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Topic Paragraph: Missionary Education In South Africa

Missionary education in South Africa dates back as early as the late 15th century when settlers began to colonise the country. Alongside the creation of slave lodges came the creation of mission schools which served the primary purpose of educating the natives, particularly in literacy and numeracy skills. Mission schools spread throughout the country and those educated within these facilities often developed better literacy and numeracy skills than those in other educational institutions. The curriculum of mission education was influenced by the Christian belief in the importance of literacy for reading and understanding the Bible, therefore more traditional, native education practices were exchanged for a religious model. While mission education is shrouded in controversy, there is evidence that it was successful in increasing the education outcomes of the recipients. In fact, mission stations often became a safe harbor for emancipated slaves. Many myths surround missionary involvement in South Africa, for example that this education served to extend and fuel the arm of colonial rule. However, evidence suggests that missionaries were also victims of colonial politics, rather than the perpetrators. In the mid twentieth century, education acts, such as the Bantu education act, were passed that were more discriminatory against blacks than the practices promoted through missionary education. There is evidence to suggest that mission education was more effective at increasing education outcomes. Today, missionary education is less explicit, though legacies of this model of education remain. This article will cover the history of missionary education, detailing the influence of colonialism and highlighting what of missionary education exists in the country today. The distribution and demographics of missionary education will be detailed as well as information on its curriculum and financing. The social and cultural impacts of missionary education will be given before highlighting some of the common misconceptions about missionary education.

Annotated Bibliography

Cross, M. (1987) ‘The Political Economy of Colonial Education: Mozambique, 1930-1975', Comparative Education Review, 31(4), pp. 550–569. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1086/446716

Cross seeks to situate the current problems of Mozambique’s education system in their historical context. He claims that issues in transition in the education system post-independence cannot be understood devoid of the specific historical context of education and colonialism in the country. From this we learn that education practices develop from a unique set of individual circumstances: those in power and the motivations behind the policies they employ have a huge influence on the types of education that can emerge. The claim of this article is that schooling of Africans in Mozambique did serve to reinforce colonial relations of dominion and subordination and through evidence outlawed we see how political leaders influenced the role of missionaries within this. The author systematically details the three main periods of colonial education in Mozambique and how these were influenced by socio-political factors and colonial ideology. He draws on two main theoretical approaches, the reproduction model and the balance sheet approach, to highlight how these should only be used when in reference to the specific historical context. Otherwise, they give way to overly simplistic, fact-reporting style methods of analysis. A weakness of his source is that the author does not go into much detail about how these historical models and legacies manifest in contemporary Mozambique. In reading this text, I learnt that education was used as a means of extending the colonial agenda under colonial governments. Education was promoted as a means of assimilating Africans into Portuguese culture, thereby implying that one is civilised and the other not. Ironically, this served to create notions of difference and lead to segregation and deepening of inequalities in the schooling system. Interestingly, because of the type of labour that was required in the colonial system, there is not much evidence concerning links between the lack of adequate schooling for Africans and the economy as the type of labour required was largely unskilled. This highlights how the kind of education that's promoted often links to what the authorities require for a productive labour force.

Gilmour, R. (2007) ‘Missionaries, Colonialism and Language in Nineteenth-Century South Africa’, History Compass, 5(6), pp.1761–77. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00472.x.

This article looks at how, during 19th century colonialism in South Africa missionaries sought to study, translate and transform South African dialects for two main reasons - one to communicate with the Africans and two to translate scripture to spread the gospel. However, their work was operating in the colonial context therefore had a role in serving the colonial agenda. Gilmour aims to outline some of the key debates surrounding the interaction of missionaries, language and colonialism in this context. To do this, she uses two theoretical models, that of intervention and that of reciprocity, to analyse the key debates in the field. Her main argument is that though missionary linguistic work did sometimes serve the colonial agenda, we must hold this in tension with the context it operated in. This context of encounter enabled both the missionaries and Africans to be transformed. She argues that is essential that we see missionary involvement as an encounter and therefore draw lessons from the two main approaches that are considered in the field: notably that missionary language involve served the colonial agenda or that this encounter was a space where both missionary identities and African identities interacted and were shaped. The colonial encounter is one of reciprocity! Gilmour outlines evidence for missionary language practices serving the colonial agenda in outlining the concept of ‘invented traditions’ which highlights how language practices served to create histories rather than just reporting them. On the other hand, there is evidence that Africans were intimately involved in the language study and transcribing process which highlights their agency and how both parties were mutually influenced. This source provides a convincing argument for not using language study to understand the complex colonial relationships in 19th century South Africa unless the debates are properly contextualised and move away from top-down understandings of the colonial influence.

