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Added information including content from History of Australia; see that page's history for attribution

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"Words to watch: cult, racist, perverted, sexist, homophobic, transphobic, misogynistic, sect, fundamentalist, heretic, extremist, denialist, terrorist, freedom fighter, bigot, myth, neo-Nazi, -gate, pseudo-, controversial ..."Value-laden labels – such as calling an organization a cult, an individual a racist, sexist, terrorist, or freedom fighter, or a sexual practice a perversion – may express contentious opinion and are best avoided unless widely used by reliable sources to describe the subject, in which case use in-text attribution. Avoid myth in its informal sense, and establish the scholarly context for any formal use of the term.

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No original research. WP:originalresearch

Historiography of Australia
Ashton and Clark (2013). "Rethinking Australian history". Australian History Now.

Atkinson, Alan (2013). "History in the academy". Australian History Now.

Boucher, Leigh (2013). "New cultural history and Australia's colonial past". Australian History Now.

Lake, Marilyn (2013). "Histories across borders". Australian History Now.

McKenna, Mark (2013). "The history anxiety". The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 2.

Read, Peter (2013). "Making Aboriginal History". Australian History Now.

Thomson, Alistair (2013). "Oral history". In Clark, Anna; Ashton, Paul (eds.). Australian History Now. Sydney: NewSouth Publishing. p. 75. ISBN 9781742233710.

Bashford, Alison; MacIntyre, Stuart (eds.) (2013). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 1, Indigenous and Colonial Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-1070-1153-3.

Bashford, Alison; Macintyre, Stuart (eds.) (2013). The Cambridge History of Australia, Volume 2: The Commonwealth of Australia. Port Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107011540.

Clark, Anna; Ashton, Paul (eds.) (2013). Australian History Now. Sydney: NewSouth Publishing. ISBN 9781742233710.

MacIntyre, Stuart; Clark, Anna (2004). The History Wars (2nd ed.). Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. ISBN 0522851282.

Macintyre, Stuart (1999). "Australia and the Empire". In Winks, Robin (ed.). The Oxford History of the British Empire: Volume V: Historiography. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780191542411.

Lead
The history of Indigenous Australians began 50,000 to 65,000 years ago when humans first populated the Australian continental landmasses. This article covers the history of Aboriginal Australian and Torres Strait Islander peoples, two broadly defined groups which each include other sub-groups defined by language and culture. Human habitation of the Australian continent began with the migration of the ancestors of today's Aboriginal Australians by land bridges and short sea crossings from what is now Southeast Asia. The Aboriginal people spread throughout the continent, adapting to diverse environments and climate change to develop one of the oldest continuous cultures on Earth.

Culture (new version)
Torres Strait Islanders were culturally and linguistically distinct from mainland Aboriginal peoples. They were seafarers and obtained their livelihood from seasonal horticulture and the resources of their reefs and seas. Villages and agriculture also developed on some islands.

New version
The ancestors of Aboriginal Australians moved into what is now the Australian continent about 50,000 to 65,000 years ago,  during the last glacial period, arriving by land bridges and short sea crossings from what is now Southeast Asia. It is uncertain how many waves of immigration may have contributed to these ancestors of modern Aboriginal Australians.

Useful stuff
The ancestors of Aboriginal Australians began arriving from south-east Asia 50,000 to 65,000 years ago, during the last glacial period.

Indigenous Australians comprise two broad groups: the Aboriginal peoples of the Australian mainland (and surrounding islands including Tasmania), and the Torres Strait Islanders, who are a distinct Melanesian people. Human habitation of the Australian continent is estimated to have begun 50,000 to 65,000 years ago,  with the migration of people by land bridges and short sea crossings from what is now Southeast Asia. It is uncertain how many waves of immigration may have contributed to these ancestors of modern Aboriginal Australians. The Madjedbebe rock shelter in Arnhem Land is perhaps the oldest site showing the presence of humans in Australia. The oldest human remains found are at Lake Mungo in New South Wales, which have been dated to around 41,000 years ago.

Aboriginal Australian culture is one of the oldest continuous cultures on Earth. At the time of first European contact, Aboriginal Australians were complex hunter-gatherers with diverse economies and societies. There were at least 250 different languages. Estimates of the Aboriginal population before British settlement range from 300,000 to one million.

According to Australian Aboriginal mythology and the animist framework, the Dreaming was a sacred era in which ancestral totemic spirit beings formed The Creation. The Dreaming established the laws and structures of society and the ceremonies performed to ensure continuity of life and land. Certain groups engaged in fire-stick farming, fish farming, and built semi-permanent shelters. The extent to which some groups engaged in agriculture is controversial.

The Torres Strait Islander people first settled their islands around 4,000 years ago. Culturally and linguistically distinct from mainland Aboriginal peoples, they were seafarers and obtained their livelihood from seasonal horticulture and the resources of their reefs and seas. Agriculture also developed on some islands and villages appeared by the 1300s.

By the mid-18th century in northern Australia, contact, trade and cross-cultural engagement had been established between local Aboriginal groups and Makassan trepangers, visiting from present-day Indonesia.

Czechoslovakia and defence treaties
The First Czechoslovak Republic was created in 1918 after the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire at the end of World War I. The Treaty of Saint-Germain recognized the independence of Czechoslovakia and the Treaty of Trianon defined the borders of the new state, which was divided in to the regions of Bohemia and Moravia in the west and Slovakia and Subcarpathian Rus' in the east.

Czechoslovakia sought to protect its territory from possible German, Austrian and Hungarian ambitions with a series of international agreements including treaties with Romania (1921), Yugoslavia (1921), France (1924 and 1925) and the Soviet Union (1935). The 1925 Franco-Czechoslovak Treaty of Mutual Assistance committed France to provide military help to Czechoslovakia in the case of unprovoked German aggression. The 1935 Soviet-Czechoslovak Treaty of Mutual Assistance committed the Soviet Union to also provide military help to Czechoslovakia if the Franco-Czechoslovakia treaty were triggered.

Demands for Sudeten German autonomy
Czechoslovakia included more than three million ethnic Germans, who made up about 23% of the population. The Germans lived mostly in the mountainous regions of Bohemia and Moravia which bordered on Germany and the newly created country of Austria. These regions came to be called the Sudetenland.

The Sudeten Germans had not been consulted on whether they wished to be citizens of Czechoslovakia. Although the constitution guaranteed equality for all citizens, there was a tendency among political leaders to transform the country "into an instrument of Czech and Slovak nationalism." Some progress was made to integrate the Germans and other minorities, but they continued to be underrepresented in the government and the army. Moreover, the Great Depression, beginning in 1929, disproportionately affected the highly industrialized and export-oriented Sudetenland. By 1936, the region asccounted for 60 percent of unemployed people in Czechoslovakia.

In 1933, Sudeten German leader Konrad Henlein founded the Sudeten German Party (SdP), which was populist and hostile to the Czechoslovak government. It was heavily subsidized by Nazi Germany and soon captured two-thirds of the vote in districts with a large German population. By 1935, the SdP was the largest political party in Czechoslovakia as German votes concentrated on this party, and Czech and Slovak votes were spread among several parties.

Shortly after Germany's annexation of Austria, Henlein met with Hitler in Berlin on 28 March 1938, and was instructed to make demands unacceptable to the democratic Czechoslovak government, led by President Edvard Beneš. On 24 April, the SdP issued a series of demands known as the Carlsbad Programme which included autonomy for Germans in Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovak government responded by saying that it was willing to provide more rights to the German minority but would not grant autonomy.

The SdP gained 88% of the ethnic German votes in May 1938. [move to appropriate place].

With tension high between the Germans and the Czechoslovak government, Beneš, on 15 September 1938, secretly offered to give 6000 sqkm of Czechoslovakia to Germany, in exchange for a German agreement to admit 1.5 to 2.0 million Sudeten Germans expelled by Czechoslovakia. Hitler did not reply. [Move.]

