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The 2019 Botswana general election was held on Wednesday, 23 October 2019, to determine the composition of the 12th Parliament of Botswana and local councils across the country. Up for election were 57 seats of the unicameral National Assembly as well as 490 local council seats, all elected through the first-past-the-post voting system.

Despite the odds against them, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) achieved a majority of the popular vote, garnering 53% of the cast votes and securing 38 of the 57 elected seats — one more than in the previous elections. In contrast, the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) obtained 36% of the votes and 15 seats, two fewer than in the 2014 election. The election marked a dramatic political realignment previously unseen in Botswana's electoral history.

The Central District, which is the home of the BaNgwato tribe, of which the former president Ian Khama is the paramount chief, had previously been a stronghold of the ruling party. Before the 2019 election, the district consistently voted for the BDP by significant margins, averaging around 75% of the vote and the party had won all its seats in every election since the country's first election in 1965. In a historic feat, largely attributed to Khama's support for both the newly-formed Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF) and the UDC after his fallout with Masisi, these parties secured 11 out of the 17 seats in the Central District, marking the first time that district's seats were won by the opposition. However, the UDC's historic gains in the Central District were cancelled out by the BDP's large gains in other parts of the country. The BDP won all seats in both the capital city, Gaborone and in the southern districts of the country, which had been historically dominated by the opposition or competitive. As a result, the UDC lost every constituency they had won in the 2014 election under the UDC banner, with the exception of one (Maun West) and none of its MPs elected in 2014 made it to the 12th Parliament.

The election outcome, viewed as a political upset, was largely attributed to the favorable reception of Masisi's conciliatory efforts during his first months in office. These gestures were aimed at appeasing sectors of society that had been at odds with Khama, such as labour unions, whose support had played a pivotal role in the BDP's worst electoral performance in the 2014 election. Simultaneously, the rapprochement between the UDC leadership and Khama, who was deeply unpopular among urban voters and the youth, contributed to the UDC's loss of support among traditional opposition voters in the southern parts of the country who rejected him five years prior.

Although international observers declared the elections "free and fair," Duma Boko refused to accept the BDP's victory, citing "significant electoral discrepancies." He announced his intention to challenge the results in court. The UDC claimed that voters were allowed to cast multiple ballots, and that voters and election officials were bribed. The UDC petitioned the High Court to throw the results out, but their case was dismissed in December 2019. The Court of Appeal agreed to hear the matter in January 2020, but dismissed it later that month, citing a lack of jurisdiction.

Previous election
The 2014 general elections were held in a difficult economic and social context, with widespread discontent with the government of Ian Khama. The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), which had ruled the country since independence, achieved its worst result ever, winning only 46.5% of the vote and 37 seats. In contrast, the UDC led by Duma Boko and the BCP led by Dumelang Saleshando made significant gains. This result was largely attributed to dissatisfaction among urban voters and the youth with Khama's economic policies, as well as growing questions about his leadership, even within the BDP itself. A government standoff with the Botswana Federation of Public Sector Unions (BOFEPUSU) added to the challenges facing the BDP. After being re-elected, Khama reshuffled his cabinet and appointed Mokgweetsi Masisi, then Minister of Education and Skills Development, as vice president. This appointment was significant because the vice-president of Botswana automatically succeeds the president 18 months before the next general election. Khama was set to retire in April 2018, so Masisi became his successor-designate.

Masisi assumed office as president and leader of the BDP on 1 April, 2018. In his inaugural speech, he emphasized the need to reduce the country's reliance on the diamond market and his government's commitment to expanding access to technical education, as well as initiating projects in tourism, mining, meat production and financial services. Masisi swiftly reversed several contentious policies from the Khama era, such as the ban on elephant hunting, which had been implemented for the sake of wildlife conservation. Masisi authorized the hunting of four hundred elephants per year, citing its positive impact on the tourism industry. Additionally, he rolled back high taxes on alcohol sales and several other restrictive alcohol-related policies, positioning Botswana as one of the region's leading consumers, underlining the need to "balance health concerns with sector requirements." The Masisi government also initiated a notable shift in its foreign policy, moving away from the pro-Western alignment that characterized Khama's presidency and fostering closer ties with neighboring Zimbabwe's President Emmerson Mnangagwa's government, as well as China.