Opland, J. (2004) ‘Nineteenth-Century Xhosa Literature’, Kronos: Journal of Cape History, 30(1), pp. 22–46.

It is easy to miss the emergence of Xhosa literature because literature is almost completely understood in terms of western models. In the 19th century, Xhosa was transcribed and printed and made its way into an established literature. In the pre-colonial period, it was largely contained to its oral forms but the 19th century saw it emerge in manifold ways. The emergence of Xhosa as an established literature is outlined by looking at three media: printed books, spoken word and newspapers. Printed books emerged because of missionary efforts to transcribe Xhosa vocabulary. The language was used to translate Western works which were then printed but some early original Xhosa pieces were also printed. The author also details how oral traditions of Xhosa were present and thriving in the pre-colonial period highlighting how colonialism was an encounter: missionaries aided the transcription and translation of this literature, but its existence and use was already in operation. An example of this is how praise poems for authority figures in the communities were in place before the arrival of white settlers. The different forms of literature had different influence in expanding the reach of Xhosa texts. Books were not that widely available and 'Xhosa folklore' (oral forms) was less concrete, Thus, the point is made that it was through newspapers that Xhosa developed into the established literature it is today. The newspaper arena was the space that Xhosa literature 'matured' before it was used in books. This source is very descriptive rather than analytical. It would have been interesting to have some reflections on the implications of having this literature source. Xhosa literature was not born in the colonial period. The author highlights that one must recognise that oral Xhosa traditions were flourishing in the precolonial period highlighting how the birth of this literature is not to be defined through the colonial lens. The author also details how Xhosa literature is very rich and broad and the forms of literature detailed in this article by no means cover its full extent.

Lewis, A. (2003) ‘A critique of mission education in South Africa according to Bosch’s mission paradigm theory’, South African Journal of Education, 23(2), pp 101–106.

This article expands on the mission paradigm theory, proposed by David Bosch and seeks to situate the mission endeavor in its historical context. The argument is that changes occurring in the missionary project can be correlated to their wider historical context and the wider paradigmatic shifts that were occurring. The two main periods of history detailed are the modern and post-modern periods as these are the centuries when colonialism was occurring. He gives evidence for how the values and strategies promoted through missionary effort were linked to the ideology of the era and therefore this ideology influenced missionary education practices. The point is made that missionary involvement wasn’t random or accidental but a result of Europeans getting a foothold in South Africa through settling and subsequent colonial practices. A main point is that missionaries were products of their culture therefore their education practices reflected this as well. A weakness of this source is that, despite highlighting how the influence of mission education should not be simplistically educed to just being called an extension of colonial rule, the author quite critically offers blanket statements that missionaries definitively became part of the imperialistic project in the mid 19th century. The authors suggest through this those missionaries were totally led by their culture and the ideology of the day when I would argue that they must have had some agency and organized their involvement varying motivations. however, this source attempts to situation mission education in its historical context is incredibly helpful in highlighting how and why missionaries operated in the way that they did. People do not operate in a vacuum and therefore context is useful for understanding why what happened was the result.

Harries, P. (2001) ‘Missionaries, marxists and magic: Power and the politics of literacy in South-East Africa’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 27(3), pp. 405–427. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/13632430120074518