Sudeten crisis
As the previous appeasement of Hitler had shown, France and Britain were intent on avoiding war. The French government did not wish to face Germany alone and took its lead from British Conservative government of Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain. He considered the Sudeten German grievances justified and believed Hitler's intentions to be limited. Both Britain and France, therefore, advised Czechoslovakia to accede to Henlein's demands. Beneš resisted and, on 19 May, initiated a partial mobilization in response to German troop movements on the border.

On 20 May, Hitler presented his generals with a draft plan of attack on Czechoslovakia that was codenamed Operation Green. He insisted that he would not "smash Czechoslovakia" militarily without "provocation", "a particularly favourable opportunity" or "adequate political justification." Ten days later, Hitler signed a directive for war against Czechoslovakia to begin no later than 1 October.

'''On 22 May, Juliusz Łukasiewicz, the Polish ambassador to France, told French Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet that if France moved against Germany to defend Czechoslovakia, "We shall not move." Łukasiewicz also told Bonnet that Poland would oppose any attempt by Soviet forces to defend Czechoslovakia from Germany. Édouard Daladier told Jakob Surits, the Soviet ambassador to France, "Not only can we not count on Polish support but we have no faith that Poland will not strike us in the back." However, the Polish government indicated multiple times (in March 1936 and May, June and August 1938) that it was prepared to fight Germany if the French decided to help Czechoslovakia: "Beck's proposal to Bonnet, his statements to Ambassador Drexel Biddle, and the statement noted by Vansittart, show that the Polish foreign minister was, indeed, prepared to carry out a radical change of policy if the Western powers decided on war with Germany. However, these proposals and statements did not elicit any reaction from British and French governments that were bent on averting war by appeasing Germany." ''' [Tangential. Summarise or move]

In the meantime, the British government demanded that Beneš request a mediator. Not wishing to sever his government's ties with Western Europe, Beneš reluctantly accepted. The British appointed Lord Runciman, a former Liberal cabinet minister, who arrived in Prague on 3 August with instructions to persuade Beneš to agree to a plan acceptable to the Sudeten Germans. On 20 July, Bonnet told the Czechoslovak ambassador in Paris that while France would declare its support in public to help the Czechoslovak negotiations, it was not prepared to go to war over Sudetenland. In August, the German press was full of stories alleging Czechoslovak atrocities against Sudeten Germans, with the intention of forcing the West into putting pressure on the Czechoslovaks to make concessions. Hitler hoped that the Czechoslovaks would refuse and that the West would then feel morally justified in leaving the Czechoslovaks to their fate. In August, Germany sent 750,000 soldiers along the border of Czechoslovakia, officially as part of army maneuvres. On 4 or 5 September, Beneš submitted the Fourth Plan, granting nearly all the demands of the agreement. The Sudeten Germans were under instruction from Hitler to avoid a compromise, and the SdP held demonstrations that provoked a police action in Ostrava on 7 September, in which two of their parliamentary deputies were arrested. The Sudeten Germans used the incident and false allegations of other atrocities as an excuse to break off further negotiations.

On 12 September, Hitler made a speech at a Nazi Party rally in Nuremberg on the Sudeten crisis condemning the actions of the government of Czechoslovakia. Hitler denounced Czechoslovakia as being a fraudulent state that was in violation of international law's emphasis of national self-determination, claiming it was a Czech hegemony although the Germans, the Slovaks, the Hungarians, the Ukrainians and the Poles of the country actually wanted to be in a union with the Czechs. Hitler accused Beneš of seeking to gradually exterminate the Sudeten Germans and claimed that since Czechoslovakia's creation, over 600,000 Germans had been intentionally forced out of their homes under the threat of starvation if they did not leave. He alleged that Beneš's government was persecuting Germans along with Hungarians, Poles, and Slovaks and accused Beneš of threatening the nationalities with being branded traitors if they were not loyal to the country. He stated that he, as the head of state of Germany, would support the right of the self-determination of fellow Germans in the Sudetenland. He condemned Beneš for his government's recent execution of several German protesters. He accused Beneš of being belligerent and threatening behaviour towards Germany which, if war broke out, would result in Beneš forcing Sudeten Germans to fight against their will against Germans from Germany. Hitler accused the government of Czechoslovakia of being a client regime of France, claiming that the French Minister of Aviation Pierre Cot had said, "We need this state as a base from which to drop bombs with greater ease to destroy Germany's economy and its industry."

'On 28 May, Hitler called a meeting of his service chiefs, ordered an acceleration of U-boat construction and brought forward the construction of his new battleships, Bismarck and Tirpitz,'' to spring 1940. He demanded that the increase in the firepower of the battleships Scharnhorst and Gneisenau be accelerated. While recognizing that this would still be insufficient for a full-scale naval war with Britain, Hitler hoped it would be a sufficient deterrent. [Remove. Tangential to Sudeten crisis.]'''

Hitler's adjutant, Fritz Wiedemann, recalled after the war that he was "very shocked" by Hitler's new plans to attack Britain and France three to four years after "deal[ing] with the situation" in Czechoslovakia. General Ludwig Beck, chief of the German general staff, noted that Hitler's change of heart in favour of quick action was because Czechoslovak defences were still being improvised, which would no longer be the case two to three years later, and British rearmament would not come into effect until 1941 or 1942. General Alfred Jodl noted in his diary that the partial Czechoslovak mobilization of 21 May had led Hitler to issue a new order for Operation Green on 30 May and that it was accompanied by a covering letter from Wilhelm Keitel that stated that the plan must be implemented by 1 October at the very latest. '''[Removed. Repeated information. Tangential.]'''

Gadigal
The colonisation of the land by British settlers and the subsequent introduction of infectious diseases including smallpox decimated the Gadigal people and their neighbours. The 1789 smallpox epidemic was estimated to have killed about 50% of the Eora population, with only three Gadigal survivors. However, archaeological evidence suggests that some Gadigal people may have escaped to the Concord area and settled there.

Martial law, November 1828
In April 1830, he also advised London that a significant boost to the convict population in remote frontier areas would help protect settlers and explicitly asked that all convict transport ships be diverted to Van Diemen's Land. [Move this to next section?]

The Aboriginal attacks fuelled settlers' anger and a craving for revenge, but according to Clements the primary emotion colonists experienced was fear, ranging from a constant unease to paralysing terror. He noted: "Everybody on the frontier was afraid, all the time." The financial loss from theft, destruction of stock and arson attacks was a constant threat: there were no insurance companies and settlers faced financial ruin if crops and buildings were burnt or their stock destroyed. '''[Sumarised. The colonists on the frontier were obviously afraid. We have already stated that Aboriginal attacks had threatened the viability of farms.]'''

The Hobart Town Courier newspaper warned that the Aboriginal people had declared a "war of extermination" on white settlers, while the Colonial Times declared: "The Government must remove the natives. If not they will be hunted down like wild beasts and destroyed." '''[Removed. This is pre-martial law and has already been quoted.]'''

No colonist was ever charged in Van Diemen's Land, or committed for trial, for assaulting or killing an Aboriginal person. [Check this.]

In April 1828, John Baker, a sealer, was arrested for abducting Aboriginal women. Ryan p. 113.

Summarised content. Replaced close paraphrases and unsourced content with reliably sourced content. See Talk.

Early conflict (revised version)
Between 1817 and 1824 the colonial population rose from 2,000 to 12,600. By 1823, the number of sheep had reached 200,000 and the settled districts accounted for 30 per cent of the island's total land area. The rapid colonisation transformed traditional kangaroo hunting grounds into farms with grazing livestock as well as fences, hedges and stone walls. Police and military patrols were increased to control the convict farm labourers. '''[Inaccurate page numbers and figures. Check and combine with other data on settlement growth.]'''