Masisi publicly questioned Khama and renounced their previous relationship, acknowledging that he had been a "bootlicker" of the former president. He also took steps to curtail several political privileges enjoyed by the Khama family, including replacing his brother, Tshekedi Khama, from the position of Minister of Tourism. Masisi's refusal to appoint Tshekedi as vice-president, which would have made him the natural successor, marked a definitive turning point in his break from the Khamas. In March 2019, Khama publicly stated that choosing Masisi as his successor had been a "mistake" and labeled the president a "traitor." Two months later, he confirmed that he would not vote for the BDP in the general election and had disaffiliated from the party. In July 2019, the pro-Khama faction of the BDP formally announced the founding of the Botswana Patriotic Front, primarily concentrated in the region of influence of the BaNgwato tribe in the Central District and led by Tati West MP Biggie Butale. Khama himself endorsed and supported the BPF, while Tshekedi Khama announced his intention to seek re-election in Serowe West as the new party's candidate.

Headed to the election, the UDC was a three-party coalition made up of the social democratic Botswana National Front (BNF), which had been the main opposition party since 1969, the democratic socialist Botswana People's Party (BPP), the country's oldest political party and the social democratic BCP. These elections were the first to take place after President Ian Khama's completed his ten-year tenure in April 2018 and his succession by President Mokgweetsi Masisi. The elections garnered attention as the Botswana Congress Party (BCP), the country's third-largest party, joined the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) alliance, posing a serious challenge to the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), which had been in power since independence. Concurrently, the BMD was expelled from the UDC after it refused to relinquish certain constituencies that had been allocated to the Botswana Congress Party following its entry into the alliance. A faction of the BMD, led by Ndaba Gaolathe, formed the Alliance for Progressives (AP). The year leading up to the elections was marked by persistent conflict between Khama and President Masisi, which led to the reversal of many of Khama's previously criticized policies. In early 2019, Khama left the BDP and aided the formation of the Botswana Patriotic Front (BPF), a party rooted in the former BDP strongholds in the BaNgwato regions in the Central District. In constituencies where the BPF did not field candidates or had little chance of winning, Khama endorsed UDC candidates, in an unprecedented move.

Electoral system
The elections were conducted under the current constitution, which was approved in 1966 and in accordance with the electoral law passed in 1968, with reforms ratified in a 1997 referendum. According to this law, every Botswana citizen over the age of eighteen is eligible to register for voting in elections, provided they are registered on the electoral list of their place of residence and have not been sentenced to prison for more than six months. Electoral lists are established in the neighborhood voting offices once the electoral districts have been demarcated. A voter can only cast their vote in the constituency in which they are registered. Suffrage is universal, optional and secret.

Any citizen registered as a voter, who can demonstrate sufficient oral and written command of the English language, may present their candidacy for the position of MP in the National Assembly. Those who do not meet the requirements cannot present their candidacy and neither can members of the tribal entity known as the Council of Chiefs or current public officials. Out of the 63 seats in the National Assembly, 57 were elected through a single-member majority voting system. The entire country is divided into fifty-seven constituencies, each of which must be represented by an MP elected by the electorate of that constituency through a simple majority of votes. Each candidacy for the National Assembly must be endorsed by two citizens from the constituency in question and supported by at least seven others. A candidate cannot represent more than one constituency.

The president is elected via a form of double simultaneous vote. All candidates for the National Assembly declare whom they endorse for president when they lodge their nomination papers and the candidate who receives a majority of endorsements from the elected members of the National Assembly is automatically elected. If no candidate receives a majority of endorsements, the National Assembly elects the president by simple majority, before it co-opts the specially elected members. If no president is elected after three ballots, or if the Speaker determines that no candidate has enough support to be elected, the legislature is automatically dissolved. In practice, the president is the leader of the majority party in the Assembly. In the event of a vacancy in a parliamentary position during the legislative period, by-elections will be held in that constituency under the same electoral system. The maximum time a person can hold the presidency of the Republic is ten years, equivalent to two terms of five years each. Following elections, six other members of the National Assembly are appointed by elected parliamentarians to represent special interests. However, the specially elected mechanism is criticised as it has primarily served as a way for the ruling party to increase its number of seats in the assembly. The President and the Speaker of the National Assembly of Botswana are ex-officio members without the right to vote. Several amendments proposed by the ruling party to the Electoral Law, including the introduction of electronic voting and an increase in nomination deposit fees, were discussed during the last years of Khama's presidency. However, they were withdrawn in September 2018, just a few months after Masisi took office after harsh criticism.