Harries argues that the experience of Swiss missionaries in their domestic context caused them to conceive of literacy as a powerful tool for shaping society. Therefore, they spread certain reading practices in South-East Africa in the 19th/20th centuries. He argues that a very specific context established literacy practices for the Swiss and its these that influenced their involvment in Africa. Because he argues that literacy, how it is acquired and perceived, is not neutral, he ties this to structures of power. He challenges the idea that literacy should be used as a face-value indicator of progress becuase literacy acquisitian is so influenced by the 'spatial and temporal contexts' in which it develops. Therefore, through his argument we can better contemplate how literacy should be taught in Africa and the implications of these practices. He gives evidence for how reading and the meanings acquired through reading are different depending on the context in which one is taught. For example, while missionaries sought to expand literary practices as a means of enabling spiritual revival, Africans had other notions about the power of literacy, such as its supernatural power. Evidence highlights how literacy became a means of ‘civilising’ Africans. 20th century politics packaged literacy as a precursor for development and achieving westernised notions of progress. The author details that whether it was the christian missionaries or political elites who were pushing literacy, both attempts served the ideology of the powerful group and their underlying motives. A weakness is that the author could have gone into more depth surrounding the parallels between missionary objectives and literacy as employed by politicians. I would argue that the underlying motives were fundamentally different between these two groups and therefore it is not a fair comparison to seek to equate their reasons and the outworking of spreading literacy.

 Final Essay 

[ Word count: 2997]

How did the colonial encounter contribute to variation in the dynamics of missionary education in Southern Africa?

 Introduction 

Missionary education in Southern Africa has a long history (Gallego, Woodberry, 2010). From the 19th century, missionaries flocked to the continent, becoming the primary providers of education under the reigning colonial authorities (Frankema 2012). While the global powers of the day were scrambling for a foothold in Africa, education became a valuable means of asserting control, however much of the educational burden was ‘outsourced’ (ibid, p. 337) to various missionary groups, who had to navigate the interaction between their own motivations and the influence of the colonial authority (Errante, 1995). However, these are not the only two factors at play. Africa did not lie empty and waste until the colonial encounter, its history unable to begin until the footfalls of European powers became audible on the territory. While, undoubtedly, the colonial impact was large – missionary education playing a role in this (Woodberry, 2004) - this era should only be conceived of as a period in Africa’s history (Amin, 2004). Colonisation emerged into an existing context of diverse people, with established governing systems and pedagogical practices, thus the original inhabitants of Southern Africa have always had a considerable amount of agency, which additionally altered education dynamics. Berman (1974) notes that the educational practices enacted by the missionaries were often used by Southern Africans for their own purposes, thus the dynamics of missionary education were not simply a product of top-down imposition (Gilmour, 2007). The dynamics of missionary education varied significantly across Southern Africa and this essay argues that this owes itself to the unique recipe made by the interaction of three main factors: the colonial authority, the ideology of the missionary groups and the agency of the Southern Africans. Note that ‘African’ will be used for the third group, to avoid more contentious language, such as ‘native’. The interactions between these groups will be described in the context and language of the colonial encounter and effort will be made to demonstrate how the differences in educational practices and outcomes can be attributed to the nuances of these interactions. Furthermore, this essay will track the interactions of these three groups in two locations to highlight how it is the unique mixing of these different forces in each case that gave rise to the specificities of missionary education. In addition, this essay argues that, to further understand the nuances of variation, the interactions contained within the encounter must be situated in their specific historical and ideological contexts. To do this, the dynamics of Protestant and Catholic missionary education in Mozambique and South Africa will be contrasted. There were many missionary groups operating across Africa during the colonial period (Barnes, 2002, p 329), so, to aid analysis, this essay will confine its scope to just these two. In line with much of the literature, Protestant and Catholic missionary education will be referred to generally (Nunn, 2012), although members of these groups did have different countries of origin as well as slight variations in beliefs. This cross-country comparison is useful in that, despite the presence of both missionary groups in both countries, their actions each side of the border were almost opposite (Cross, 1987). Reasons for this variation emerge when analysing their relationship to the colonial state and considering African agency from within, both of which have a role in shaping missionary practices. Thus, missionaries had a different impact in different places, which can be better understood when their actions are posited in their specific historical context and through the lens of encounter. Furthermore, first, the historical and ideological context of the era will be outlined to highlight how the nuances of variation arise. Then, examples of the dynamics of missionary education in the two countries will be detailed, demonstrating how the causes of variation can be found in the specificities of the interactions occurring between these three groups in the context of the colonial encounter. This essay argues that the variations in the dynamics of missionary education can only be understood when placed in their specific historical context and considered through the lens of the interaction of individuals within the colonial encounter. Therefore, now we will turn to the historical and ideological contexts creating the backdrop that missionary education emerged in.

