the region and also some villages of the Gostivar area. During World War I, local resistance continued as the region passed to Bulgaria. As such Serbian and Bulgarian forces during 1912-1916 burned down the villages of Trnica, Reč, Dubovo, Štirovica and Strezimir. A number of Serbian authors of this period denied there was an Albanian ethnic identity for the Orthodox populations of Upper Reka. Serbian historian Rista Nikolić described the Albanians of Reka as Serbs, due to the fact they were of the Orthodox faith.

Bulgarian authors have also written about the Orthodox Albanians of Upper Reka. In 1915, historian Yordan Ivanov wrote Orthodox Albanians of Gostivar were undergoing Bulgarisation due to them being near the Bulgarian population. Linguist Stefan Mladenov stated in the Galičnik area counting Albanians accurately was difficult, especially in Upper Reka, because there were Christian villages such as Beličica, Duf, Kičinica and Sence who spoke Albanian and Bulgarian. He described the Muslim Albanians of Upper Reka keeping Christian traditions and living fraternally with its Christian Albanian population.

A Serb journalist visited the region and wrote a report (1927) for the newspaper Vreme about the "Serbs who only speak Albanian". He described the villages of Beličica, Brodec, Duf, Gorno Jelovce, Kičinica and Vrben, as "pure Serbian", continuing Serb naming practises and Orthodoxy dating back to the Ottoman period. Villagers had no knowledge of Serbian and spoke only Albanian, but identified as Serbs and wore similar clothing to the neighbouring Mavrovo region. The report described the opening of Serb schools and the hope children would learn Serbian "for the first time" and teach the "forgotten" language to their parents.

The region later became part of Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In 1941 after Yugoslavia's occupation by Axis powers, Upper Reka was attached to Albania by Fascist Italy. Communist partisan resistance emerged from villages like Beličica that fought against Albanian fascist Balli Kombëtar forces which supported Upper Reka's inclusion into Albania. On 19 September 1944, after 19 Partisans were captured, they along with 17 Beličica villagers were massacred by Ballist forces headed by Aqif Reçani near the area of the former village of Trnica. After World War II, Upper Reka became part of Communist Yugoslavia. The region remained isolated and undeveloped which resulted in migrations to distant urban centres like Belgrade, Skopje and Gostivar, and to Western countries.

Modern North Macedonia
Upper Reka became part of the Republic of Macedonia (now North Macedonia), when the Socialist Republic of Macedonia, a republic within Yugoslavia, gained independence following a referendum in 1991. During the 2001 Albanian insurgency some Macedonian military police, stationed in the village of Tanuše, damaged the village mosque to prevent its possible use by NLA guerrillas. In the 2000s, among the wider Macedonian population, there was little awareness of the existence of an Orthodox Christian population which used Albanian as a language of everyday communication.. "Денешната состојба со Македонското Горнореканско население во однос на употребата на албанскиот говор во секојдневната меѓусебна вербална комуникација е непроменета. Сите кои живеат во пределот, дури и малите деца, го користат албанскиот говор, иако го знаат и македонскиот. Кога јас работев во овој предел, со мене се разбира комуницираа на македонски, но во меѓусебниот разговор повторно се служеа со албанскиот. Ваквата состојба недвојбено ни укажува на тоа дека и во минатото Македонскиот јазик се користел во меѓусебната комуникација на Горнореканците, бидејќи само со континуирано користење на еден јазик тој може да се зачува, во спротивно би се изгубил, што во Горна Река не се случај. Во горнореканските села, македонско население го знае само говорниот албански, но не знае да чита и пишува на албански. Спротивно пак, чита и пишува на македонски иако ретко го користи во секојдневието и тоа само помладата популација. Горнореканците кои живеат во Скопје, или во други градови во Македонија или надвор од неа, во поранешните југословенски простори, иако најголемиот дел од нив го знаат албанскиот горнорекански говор, сепак многу ретко го откриваат тоа. Бидејќи имаат македонско христијански имиња и презимиња тоа не им претставува тешкотија, но од друга страна зборува за личниот, помалку или повеќе, негативен став кон албанскиот јазик, кој особено е присутен последниве години. Дури останатото македонско население од државава воопшто не знае за постоењето на дел од македонската нација која го користи албанскиот говор секојдневно, и сознанието за постоењето на оваа појава им изгледа неверојатно. Оваа појава не е карактеристична само за Горна Река, туку и за Скопски Дервен, Дебарско, Голо Брдо ити. [The current situation of the Macedonian Upper Reka population regarding the use of Albanian speech in everyday mutual verbal communication is unchanged. All who live in the area, even small children, use the Albanian language, although they know Macedonian too. When I worked in this area, with me of course Macedonian was communicated, but in mutual conversations again was done in Albanian. This situation unequivocally tells us that in the past Macedonian was used in mutual communication in Gorna Reka, because only with continued use of a language that can it be preserved, otherwise it would be lost, as in Upper River it was not the case. In Upper Reka villages, the Macedonian population knows only spoken Albanian, but cannot read and write in Albanian. In contrast, they can read and write in Macedonian, although rarely used in everyday life and it is just young who do. Upper Reka people living in Skopje or in other cities in Macedonia or abroad, in the former Yugoslavia, although most of them know Upper Reka Albanian speech, however they rarely reveal it. It is because they have Macedonian Christian names and surnames that do not cause difficulties, though from the other side when discussing personal matters, there is a little or widespread negative attitude towards the Albanian language, which is particularly acute in recent years. Even the rest of the Macedonian population in the country is not aware about the existence of a part of the Macedonian nation who use Albanian speech daily, and knowledge of the existence of this occurrence seem unlikely. This occurrence is not unique to Upper Reka, but the Skopski Derven, Debar, Golo Brdo etc.]" In the 2010s, Upper Reka came to national attention when a few prominent Upper Reka Orthodox Christian individuals like Branko Manoilovski declared an Albanian identity or Branislav Sinadinovski who called for an Albanian Orthodox Church to be present within the region.   These moves have been overwhelmingly opposed and denounced by most Orthodox Upper Reka people who see them as the outcome of politics and propaganda. Orthodox Upper Rekans view their identity as Macedonian, consider Macedonian their mother tongue and religious tradition as historically Slavonic. Orthodox Upper Rekans acknowledge Albanian was a spoken language, but according to them they did so in past times as a way to protect their community from the actions of armed bands in the region.

In the mid 2010s, there was some cultural revival within Upper Reka such as the festival Takimet e Rekës së Epërme (Upper Reka gathering), first held during August 2014 in Ribnica and the creation of a cultural association named Josif Bageri by some prominent Muslim and Christian Upper Reka individuals aiming at socio-cultural, historical and linguistic preservation of Upper Reka heritage. Historical village relations and bonds between Muslim and Orthodox Upper Rekans had lapsed and become nonexistent by the 2010s.

Notable people

 * Josif Bageri - Albanian national awakening activist
 * Bajazid Doda - author and photographer
 * Paskal Sotirovski - astrophysicist, specialist in Solar Physics
 * Branko Manoilovski - politician in North Macedonia
 * Ismail Strazimiri - revolutionary, military and educational activist.
 * Vrana Konti - Albanian military commander, the folklore of Upper Reka suggests he was from here