Presidential
In accordance with Section 7 of the supplementary provisions of the Presidential Election Law, the Secretary of the Independent Electoral Commission appointed authenticating officers to authenticate the documents of presidential aspirants. These included District Commissioners and District Officers. The Chief Justice of the High Court, as the returning officer for the presidential elections, received the nomination papers of the candidates on 21 September, 2019 from 10:00–13:00 and from 14:30–17:00 at the Botswana High Court. At the close of business, four political party leaders were declared validly nominated as candidates for election to the position of President as follows:

Parliamentary
Meanwhile, the candidate nomination day for the National Assembly elections was on 26 September, coinciding with the nominations for the local government elections. The Botswana Democratic Party and the Umbrella for Democratic Change coalition presented candidates in all fifty-seven parliamentary constituencies. This marked the first time in Botswana's electoral history that a political force other than the BDP contested all the seats.

While the vast majority of seats had at least three candidates in contention, the dispute between the BDP and the UDC reflected an increasingly bipartisan competition. The Alliance for Progressives contested 41 seats, making it the only party outside the BDP and the UDC to present enough candidates to aspire to an absolute majority. The Botswana Patriotic Front contested 20 seats, the Botswana Democracy Movement contested 10 and the small Royal Alternative Party contested 3 seats. Additionally, there were 22 independent candidates.

However, there were very few female candidates, with only 11 women out of a total of 210 candidates. 

Television debate
The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) faced a complex campaign that required them to combine the defense of their historical narrative as the only party capable of governing Botswana with the fact that the recently inaugurated administration of President Masisi, even though he belonged to the BDP, had broken with the previous unpopular administration. In addition to these challenges, they had to address the wear and tear the party had experienced after five decades in power, a rise in unemployment during the final stage of Khama's leadership and a slowdown in economic growth. To counter these issues, the ruling party decided to centre its campaign around the candidate himself, emphasizing slogans such as It's easy with Masisi and using the jingle Masisi oa re bitsa ("Masisi is calling us"). Political commentators considered it to be the most personalistic campaigns in Botswana's history. Their manifesto, titled Moving together towards a more inclusive economy, maintained some of the BDP's traditional rhetoric, recalling the rapid economic growth during the early decades of independence. Still, it also introduced a promise of a more prosperous future if the party was re-elected, emphasizing the party's commitment to defending the rule of law and eradicating poverty and corruption as its top priorities. The party proposed a public-private partnership to stimulate the country's economy and undertake structural reforms to attract foreign investment.

In terms of foreign policy, Masisi advocated for multilateralism and proposed closer ties with BRICS countries. For the first time, BDP leadership publicly discussed LGBT rights following a High Court ruling on 11 June of the same year that declared the criminalization of same-sex relationships unconstitutional. Masisi himself had previously declared that homosexual people "deserved their rights to be protected." One of the prominent campaign issues was the high rate of unemployment among recent graduates. Masisi promised to provide greater "professional advice" for unemployed individuals aged 16 to 35 to gain experience and committed to maintaining a more open relationship with unions than the Khama government. However, the Botswana Federation of Public Sector Unions (BOFEPUSU) criticized the government's hesitancy in fulfilling some pre-election promises, such as the restoration of the Public Services Negotiating Council, which had been promised in September 2018. Overall, the BDP's manifesto and speech faced criticism from opposition sectors for being vague and lacking clear objectives. The BDP campaign was also accused of contradicting the manifesto on several occasions in an attempt to secure votes, with some supporters suggesting that the BDP could fulfill some of the opposition's promises that they criticized as "impossible."

Furthermore, Masisi aimed to distance himself from opposition questions about problems inherited from the previous administration by highlighting his differences with Khama. When criticized for the closure of the BCL Limited mine in Selebi-Phikwe, which led to the dismissal of over six thousand workers and contributed to the ruling party's declining popularity in that city, Masisi blamed both Khama and the opposition. He claimed that Khama had focused on ridiculing the BDP and had not cooperated with the government to prevent the closure. Dithapelo Keorapetse, MP for Selibe Phikwe West, responded by stating that the UDC had proposed placing the mine under judicial management to prevent its closure and accused the ruling party of ignoring their suggestions.

The Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC) launched its manifesto in Maun on 18 May, 2019, with the slogan Decent Jobs, Decent Lives. The main opposition coalition campaigned by focusing on the need for alternative politics in the country and criticizing the constant economic and social unrest under the continued administration of the BDP. They aimed to profile themselves as a progressive alternative to the government. The UDC committed to creating one hundred thousand jobs in its first twelve months of operation, introducing a minimum living wage of P3,000, increasing the living allowance for tertiary students by 60% and tripling old-age pensions. The UDC kept its 2014 promise to review the first-past-the-post electoral system to a more proportional one. Boko maintained a highly critical tone of the Masisi government, accusing it of undermining the image of Botswana as an example of "democratic success" in the only eighteen months he had been in office. He also denounced that his campaign was being subjected to persistent harassment by state forces, such as the seizure of his planes, which prevented the coalition from campaigning in some remote areas. He also pointed out the growing harassment of independent journalists.