Over the first two decades of settlement Aboriginal people launched at least 57 attacks on white settlers, punctuating a general calm, but by 1820 the violence was becoming markedly more frequent. One Russian explorer reported that year that "the natives of Tasmania live in a state of perpetual hostility against the Europeans". From the mid-1820s, the number of attacks initiated by both whites and blacks rose sharply. '''[Unsourced. replaced with sourced information.]'''

Clements says the main reasons for settler attacks on Aboriginal people were revenge, killing for sport, sexual desire for women and children, and suppression of the native threat. Van Diemen's Land had an enormous gender imbalance, with male colonists outnumbering females six to one in 1822. The ratio of men to women was as high as 16 to one among the convict population. Clements has suggested the "voracious appetite" for native women was the most important trigger for the Black War. He writes: "Sex continued to be a central motivation for attacking natives until around 1828, by which time killing the enemy had taken priority over raping them." [Combined this with earlier Clements content.]

Hello there.

Lead
The Turrbal are an Aboriginal Australian people from the area now known as Brisbane. The boundaries of their traditional territory are unclear and linguists are divided over whether they spoke a separate language or a dialect of the Yuggera language. The Turrbal/Yuggera word for the central Brisbane area is Meanjin (sometimes spelt Meeanjin or Mianjin).

Country
The Turrbal people's traditional lands lay around the Brisbane River. Tom Petrie stated that their traditional land coincided with the territorial range of their language. Ford and Blake, however, state that the Turrbal and Jagera were distinct peoples, the Jagera generally living south of the Brisbane river and the Turrbal mostly living north. Neighbouring Aboriginal peoples include the Gubbi Gubbi and Wakka Wakka to the north, the Dalla to the northwest and the Quandamooka of Moreton Bay.

At the time of European settlement, the Turrbul people comprised local groups each of which had a specific territory. The European names for the locality groups, sometimes called clans, of the Brisbane area include the "Duke of York's" clan, the North Pine (or Petrie), the Coorpooroo, Chepara, Yerongpan and others.

Despite collective title to a stretch of land, the Turrbal permitted private ownership of specific sections of land. Petrie stated:"Though the land belonged to the whole tribe, the head men often spoke of it as theirs. The tribe in general owned the animals and birds on the ground, also roots and nests, but certain men and women owned different fruit or flower-trees and shrubs. For instance, a man could own a bonyi (Araucaria bidwilli) tree, and a woman a minti (Banksia amula), dulandella (Persoonia Sp.), midyim (Myrtus tenuifolia), or dakkabin (Xanthorrhoea aborea) tree. Then a man sometimes owned a portion of the river which was a good fishing spot, and no one else could fish there without his permission."

Genocide in Australia
Adhikari, Mohamed (25 July 2022). Destroying to Replace: Settler Genocides of Indigenous Peoples. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing Company. ISBN 978-1647920548.

Boyce, James (2010). Van Diemen's Land. Melbourne: Black Inc. ISBN 978-1-86395-491-4.

Evans, Raymond (2012). ""Pigmentia": Racial Fears and White Australia". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 103–124. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.9. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.9.

Haebich, Anna (1992). For Their Own Good: Aborigines and Government in the South West of Western Australia, 1900–1940 (2nd ed.). Nedlands, Western Australia.

Haebich, Anna (2012). ""Clearing the Wheat Belt": Erasing the Indigenous Presence in the Southwest of Western Australia". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. pp. 267–289. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.16. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.16.

Hughes, Robert (1987). The Fatal Shore. London: Pan. ISBN 0-330-29892-5.

Kociumbas, Jan (2012). "Genocide and Modernity in Colonial Australia, 1788-1850". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 77–102. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.8. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.8.

Lawson, Tom (2014). The Last Man. London: I.B. Taurus. ISBN 978-1-78076-626-3.

Madley, Benjamin (2004). "Patterns of frontier genocide 1803–1910: the aboriginal Tasmanians, the Yuki of California, and the Herero of Namibia". Journal of Genocide Research. 6 (2): 167–192. doi:10.1080/1462352042000225930. S2CID 145079658.

Manne, Robert (2012). "Aboriginal Child Removal and the Question of Genocide, 1900–1940". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 217–243. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.14. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.14.

McGregor, Russell (2012). "Governance, Not Genocide: Aboriginal Assimilation in the Postwar Era". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 290–311. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.17. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.17.

Moses, A. Dirk (2012). "Genocide and Settler Society in Australian History". In Moses, A. Dirk (ed.). Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History. Berghahn Books. pp. 3–48. doi:10.2307/j.ctt9qdg7m.6. ISBN 9781782381693. JSTOR j.ctt9qdg7m.6.

Ørsted-Jensen, Robert (2011). Frontier History Revisited – Queensland and the 'History War'. Cooparoo, Brisbane, Qld: Lux Mundi Publishing. ISBN 9781466386822.

Reynolds, Henry (2001). An Indelible Stain?: The Question of Genocide in Australia's History. Sydney: Penguin. ISBN 978-0-67091-220-9.

Ryan, Lyndall (2012). Tasmanian Aborigines. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. ISBN 978-1-74237-068-2.

Sousa, Ashley Riley (2004). ""They will be hunted down like wild beasts and destroyed!": a comparative study of genocide in California and Tasmania". Journal of Genocide Research. 6 (2): 193–209. doi:10.1080/1462352042000225949. S2CID 109131060.

James Cook

 * Blainey (2020), "Cook's [1767] voyage has become more controversial, especially in Australia where his discovery and its consequences are now questioned by Aboriginal leaders and by many historians. In Sydney his statue was recently vandalised. The great navigator is branded as an invader and destroyer."
 * Stephen Gapps (2020) states, " In the broader strategic sense – as all 18th and early 19th century scientific voyages were – Cook’s voyages were part of a European drive to conquer. The aim was to claim resources and trade in support of the British Empire’s expansion."
 * Nicholas Thomas (2003), states, " It has to be acknowledged, also, that he was in the business of dispossession: he claimed inhabited islands and land right around the Pacific for the Crown."
 * Thomas also: "Yet when we damn Cook for inaugurating the business of colonization, we are in underlying agreement with traditional Cook idealizers – we are seeing the explorer above all as a founder or precursor…" pp xxxii-xxxiii
 * In summary, few in the current debate over Cook's legacy are stating that he colonised anything himself. they are stating that he "enabled" British colonisation and imperialism in the South pacific by "claiming possession" of dozens of inhabited places for Britain. Trying to suppress this in the article is ridiculous: it is the dominent view of Cook in recent scholarship and political discussion. The words acedaemics and other commentators use to describe Cook;s role include: "the usher of the colonial land grab – the doorman for British invasion in 1788…" ; "Captain James Cook arrived in the Pacific 250 years ago, triggering British colonisation of the region."; "[We must] confront Cook’s legacy not as the projected shining icon of Enlightenment, but as a mythic presence built on deliberate theft, dispossession and violence." ; "Cook's [1767] voyage has become more controversial, especially in Australia where his discovery and its consequences are now questioned by Aboriginal leaders and by many historians."
 * Nicholas Thomas (2003), states, " It has to be acknowledged, also, that he was in the business of dispossession: he claimed inhabited islands and land right around the Pacific for the Crown."
 * Thomas also: "Yet when we damn Cook for inaugurating the business of colonization, we are in underlying agreement with traditional Cook idealizers – we are seeing the explorer above all as a founder or precursor…" pp xxxii-xxxiii
 * In summary, few in the current debate over Cook's legacy are stating that he colonised anything himself. they are stating that he "enabled" British colonisation and imperialism in the South pacific by "claiming possession" of dozens of inhabited places for Britain. Trying to suppress this in the article is ridiculous: it is the dominent view of Cook in recent scholarship and political discussion. The words acedaemics and other commentators use to describe Cook;s role include: "the usher of the colonial land grab – the doorman for British invasion in 1788…" ; "Captain James Cook arrived in the Pacific 250 years ago, triggering British colonisation of the region."; "[We must] confront Cook’s legacy not as the projected shining icon of Enlightenment, but as a mythic presence built on deliberate theft, dispossession and violence." ; "Cook's [1767] voyage has become more controversial, especially in Australia where his discovery and its consequences are now questioned by Aboriginal leaders and by many historians."
 * In summary, few in the current debate over Cook's legacy are stating that he colonised anything himself. they are stating that he "enabled" British colonisation and imperialism in the South pacific by "claiming possession" of dozens of inhabited places for Britain. Trying to suppress this in the article is ridiculous: it is the dominent view of Cook in recent scholarship and political discussion. The words acedaemics and other commentators use to describe Cook;s role include: "the usher of the colonial land grab – the doorman for British invasion in 1788…" ; "Captain James Cook arrived in the Pacific 250 years ago, triggering British colonisation of the region."; "[We must] confront Cook’s legacy not as the projected shining icon of Enlightenment, but as a mythic presence built on deliberate theft, dispossession and violence." ; "Cook's [1767] voyage has become more controversial, especially in Australia where his discovery and its consequences are now questioned by Aboriginal leaders and by many historians."
 * In summary, few in the current debate over Cook's legacy are stating that he colonised anything himself. they are stating that he "enabled" British colonisation and imperialism in the South pacific by "claiming possession" of dozens of inhabited places for Britain. Trying to suppress this in the article is ridiculous: it is the dominent view of Cook in recent scholarship and political discussion. The words acedaemics and other commentators use to describe Cook;s role include: "the usher of the colonial land grab – the doorman for British invasion in 1788…" ; "Captain James Cook arrived in the Pacific 250 years ago, triggering British colonisation of the region."; "[We must] confront Cook’s legacy not as the projected shining icon of Enlightenment, but as a mythic presence built on deliberate theft, dispossession and violence." ; "Cook's [1767] voyage has become more controversial, especially in Australia where his discovery and its consequences are now questioned by Aboriginal leaders and by many historians."