 Context 

To understand the variations in the dynamics of missionary education in Mozambique and South Africa, we must attend to the broader historical and ideological contexts that shaped the environment the state, missionaries and Africans operated in. The argument is that the variation in dynamics is attributed to the unique composition of the interactions between these three groups in each different circumstance, within the colonial encounter. However, these interactions were mediated by the broader shaping of the specific ideological and historical contexts of the day. All of us swim in the current of the contemporary cultural waters, therefore the actions of all three groups were influenced by the overarching paradigmatic landscape of the day (Lewis, 2003). Two ideological shifts are particularly relevant for the period in question. First, the protestant reformation, which dramatically altered Europe’s Christian landscape in the 16th century (ibid.). This shift crystallised elements of Protestant belief, and placed emphasis on the absolute sovereignty of scripture. Furthermore, Protestant missionary education was a strong proponent of literacy as this was deemed essential for conversion (Nunn, 2012), which shows how broader historical shifts informed specific practice and thus why this context is essential for understanding the resulting dynamics. The second shift that is particularly relevant for this essay is the dawn of the enlightenment in Europe. The technological advances that accompanied this shift facilitated Europe’s industrialisation and paved the way for territorial expansion, which had the unforeseen effect of opening the globe for Christians to fulfil their mandate to take the gospel to the ends of the earth (Lewis, 2003). Both shifts demonstrate how the dynamics of missionary education were shaped by the broader instrument of the ideology of the day and, therefore, we must take care to situate our understanding of these variations within these larger historical contexts. Note as well that the actions of the missionary groups and colonial state were not just influenced from above by the shifts occurring within their home context, but were also influenced by agency from below in the people they encountered. Thus, the dynamics we observe can be seen as a result of this dual shaping. Gilmour (2007) conceptualises this when she talks about relations of ‘reciprocity’ (p. 1761): we must understand that all groups involved exercised agency, and their interactions must be considered through the lens of encounter. Before contrasting some specifics in the variations of the dynamics of missionary education, is must be laboured that this essay seeks to understand how these differences arose. Historically, analysis of missionary education has occurred through the lens of theoretical models, such as the balance sheet approach (Cross, 1987), which attributes judgements to the phenomena observed. The argument here remains that a thorough understanding of variation rests on a well-rounded appreciation of the specific historical contexts shaping the ideology, motivations and subsequent actions of those involved. Therefore, the interest remains in how the colonial encounter helps us to understand, as opposed to judge, as many have sought to do (Mackenzie, 1993). Thus, attending to the specific historical and ideological context illuminates some of how missionaries had a different impact in different places. The observable variations result from a complex interplay of factors involving competing ideologies, and, thus, no single factor can be pointed to as the primary shaping influence. As we turn our attention to the cases of Mozambique and South Africa, we must retain an appreciation of the importance of context and how the agency of individuals operated within this. To forsake this accurate understanding has often led to an undue emphasis being placed on the role of the colonial state (Amin, 1972), which obliterates an accurate understanding of how the variation in dynamics are a result of the interaction of the agencies of each party within the context of encounter.

 Contrasting Missionary Education in Mozambique and South Africa 

We will now turn to contrasting the variations in dynamics of Protestant and Catholic missionary education in Mozambique and South Africa, to demonstrate how these can be attributed to the nature of the colonial encounter. Evidence shows that missionary education varied across these countries, though the same groups operated either side of the border (Frankema, 2012). This gives further credence to the argument that variations in dynamics can only be explained when understood as the result of the unique interactions of all three parties in specific contexts within the colonial encounter. While there are differences, two key themes emerge in both countries that illuminate the nature of the interaction between state, missionaries and Africans in these contexts. The first is that of competition. Multiple groups have long competed for control in Africa, the continent bearing the marks of division created by this vying for influence (Amin, 1972). The actions of missionaries within the colonial context can be seen as an extension of this scramble for control, thus we will see how the differences in education are in part a result of competitive dynamics between the three parties. The second key theme that appears in both contexts is motivation. Both the colonial state and the missionaries operated in Southern Africa with their own set of ideologies and motivations. For the missionary groups, their core motivating factor was the drive to proselytise thus the education practices they effected are shaped by this core ideology (Nunn, 2012). Through the examples that follow, one can observe the dynamics of education shifting as these different motivations encounter one another and compete for dominance (Berman, 1974).