Cooman
William Charles Wentworth was prominent in this process, but his proposal for an hereditary upper house was widely ridiculed and not adoped.

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 * Challenged claims that are supported purely by primary or self-published sources or those with an apparent conflict of interest;
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 * Claims contradicted by the prevailing view within the relevant community or that would significantly alter mainstream assumptions—especially in science, medicine, history, politics, and biographies of living and recently dead people. This is especially true when proponents say there is a conspiracy to silence them.


 * Avoid stating seriously contested assertions as facts. If different reliable sources make conflicting assertions about a matter, treat these assertions as opinions rather than facts, and do not present them as direct statements. WP:VOICE
 * If available, academic and peer-reviewed publications are usually the most reliable sources on topics such as history, medicine, and science. WP:SOURCES
 * Any exceptional claim requires multiple high-quality sources. WP:Exceptional.
 * Wikipedia is not a forum for advocating a particular theory. WP:NOTADVOCACY. You might well believe the theory that a man called Cooman was one of the Aboriginal men who confronted Cook, but Wikipedia is not the place to try to prove this. Once it is widely accepted by mainstream historians we can incorporate it into all the relevant articles..

Australia (History)
The states have a general power to make laws except in the few areas where the constitution grants the Commonwealth exclusive powers. The Commonwealth can only make laws on topics listed in the constitution but its laws prevail over those of the states to the extent of any inconsistency.

Treaties and Aboriginal legal rights

Hope you don't mind, but I still have concerns with the wording of this. It is still unclear whether we are only talking about the period 1788-1808 (the period this section covers) or the entire colonial period. Also, the wording isn't accurate because the British did enter into formal agreements with some Aboriginal tribes and leaders (although they didn't sign any treaty) and they did have regard to possible legal rights they might have. Right up to 1837 there was a debate as to whether the Aboriginal tribes were British subjects and subject to English law. In a general article like this it is also important to make the wording as concise as possible with out sacrificing accuracy. So if we want to mention treaties and formal agreements and legal rights, I suggest we write:

"The British did not sign treaties with the Aboriginal peoples and did not recognise native title to their land until 1992. " On reflection, I agree that it was significant that no treaties were signed, but the reasons for this are best left to the main articles on Australian history.

I also suggest we change "The colonists also brought diseases such as smallpox, contributing to a huge Indigenous population decline for 150 years " to "The colonists also brought new diseases which contributed to a large fall in the Aboriginal population over 150 years. " If fact, there is a huge debate about whether the colonists brought smallpox or whether it originated with Makassar fishermen of the French. There's no doubt they brought diseases such as influenza, tuberculosis and syphilus though.

So I suggest we write: "The British did not sign treaties with the Aboriginal peoples and did not recognise native title to land until 1992. The colonists also brought new diseases which contributed to a large fall in the Aboriginal population over 150 years. " I also suggest we put this as the first sentence in the section on Colonial Expansion, because it is more relevant to the discussion of the expansion of European settlement throughout Australia.

Mabo and Indigenous sovereignty

Current

The [Mabo] judgment did not make any findings on sovereignty, finding that the topic was non-justiciable, however campaigns for the recognition of Australian Indigenous sovereignty continue to the present day.

Suggested change:

Delete. The cited source is an opinion piece by one Indigenous lawyer/activist. It does not mention Mabo and in any case the Mabo judgement and the campaign for Indigenous sovereignty are independent of each other. This reads like a political statement shoehorned into a general article about Australia. True, some Indigenous activists advocate Indigenous sovereignty but many others do not and it isn't clear why one current political campaign should be highlighted in the history section of the article. If we want to add a statement about historically significant Indigenous political campaigns I would have thought that land] rights, reconciliation, a truth telling commission and some sort of voice to state and federal parliaments have had a higher profile than Indigenous sovereignty.

Republic referendum

Suggest we return to the previous wording which is accurate and more concise. I understand that you wish to emphasise that it was a particular proposal that was rejected and that there was a preceding debate about various models, but this is a summary article and the nuances are best explained in the main article on the 1999 referendum. Specifically, "failed to pass" are weasel words and it is always a specific proposal that is either accepted or rejected in a referendum.

Indigenous peoples
Old lead sentence:

Indigenous peoples are the earliest known inhabitants of an area and their descendants, especially one that has been colonized by a now-dominant group of settlers. [No source and is flatly contradicted by next source]. However, the term lacks a single, authoritative definition and can be used to describe a variety of peoples and cultures.

In its modern context, the term Indigenous was first used by Europeans, who used it to differentiate the Indigenous peoples of the Americas from the European peoples of the Americas, as well as from the sub-Saharan Africans the settlers enslaved and brought to the Americas by force. The term may have first been used in this context by Sir Thomas Browne in 1646, who stated "and although in many parts thereof there be at present swarms of Negroes serving under the Spaniard, yet were they all transported from Africa, since the discovery of Columbus; and are not indigenous or proper natives of America." '''[This is use of the word Indigenous, not "Indigenous peoples" which has a specific meaning in international law and scholarship. Also this is fom 1646, which is not the modern use of the term. Thirdly, this is a detailed repetition of the article, not a concise summary. It doesn't belong in the lead.]'''

Peoples are usually described as "Indigenous" when they maintain traditions or other aspects of an early culture that is associated with the first inhabitants of a given region. Not all Indigenous peoples share this characteristic, as many have adopted substantial elements of a colonizing culture, such as dress, religion or language. Indigenous peoples may be settled in a given region (sedentary), exhibit a nomadic lifestyle across a large territory, or be resettled, but they are generally historically associated with a specific territory on which they depend. Indigenous societies are found in every inhabited climate zone and continent of the world except Antarctica. There are approximately five thousand Indigenous nations throughout the world. '''[This is a discursive argument, not a concise summary of the contents of the article. The sources are also selective and dubious, such as a books on herbal medicine. The lecture by an Indigenous rights activist is specifically about the USA. Incidently, the latter author says, "I define indigenous peoples as those who have continued their way of living for thousands of years according to their original instructions." So yet another definition of Indigenous peoples.]'''

Indigenous peoples' homelands have historically been colonized by larger ethnic groups, who justified colonization with beliefs of racial and religious superiority, land use or economic opportunity. Thousands of Indigenous nations throughout the world currently live in countries where they are not a majority ethnic group. Indigenous peoples continue to face threats to their sovereignty, economic well-being, languages, ways of knowing, and access to the resources on which their cultures depend. Indigenous rights have been set forth in international law by the United Nations, the International Labour Organization, and the World Bank. In 2007, the UN issued a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) to guide member-state national policies to the collective rights of Indigenous peoples, including their rights to protect their cultures, identities, languages, ceremonies, and access to employment, health, education and natural resources. [

Estimates of the total global population of Indigenous peoples usually range from 250 million to 600 million. Official designations and terminology of who is considered Indigenous vary between countries, ethnic groups and other factors. In the Americas, Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous status is often applied unproblematically to groups descended from the peoples who lived there prior to European settlement. However, In Asia and Africa, definitions of Indigenous status have been either rejected by certain peoples, or applied to minorities or oppressed peoples who may not be considered "Indigenous" in other contexts. Thus, population figures are less clear and may fluctuate dramatically. The concept of indigenous peoples is rarely used in Europe, where very few indigenous groups are recognized, with the exception of groups such as the Sámi.

There is no generally accepted definition of Indigenous peoples, although in the 21st century the focus has been on self-identification, cultural difference from other groups in a state, a special relationship with their traditional territory, and an experience of subjugation and discrimination under a dominant cultural model.

Estimates of the population of Indigenous peoples range from 250 million to 600 million. There are some 5,000 distinct Indigenous peoples spread across every inhabited climate zone and continent of the world except Antarctica. Most Indigenous peoples are in a minority in the state or traditional territory they inhabit and have experienced domination by other groups, especially non-Indigenous peoples. Although many Indigenous peoples have experienced colonization by settlers from European nations, Indigenous identity is not determined by Western colonization.

The rights of Indigenous peoples are outlined in national legislation, treaties and international law. The 1989 International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples protects Indigenous peoples from discrimination and specifies their rights to development, customary laws, lands, territories and resources, employment, education and health. In 2007, the United Nations (UN) adopted a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples including their rights to self-determination and to protect their cultures, identities, languages, ceremonies, and access to employment, health, education and natural resources.

Indigenous peoples continue to face threats to their sovereignty, economic well-being, languages, cultural heritage, and access to the resources on which their cultures depend. In the 21st century, Indigenous groups and advocates for Indigenous peoples have highlighted numerous apparent violations of the rights of Indigenous peoples.

Deleted, moved or rewritten

'''Peoples are usually described as "Indigenous" when they maintain traditions or other aspects of an early culture that is associated with the first inhabitants of a given region.  [Deleted because the source does not say "first inhabitants." It deliberately avoids this because it is often impossible to determine who the "first inhabitants" of particular territory were. The relevant criterion is "descent from populations, who inhabited the country or geographical region at the time of conquest, colonisation or establishment of present state boundaries."]'''

'''Not all Indigenous peoples share this characteristic, as many have adopted substantial elements of a colonizing culture, such as dress, religion or language. Indigenous peoples may be settled in a given region (sedentary), exhibit a nomadic lifestyle across a large territory, or be resettled, but they are generally historically associated with a specific territory on which they depend. There are approximately five thousand Indigenous nations throughout the world.  [Deleted because source has nothing to do with the content.]'''

'''Indigenous peoples continue to face threats to their sovereignty, economic well-being, languages, ways of knowing, and access to the resources on which their cultures depend. Indigenous rights have been set forth in international law by the United Nations, the International Labour Organization, and the World Bank.  [Deleted because sources are out of date, pre-UNDRIP.]'''

Definitions

 * Self identification as Indigenous peoples
 * cultural difference from other groups in a state
 * an historical link with those who inhabited a country or region at the time when people of different cultures or ethnic origins arrived, invaded or colonized
 * a special relationship with their traditional territory
 * a strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources
 * an experience of subjugation and discrimination under a dominant cultural model
 * marginalized and discriminated against by the state
 * distinct social, economic or political systems
 * A distinct language, culture and beliefs
 * They maintain and develop their ancestral environments and systems as distinct peoples

There is no generally accepted definition of Indigenous peoples in the United Nations or international law. Various national and international organizations, non-government organizations, governments, Indigenous groups and scholars have developed definitions or have declined to provide a definition.

Population and distribution
Estimates of the population of Indigenous peoples range from 250 million to 600 million. The United Nations estimates that there are over 370 million Indigenous people living in over 90 countries worldwide. This would equate to just fewer than 6% of the total world population. This includes at least 5,000 distinct peoples.

As there is no universally accepted definition of Indigenous Peoples, their classification as such varies between countries and organizations. In the Americas, Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous status is often applied unproblematically to groups descended from the peoples who lived there prior to European settlement. However, In Asia and Africa, Indigenous status has sometimes been rejected by certain peoples, denied by governments or applied to peoples who may not be considered "Indigenous" in other contexts. The concept of indigenous peoples is rarely used in Europe, where very few indigenous groups are recognized, with the exception of groups such as the Sámi.

Indigenous societies range from those who have been significantly exposed to the colonizing or expansionary activities of other societies (such as the Maya peoples of Mexico and Central America) through to those who as yet remain in comparative isolation from any external influence (such as the Sentinelese and Jarawa of the Andaman Islands).

Contemporary distinct Indigenous groups survive in populations ranging from only a few dozen to hundreds of thousands and more. Many Indigenous populations have undergone a dramatic decline and even extinction, and remain threatened in many parts of the world. Some have also been assimilated by other populations or have undergone many other changes. In other cases, Indigenous populations are undergoing a recovery or expansion in numbers.

Certain Indigenous societies survive even though they may no longer inhabit their "traditional" lands, owing to migration, relocation, forced resettlement or having been supplanted by other cultural groups. In many other respects, the transformation of culture of Indigenous groups is ongoing, and includes permanent loss of language, loss of lands, encroachment on traditional territories, and disruption in traditional ways of life due to contamination and pollution of waters and lands.

Indigenous rights and other issues
The 1989 ILO Convention on Indigenous and Tribal Peoples mainly concerns non-discrimination but also covers indigenous peoples’ rights to development, customary laws, lands, territories and resources, employment, education and health. By 2013, the convention had been ratified by 22 countries, mainly in Latin America.

In 2007, the United Nations (UN) adopted a Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) specifying the collective rights of Indigenous peoples, including their rights to self-determination and to protect their cultures, identities, languages, ceremonies, and access to employment, health, education and natural resources. The declaration is not a formally binding treaty but some provisions might be considered customary international law. The declaration has been endorsed by at least 148 states but its provisions have not been consistently implemented.

Indigenous references
National definitions

[Renamed and summarized this because the information was not about national definitions but was a personal essay on the position of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.]

Throughout history, different nations have used a variety of terms to describe the groups within their boundaries that they recognize as Indigenous. Definitions are usually based on a peoples' descent from populations that have historically inhabited the country prior to the time when peoples from non-Indigenous cultures and religions arrived – or at the establishment of present state boundaries – who retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political institutions, but who may have been displaced from their traditional domains or who may have resettled outside their ancestral domains. '''[This is deleted because it is a personal essay giving one editor's synthesis and interpretations of various sources. It repeats information which has already been presented in summary style.]'''

The status of the Indigenous groups in the subjugated relationship can be characterized in most instances as an effectively marginalized or isolated group, in comparison to majority groups or the nation-state as a whole. The Indigenous group's ability to influence and participate in the external policies that may exercise jurisdiction over their traditional lands and practices is very frequently limited. This situation can persist even in the case where the Indigenous population outnumbers that of the other inhabitants of the region or state; the defining notion here is one of separation from decision and regulatory processes that have some, at least titular, influence over aspects of their community and land rights. '''[This is deleted because it is a personal essay giving one editor's synthesis and interpretations of various sources. It repeats information which has already been presented in summary style.]'''