Some of the variation in dynamics of missionary education in these two contexts can be attributed to the relation of missionaries to the state. Missionary education in these two localities operated under the jurisdiction of different colonial governments, which gives some insight into why the resulting dynamics vary. First to note is how the global position of the colonial power influenced the education it permitted, which speaks to the importance of the wider global context in determining dynamics. In Mozambique, the Portuguese were in power, but their colonial influence was rapidly waning. Thus, under the Salazar regime, a mission of assimilation was affected and enshrined in policy (Cross, 1987). For example, in a document produced in 1939 it was detailed that "There are no inferior cultures, only backward ones" (Fontouro, 1930, cited in Errante, 1995, p. 216), which highlights the overall colonial project aim of seeking to pull the Africans up to the supposedly superior level of the Portuguese in an attempt to retain their global influence. This strong assimilationist ideology inevitably altered the education practices that were permitted. For example, with Catholicism as the state religion, Catholic education was favoured by law, leaving most of the schooling at this time to Catholic missionaries. These were largely content to operate under the direction of the state as they were allowed to spread their religious message (Errante, 1995). By contrast, Protestant missionaries were restricted in their operations by law because they represented opposition to Portuguese authority (ibid.). However, this did not deter them from effecting education programmes, rather, they moved to more remote locations because competition was too fierce in the Portugal-dominated zones. This demonstrates how the core motivation of forming converts proved to be a stronger factor for shaping dynamics than state control. In addition, this caused Protestant missionaries to improve the quality of their education to incentivise demand, while Catholics could keep their education low and still spread their religious ideology (Gallego, F. A., Woodberry, R., 2010). Thus, protestant education has resulted in better long-term developmental outcomes than Catholic (Nunn, 2012). Therefore, the dynamics of missionary education in Mozambique can be seen to be a result of the competitive interaction between state, missionaries and African agency. By contrast, across the border in South Africa, Britain was in command. As a strong imperial power, this government was more favourable to missionary education by diverse groups, thus Protestants and Catholics alike were free to educate under this liberal ideology. Thus, where in Mozambique Catholics had dominated education, here both groups could operate relatively freely, therefore most education at this time was provided by missionaries (Fourie, Swanepoel, 2015). Free from the legal constraints present North of the border, South African protestants operated independently from the state, thus the dynamics of their education bear the marks of their own ideologies and beliefs (Woodberry, 2004). Therefore, the relationship of the missionaries to the colonial state in the colonial encounter plays a central role in determining the dynamics of missionary education.