The presence of external laws, claims and cultural mores either potentially or actually act to variously constrain the practices and observances of an Indigenous society. These constraints can be observed even when the Indigenous society is regulated largely by its own tradition and custom. The constraints may be purposefully imposed, or arise as unintended consequence of trans-cultural interaction. They may have a measurable effect, even where countered by other external influences and actions deemed beneficial or that promote Indigenous rights and interests. '''[This is deleted because it is a personal essay giving one editor's synthesis and interpretations of various sources. It repeats information which has already been presented in summary style.]'''

French Revolution
Between 1700 and 1789, the French population grew from an estimated 21 to 28 million, while Paris alone had over 600,000 inhabitants, of whom roughly one third had no regular work. [This is an interesting article, but as far as I can see nowhere on the cited page or in the entire article does it talk about French population growth, the population of Paris or the proportion without regular work.]

The problem lay in the assessment and collection of the taxes used to fund government expenditure. Rates varied widely from one region to another, were often different from the official amounts, and collected inconsistently. Complexity, as much as the financial burden, caused resentment among all taxpayers; although the nobility paid significantly less than other classes, they complained just as much. '''[This, (Chanel, 2015) is an excellent article, but we already say elsewhere that the tax system was inefficient and complex. The key problem, as the article itself states, is that the tax burden mainly fell on peasants. Nobles and clergy paid much less tax, and they resisted reforms that would make them pay more unless they got real political benefits in return. It's also OR and synthesis to link this article to the previous one because it implies that the "real cause" of the Revolution wasn't debt financing of the War but rather the complexity of the tax system. However, this article explicilty states that the debt crisis was a real problem. It is NOT saying that the problem would have been solved if the tax system was less complex. It also fails to mention that a tax system geared to agriculture failed to pick up the new wealth created in finance and overseas trade. These points are all made in the Financial and Political crisis section. Why have another, distorted, explanation of the financial crisis here?]'''

To assist delegates, each region completed a list of grievances, known as Cahiers de doléances. Although they contained ideas that would have seemed radical only months before, most supported the monarchy, and assumed the Estates-General would agree to financial reforms, rather than fundamental constitutional change. '''[Citation is Doyle's Very short history p. 38. It's actually p. 39 and says this: "An amazing range of grievances and aspirations were articulated in what amounted to the first public opinion poll of modern times. Suddenly changes seemed possible that only a few months earlier had been the stuff of dreams; and the tone of the cahiers made clear that many electors actually expected them to happen through the agency of the Estates-General." Nothing about radicalism, support of the monarchy, or fundamental constitutional change. The link is here. ]'''

Causes
The underlying causes of the French Revolution were the Ancien Régime's inability to manage rising social and economic inequality. [Unsourced]. Population growth and interest payments on government debt led to economic depression, unemployment, and high food prices. [Source, Sargent & Velde, doesn't say this.] Combined with resistance to reform by the ruling elite, it resulted in a crisis Louis XVI proved unable to resolve.

Between 1700 and 1789, the French population grew from an estimated 21 to 28 million, while Paris alone had over 600,000 inhabitants, of whom roughly one third had no regular work. [This is an interesting article, but nowhere on the cited page or in the entire article does it talk about French population growth, the population of Paris or the proportion without regular work.] Food production failed to keep up with these numbers, and whilst wages increased by 22% between 1770 and 1790, prices rose by 65% in the same period, '''[Source is Hufton 1983. Later research shows this is wrong.]''' which many blamed on government inaction. '''[This is true but source doesnt support it. Tilly's quote is from 17th century England.] Combined with a series of poor harvests, by 1789 the result was a rural peasantry with nothing to sell, and an urban proletariat whose purchasing power had collapsed [Source Tilly 1983. Doesnt use term proletariat and is only talking about 1788-89 crisis'''].

High levels of state debt, which acted as a drag on the wider economy, are often attributed to the 1778–1783 Anglo-French War. However, one economic historian argues "neither [its] level in 1788, or previous history, can be considered an explanation for the outbreak of revolution in 1789". In 1788, the ratio of debt to gross national income in France was 55.6%, compared to 181.8% in Britain, and although French borrowing costs were higher, the percentage of revenue devoted to interest payments was roughly the same in both countries. '''[Straw man. No modern historian argues that level of debt alone caused revolution.]'''

The problem lay in the assessment and collection of the taxes used to fund government expenditure. Rates varied widely from one region to another, were often different from the official amounts, and collected inconsistently. Complexity, as much as the financial burden, caused resentment among all taxpayers; although the nobility paid significantly less than other classes, they complained just as much. '''[This is an excellent article, but we already say elsewhere that the tax system was inefficient and complex. The key problem, as the article itself states, is that the tax burden mainly fell on peasants, that nobles and clergy paid much less tax, and that they resisted reforms that would make them pay more unless they got real political benefits. It's also OR and synthesis to link this article to the previous one because this article explicilty states that the debt crisis was a real problem. It is NOT saying that the problem would have been solved if the tax system was less complex.]'''

Attempts to simplify the system were blocked by the regional Parlements which controlled financial policy. The resulting impasse in the face of widespread economic distress led to the calling of the Estates-General, which became radicalised by the struggle for control of public finances. [This can be said more succinctly and repeats information in Estates General section below.].

Although willing to consider reforms, Louis XVI often backed down when faced with opposition from conservative elements within the nobility. [Source Doyle 2018 p 48 doesnt say this.] The court became the target for popular anger, particularly Queen Marie-Antoinette, who was viewed as a spendthrift Austrian spy, and blamed for the dismissal of 'progressive' ministers like Jacques Necker. For their opponents '''[whose opponents? Weasel words]''', Enlightenment ideas on equality and democracy provided an intellectual framework for dealing with these issues, while the 1774 American Revolution was seen as confirmation of their practical application. [Source Doyle 2018 p. 73-4 has nothing to do with this.]].

Financial crisis
The French state faced a series of budgetary crises during the 18th century, caused primarily by structural deficiencies rather than lack of resources. Unlike Britain, where Parliament determined both expenditures and taxes, in France the Crown controlled spending, but not revenue. National taxes could only be approved by the Estates-General, which had not sat since 1614; its revenue functions had been assumed by regional parlements, the most powerful being the Parlement de Paris (see Map). '''[THis isn't true. Regional parlements could review new taxes to see if they were compatible with regional rights. If they objected, Crown could impose new taxes through lit de justesse. See Sargent and Velde.]'''

Although willing to authorise one-time taxes, the parlements were reluctant to pass long-term measures. Collection was outsourced to private individuals, significantly reducing the income received, and so France struggled to service its debt, despite being larger and wealthier than Britain. Following partial default in 1770, within five years the budget had been balanced thanks to reforms instituted by Turgot, the Controller-General of Finances. '''[Nonsense. It was Terray that balanced Budget through forced tax increases and partial repudiation of debt.]''' However, he was dismissed in May 1776 after arguing France could not afford to intervene in the American Revolutionary War. '''[The source is White (1995). it doesn't say any of this.]'''

These costs grew substantially when France formally declared war on Britain in 1778. Necker, who had become Finance Minister in 1777, managed to cover them with loans rather than taxes, before being replaced in 1781 by Charles Alexandre de Calonne. These loans were funded by a large rentier class who lived on the interest payments. By 1785 the government was struggling to cover them, which left new taxes as the only viable alternative. When the parlements refused to approve them, [no they didn't, Calonne went straight to Notables] Calonne persuaded Louis to summon the Assembly of Notables, an advisory council dominated by the upper nobility. When it met in February 1787, headed by de Brienne, a former archbishop of Toulouse, the Assembly argued taxes could only be authorised by the Estates.