Another key factor causing variation in the dynamics of missionary education is competition between missionaries themselves, and how this was affected by influences from above and below. Gallego and Woodberry (2010) note how competition was a key determinant in shaping the education provided by the respective dominations as they operated within the colonial state. For example, in Mozambique, Protestants were prohibited from educating in certain locations. Thus, with the core motivation of conversion guiding the ship, they had to adapt to be able to educate. Furthermore, Protestant education became superior in quality as, to incentivise enrolment, it had to be better than the abundance of Catholic education. Today, former colonies where protestant education dominated have been shown to have better developmental outcomes and higher levels of education (Woodberry, 2004), thus the competitive interaction between missionary groups fundamentally altered the dynamics of education. The impact of competition is incredibly apparent in that Protestant education enabled higher education outcomes, particularly in those places where they were operating within Catholic states (Nunn, 2012) since they had to dramatically upskill in these places to have pupils. Another shaping factor emerges in the form of African parental agency. Although education was being imposed in a certain way, it was up to their discretion as to which system to insert their children into. Therefore, in Mozambique, this caused Protestant education to become even better (Gallego and Woodberry, 2010). In South Africa, neutral state policies regarding education reduced the extent of competition between missionary groups, thus Protestant education was more prolific and its impact endures today (Nunn, 2012). Furthermore, the concept of competition provides an interesting insight into how state, missionaries and Africans interacted within the colonial encounter to produce the education dynamics we see. Another central shaping factor relating to missionaries was their beliefs and motivations. An example of this is found in the prioritisation of literacy through protestant education programmes in South Africa. Harries (2001) details how Protestant education was shaped by their belief in the sovereignty of scripture, thus conversion could be achieved by increasing literacy amongst the colonised populations. For Protestants, faith would come as individuals read the Bible, and education was the means of facilitating this. In addition, Gilmour (2007) provides an example that highlights the need to understand missionary action, and therefore resulting education dynamics, as something that is shaped by their cultural contexts. She details how the specific means with which Swiss protestants encouraged literacy in South Africa were highly influenced by the patterns they’d witnessed of literacy accompanying religious expansion in their home context. Therefore, missionary action was influenced by the paradigmatic landscape of the day as well as individual motivations, stemming from religious beliefs. Thus, in South Africa, missionaries often demonstrated agency, educating for their own ends, rather than as simple props of the colonial state. In Mozambique this stands equally true. While Catholic missionaries sometimes operated more as an extension of the state, some opposed state control and used education to support the resistance that eventually led to the dissolution of the colonial government (Errante, 1995). Therefore, the dynamics of missionary education vary as a result of interactions within missionary groups and their external interactions with the state and Africans.

In addition, African agency had an essential role in shaping education dynamics. For example, in Mozambique, missionary education as a component of the Portuguese civilising mission inadvertently served to empower those who made it through its elitist ranks (Errante, 1995). Those fighting their way to the higher levels of the education system were deemed to be further along in the process of assimilation and therefore gained a sense of prestige that influenced their sense of self. Those making it to the top were termed ‘diplomados’ (ibid., p. 218) and often became teachers, the strength gained through the success of making it to the top of the schooling system fuelling their desire, and ability, to counter the corruption contained within the institution. Therefore, while Catholic education under the colonial government intended to create Portuguese looking converts, the Africans used their agency to adapt education for their own ends, subverting the colonial project. Similarly, in South Africa, Protestant missionaries introduced specific ways of increasing literacy to facilitate reading of scripture. However, Harries (2001) details that the Africans incorporated these literary techniques for their own purposes and to reinforce their own belief systems. Thus, they took the missionary model and altered it for their own context and to serve their own agendas, highlighting how missionary education dynamics are not simply a result of missionaries imposing their framework on an unsuspecting people. Furthermore, the dynamics of missionary education are a result of the agencies of numerous individual, within the context of the colonial encounter.

 Conclusion 

To conclude, there were many variations in the dynamics of missionary education. The comparison of Catholic and Protestant education in Mozambique and South Africa has exemplified that variation finds its source in the nuances of the interaction between state, missionaries and Africans within the shaping force of the ideological context of the day. While this study represents just two countries and missionary groups, it serves to demonstrate that how the dynamics of missionary education varied was the product of the specific interactions that occurred within the context of the colonial encounter. Therefore, the variation in dynamics is attributed to the unique composition of the interactions between the groups detailed in each colonial context.

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Amin, S. (1972) ‘Underdevelopment and Dependence in Black Africa—Origins and Contemporary Forms’, The Journal of Modern African Studies, 10(4), pp. 503–524. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022278X00022801

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Barnes, K. C. (2002) ‘On the shore beyond the sea: Black missionaries from Arkansas in Africa during the 1890s’, Arkansas Historical Quarterly, 61(4), pp. 229–356. Doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/40022645

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Cross, M. (1987) ‘The Political Economy of Colonial Education: Mozambique, 1930-1975', Comparative Education Review, 31(4), pp. 550–569. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1086/446716

Errante, A. (1995) ‘Growing up assimilating: an oral history of colonial missionary education in Mozambique’, Paedagogica Historica, 31(1), pp. 213-231. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/00309230.1995.11434846

Fourie, J., Swanepoel, C. (2015) ‘When selection trumps persistence. The lasting effect of missionary education in South Africa’, Tijdschrift Voor Sociale En Economische Geschiedenis/The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History, 12(1), pp. 1-29. Doi: https://doi.org/10.18352/tseg.32

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