De Brienne, who succeeded Calonne in May 1787, tried to address the budgetary impasse without raising taxes by devaluing the coinage instead. This caused runaway inflation, worsening the plight of the farmers and urban poor. '''[Nonsense. Source is a 1957 book by a nobody.]'''. By 1788, total state debt had increased to an unprecedented 4.5 billion livres. In a last attempt to resolve the crisis, Necker returned as Finance Minister in August 1788 but was unable to reach an agreement on how to increase revenue. In May 1789, Louis summoned the Estates-General. '''[Citations are all old general histories. This can be rationalised]'''

Estates-General of 1789
The Estates-General contained three separate bodies, the First Estate representing 100,000 clergy, the Second the nobility, and the Third the "commons". Since each met separately, and any proposals had to be approved by at least two, the First and Second Estates could outvote the Third despite representing less than 5% of the population.

Although the Catholic Church in France owned nearly 10% of all land, as well as receiving annual tithes paid by peasants, more than two-thirds of the clergy lived on incomes putting them close to the poverty line '''[Source Schama. Doesn't say this.]''' Many of the 303 deputies returned in 1789 were thus closer in sympathy to the poor than those elected for the Third Estate, where voting was restricted to male French taxpayers, aged 25 or over. The vast majority of the 610 Third Estate deputies were lawyers, government officials, businessmen, or wealthy land owners. [Source Doyle, doesn't say this.]

The Second Estate elected 291 deputies, representing about 400,000 men and women, who owned about 25% of the land and collected seigneurial dues and rents from their tenants. Like the clergy, this was not a uniform body, and was divided into the noblesse d'épée, or traditional aristocracy, and the noblesse de robe. The latter derived rank from judicial or administrative posts and tended to be hard-working professionals, who dominated the regional parlements and were often intensely socially conservative. [source Schama doesn't say this.]

To assist delegates, each region completed a list of grievances, known as Cahiers de doléances. Although they contained ideas that would have seemed radical only months before, most supported the monarchy, and assumed the Estates-General would agree to financial reforms, rather than fundamental constitutional change. '''[Grammar. A cahier can't think or assume anything. Source is Doyle's Very short history'''.] The lifting of press censorship allowed widespread distribution of political writings, mostly written by liberal members of the aristocracy and upper middle-class. Abbé Sieyès, a political theorist and priest elected to the Third Estate, argued it should take precedence over the other two as it represented 95% of the population.

On 5 May 1789, the Estates-General convened at Versailles, a location seen as an attempt to control their debates. [Says who?] As was customary, each Estate assembled in separate rooms, whose furnishings and opening ceremonies deliberately emphasised the superiority of the First and Second Estates. The Second Estate ruled only landowners could sit as deputies, excluding the immensely popular Comte de Mirabeau. '''[Source is Schama. Doesn't say this. It was the local Estate of Provence that had this rule. Mirabeau was elected as a rep of the Third Estate for Aix.]'''

To prevent the Third Estate being outvoted, Sieyès proposed deputies be approved by the Estates-General as a whole, instead of each Estate verifying its own. '''[It wasn't Sieyes who proposed this, it was the reps from Brittany and the Dauphiné. See Doyle p. 102]''' Since their legitimacy would derive from the Estates-General, they would be forced to continue as one body. Sitting as the Estates-General, on 10 June members of the Third Estate began verifying their own deputies, a process completed on 17 June. '''[No they didn't. They began verifying the members of the Third Estate on 12 June. On 17 June they declared themselves a National Assembly. per Doyle. 103-105] Two days later, they were joined by over 100 members of the clergy, [This true. Scharma p. 355]''' and declared themselves the National Assembly. The remaining deputies from the other two Estates were invited to join, but the Assembly made it clear they intended to legislate with or without their support.

In an attempt to prevent the Assembly from convening, Louis XVI closed the Salle des États, claiming he needed it for a royal speech. [Unsourced and untrue.] On 20 June, the Assembly met in a tennis court outside Versailles, and swore not to disperse until a new constitution had been agreed. '''[This is true. Schama p. 359.]''' Messages of support poured in from Paris and other cities; by 27 June, they had been joined by the majority of the First Estate, plus forty-seven members of the Second, and Louis backed down. '''[No he didnt. He offered some concessions but ordered the Estates General to meet in their separate orders the next day. Schama p. 362]'''

Indigenous peoples references
'''Martínez Cobo, José. 1986/7. “Study of the Problem of Discrimination against Indigenous Populations”. UN Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/1986/7 and Add. 1-4. Available online at http://www.un.org/esa/socdev/unpfii/en/second.html .'''

Muckle, >:>Robert J. (2012). Indigenous Peoples of North America: A Concise Anthropological Overview. University of Toronto Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-1-4426-0416-2.

NSW Economy
NSW is the largest state economy in Australia, with service industries contributing almost 80% of the state's economic activity and 90% of its employment. Business services which includes financial services; professional, scientific and technical services; property services; information media; and telecommunications, account for nearly a third of the state economy. Major merchandise exports include coal, copper, beef and aluminium. In recent years there has been strong growth in exports of education, tourism, and financial and business services.

Construction accounted for 8% of the NSW economy in 2020-21, while manufacturing contributed 6%, mining 2%, and agriculture, forestry and fishing just under 2%.

Coal and related products are the state's biggest merchandise export. Its value to the state's economy is over A$5 billion, accounting for about 19% of all merchandise exports from NSW. Tourism is worth over $18.1 billion to the New South Wales economy and employs 3.1% of the workforce.

Agriculture
Agriculture accounts for just under 2% of the NSW economy. NSW has the second-highest value of agricultural production of the Australian states. is the most extensive crop in the state by hectare amounting to 39% of the continent's harvest. The most important wheat-growing areas are the Central West, Orana, New England, North-West and Riverina.

Barley, cotton and canola are also important broadacre crops. Most cotton production is in the New England, Orana, North West and Far West regions. However, the southern regions of the state now produce almost one-third of the state's crop by value.

NSW produces about 20% of Australia's fruit and nuts, and about 12% of its vegetables by value. On the central slopes there are many orchards, with the principal fruits grown being apples, cherries and pears. About 40,200 ha of vineyards lie across the eastern region of the state, with the Hunter Valley and the Riverina being major wine producing regions.

Cattle, sheep and pigs are the predominant types of livestock produced in NSW. The state over one-third of the country's sheep, and one-fifth of its cattle and pigs. Australia's largest and most valuable Thoroughbred horse breeding area is centred on Scone in the Hunter Valley.

Transport
Passage through New South Wales is vital for cross-continent transport. Rail and road traffic from Brisbane (Queensland) to Perth (Western Australia), or to Melbourne (Victoria) must pass through New South Wales.

First inhabitants of the region
The first people to inhabit the area now known as Sydney were Indigenous Australians who had migrated from northern Australia and before that from southeast Asia. Flaked pebbles found in Western Sydney's gravel sediments might indicate human occupation from 45,000 to 50,000 years BP, while radiocarbon dating has shown evidence of human activity in the Sydney region from around 30,000 years ago. Prior to the arrival of the British, there were 4,000 to 8,000 Indigenous people in the greater Sydney region.

The inhabitants subsisted on fishing, hunting, and gathering plant foods and shellfish. The diet of the coastal clans was more reliant on seafoods whereas the food of hinterland clans was more focused on forest animals and plants. The clans had distinctive sets of equipment and weapons mostly made of stone, wood, plant materials, bone and shell. They also differed in their body decorations, hairstyles, songs and dances. Indigenous clans had a rich ceremonial life which was part of a belief system centering on ancestral, totemic and supernatural beings. People from different clans and language groups came together to participate in initiation and other ceremonies. These occasions fostered trade, marriages and clan alliances.

The earliest British settlers recorded the word 'Eora' as an Indigenous term meaning either 'people' or 'from this place'. The clans of the Sydney area occupied land with traditional boundaries. There is debate, however, about which group or nation these clans belonged to, and the extent of differences in language, dialect and initiation rites. The major groups were the coastal Eora people, the Dharug (Darug) occupying the inland area from Parramatta to the Blue Mountains, and the Dharawal people south of Botany Bay. The Darginung and Gundungurra languages were spoken on the fringes of the Sydney area.

Clans known to be of the Sydney region but whose territory wasn't reliably recorded are the Birrabirragal, Domaragal, Doogagal, Gannalgal, Gomerigal, Gooneeowlgal, Goorunggurregal, Gorualgal, Murrooredial, Noronggerragal, Oryangsoora and Wandeandegal.

The first meeting between Aboriginals and British explorers occurred on 29 April 1770 when Lieutenant James Cook landed at Botany Bay (Kamay ) and encountered the Gweagal clan. Two Gweagal men opposed the landing party and in the confrontation one of them was shot and wounded. Cook and his crew stayed at Botany Bay for a week, collecting water, timber, fodder and botanical specimens and exploring the surrounding area. Cook sought to establish relations with the Indigenous population without success.

Cook then proceeded north, mapping the eastern coast of the continent and claiming the coastline that he had explored as British territory, naming it New South Wales.

Colonial city (1841-1900)
The New South Wales Legislative Council was transformed into a semi-elected body in 1842. The town of Sydney was declared a city the same year, and a governing council established, elected on a restrictive property franchise.

The discovery of gold in New South Wales and Victoria in 1851 initially caused some economic disruption as male workers moved to the goldfields. Melbourne soon overtook Sydney as Australia's largest city, leading to an enduring rivalry between the two cities. However, increased immigration from overseas and wealth from gold exports increased demand for housing, consumer goods, services and urban amenities. The New South Wales government also stimulated growth by investing heavily in railways, trams, roads, ports, telegraph, schools and urban services. The population of Sydney and its suburbs grew from 95,600 in 1861 to 386,900 in 1891. The city developed many of its characteristic features. The growing population packed into rows of terrace houses in narrow streets. New public buildings of sandstone abounded, including at the University of Sydney (1854-61), the Australian Museum (1858-66) , the Town Hall (1868-88), and the General Post Office (1866-92). Elaborate coffee palaces and hotels were erected. Exotic plants such as jacarandas and frangipani were introduced in parks and gardens. Daylight bathing at Sydney's beaches was banned, but segregated bathing at designated ocean baths was popular.

Drought, the winding down of public works and a financial crisis led to economic depression in Sydney throughout most of the 1890s. Meanwhile, the Sydney-based premier of New South Wales, George Reid, became a key figure in the process of federation.

Sydney Political development
Development of Sydney. Links to interior. 1840s. Horses were the main form of transport. Trains coming. (Kingston pp. 38-42). First elections were for alderman for Sydney municipality.

The first five governors had near autocratic power in the colony of New South Wales, subject only to the laws of England and the supervision of the Colonial Office in London. Sydney was the seat of government for the colony which encompassed over half the Australian continent and offshore islands. Governor Thomas Brisbane (1821–25) moved his official residence to Parramatta, but the seat of government returned to Sydney on his departure.

The New South Wales Judicature Act of 1823 limited the powers of the governors by establishing a Legislative Council and a court structure presided over by a chief justice. The members of the Legislative Council were to be nominated by the governor, but a majority of the council could refer legislation to the chief justice for an opinion on its legality. The first Legislative Council was summoned by Governor Ralph Darling in 1826. The northern wing of Macquarie Street's's Rum Hospital was requisitioned and converted to accommodate the first Parliament House in 1829.

The passing of the Sydney Incorporation Act in 1842 officially recognised the town of Sydney as a city, enabled the taxation of property owners and occupiers, and imposed a managerial structure to its administration. Men who possessed property valued at £1000 (or £50 per year) were able to stand for election. Every adult male over 21 years who occupied a "house warehouse counting-house or shop" valued at £25 per year was permitted to vote in one of four wards – this amounted to only around 15% of the adult population. Plural voting was prohibited by the enabling legislation.

The Sydney Corporation had limited powers, mostly relating to services such as street lighting and drainage. Its boundaries were restricted to an area of 11.6 square kilometres, taking in the city centre and the modern suburbs of Woolloomooloo, Surry Hills, Chippendale, and Pyrmont. The boundaries were to remain fairly constant until the twentieth century.

In 1842 the imperial parliament granted limited representative government to NSW by establishing a reformed Legislative Council with one-third of its members appointed by the governor and two-thirds elected by male voters who met a property qualification. The property qualification meant that only 20 per cent of males were eligible to vote in the first Legislative Council elections in 1843.

Elections to the Legislative Council gave a political voice to members from the Port Philip District who resented rule from Sydney and wished to form their own colony. The imperial parliament passed legislation allowing for the separation in 1850, and the former Port Phillip District became the Colony of Victoria in July 1851, significantly reducing the political power of Sydney.

In 1856 New South Wales achieved responsible government with the introduction of a bicameral parliament comprising a directly elected Legislative Assembly and a nominated Legislative Council. The property qualification for voters had been reduced in 1851, and by 1856 the inflation of property values resulting from the goldrush meant that 95 per cent of adult males in Sydney were eligible to vote. The large workingmen's vote gave Sydney a reputation for radicalism which was only balanced by the overrepresentation of rural electorates. Full adult male suffrage was introduced in 1858.

In 1859 Queensland became a separate colony, but the political power of Sydney only grew in the following decades as it became more dominant as a centre of population and government in the expanding economy of NSW. In the 1860s Sydney accounted for only one-sixth of the NSW population; by 1891, Sydney was larger than the total for all other towns in the colony.

Governance
The first five governors had near autocratic power in the colony of New South Wales, subject only to the laws of England and the supervision of the Colonial Office in London. Sydney was the seat of government for the colony which encompassed over half the Australian continent. The first Legislative Council was summoned in 1826, and in 1842 the imperial parliament expanded and reformed the council, making it partly elected. In the same year, the town of Sydney officially became a city and an elected municipal council was establshed. The council had limited powers, mostly relating to services such as street lighting and drainage. Its boundaries were restricted to an area of 11.6 square kilometres, taking in the city centre and the modern suburbs of Woolloomooloo, Surry Hills, Chippendale, and Pyrmont. As Sydney grew, other municipal councils were formed to provide local administration.

In 1856 New South Wales achieved responsible government with the introduction of a bicameral parliament, based in Sydney, comprising a directly elected Legislative Assembly and a nominated Legislative Council. With the Federation of the Australian colonies in 1901, Sydney became the capital of the states of New South Wales and its administration was divided between the Commonwealth, State and constituent local governments.

History of Australia (1788-1850)
After several years of privation, the penal colony gradually expanded and developed an economy based on farming, fishing, whaling, trade with incoming ships, and construction using convict labour. By 1820, however, British settlement was largely confined to a 100 kilometre radius around Sydney and to the central plain of Van Diemen's land. From 1816 penal transportation to Australia increased rapidly and the number of free settlers grew steadily. Van Diemen's Land became a separate colony in 1825, and free settlements were established at the Swan River in Western Australia (1829), Adelaide in South Australia (1836), and in the Port Philip District (1836). The grazing of cattle and sheep expanded inland, leading to increasing conflict with Aboriginal people on their traditional lands.

The growing population of free settlers, former convicts and Australian-born currency lads and lasses led to public demands for representative government. Penal transportation to New South Wales ended in 1840 and a semi-elected Legislative Council was established in 1842. In 1850 Britain granted Van Diemen's Land, South Australia and the newly-created colony of Victoria semi-representative Legislative Councils on the New South Wales model.

British settlement led to a decline in the Aboriginal population and the disruption of their cultures due to introduced diseases, violent conflict and dispossession of their traditional lands. Aboriginal resistance to British encroachment on their land often led to violent reprisals from settlers including massacres of Aboriginal people. Many Aboriginal people, however, sought an accommodation with the settlers and established viable communities on missions, cattle stations and the fringes of towns where many aspects of their tradition cultures were maintained.