Within the framework of the growing rapprochement of the UDC with the BDP deserters linked to Khama, Boko's campaign was concerned with attacking Masisi but considerably moderated his positions on Khama's government, even going so far as to recognize the country's economic and social achievements under the previous BDP government. The government responded to the UDC's promises by stating that they were "impossible to fulfill," and Masisi called the labour proposal by Boko as being "out of a fairy tale." Considered the most populist candidate, Boko's campaign was questioned for its alleged lack of clarity in explaining how it would deliver on its promises, while opposition groups questioned its increasingly open association with Khama after more than almost a decade staunchly opposing his government.

The campaign saw a greater presence of third parties. The Botswana Patriotic Front was hastily organized just months before the elections, so it was unable to carry out a very broad or effective campaign, although it was able to present its leader, Biggie Butale, as a presidential candidate. It limited its presence to the Central District and sought to distance itself from the national contest, in which the Khamas strongly supported the UDC with the aim of removing Masisi from power. Khama accused the president of being a traitor and of systematically persecuting his supporters as part of his anti-corruption offensive. He declared that "the founding father's party is dead; it no longer exists," while warning that voting BDP was a sure way for Khama's supporters to go to jail. Butale himself was criticized as a "puppet" of Khama and a weak candidate. The BPF constantly appealed to the exaltation of tribal traditions that the BDP had previously monopolized, focusing on the figure of Khama as heir to the throne of the BaNgwato tribe, which could harm the party among several voters who rejected tribal intervention in national politics. After decades of questioning opposition parties as unviable, Khama declared at the close of the campaign that "on October 24, we will celebrate the rise of Duma Boko to the Presidency of Botswana."

The Alliance for Progressives, led by Ndaba Gaolathe, focused its campaign on questioning the national polarization between the BDP and the UDC and on economic proposals and transformation, proposing to "create a new Botswana from the old Botswana." Their room for maneuvering the campaign collided with the difficulties of their lack of a political apparatus and the monopoly of the race between the two main parties, despite Gaolathe's own personal popularity among younger and urban voters. The AP promised to reduce unemployment by half, positioning agriculture as one of the four main contributors to GDP. The UDC accused the AP of colluding with the BDP to divide the opposition vote and of being an "irrelevant" party. The confrontation between both forces was very marked in the urban areas, where a strong performance was not expected for the BDP at that time and it was believed that the competition would be between the two opposition parties. At the end of the campaign, Boko sought to attract AP voters and accused Gaolathe of "acting like a monk in a fight in which you have to be a gladiator," and stated that he was a person "lacking political presence."

The small left-wing to far-left Real Alternative Party, with three candidates, campaigned on promising an increase in the minimum wage more than twice as large as that proposed by the UDC and that the crime of corruption would be punished with the death penalty and the permanent inscription of the condemned man's name on a "wall of shame." For its part, the Botswana Movement for Democracy did not launch a manifesto.

On 16 October, a presidential debate was held at the Mass Media Complex in Gaborone, attended by Masisi, Boko, Butale and Gaolathe, constituting the first televised debate in the history of Botswana in which all presidential candidates participated. The debate was dominated by economic issues and all four candidates ended up agreeing that the majority of Botswana was a "passive actor" in the country's economy. Gaolathe was widely considered the winner of the debate, despite his limited chances of electoral returns, while of the two main candidates, Masisi was considered by commentators as the most competent for his calm and moderate attitude, in contrast to Boko, who was seen as "arrogant and disdainful."

Results
The elections saw the Botswana Democratic Party win a surprisingly large victory with 53% of the popular vote and revalidate its absolute two-thirds majority with 38 of the 57 seats elected, increasing one seat from the previous election and guaranteeing the election of Mokgweetsi Masisi for a full five-year term. The result shattered most forecasts, which estimated that after the break with Khama the party would deepen the decline that began in 2014 even if it managed to retain the government. However, the election made clear the prevalence of electoral competitiveness in the country and the result continued to be in terms of seats the second worst performance for the BDP in its history after the previous elections, as well as its third vote. lowest popular. The Umbrella for Democratic Change obtained 36% of the votes and 15 seats (two less than in the previous election), which represented an increase of 6% compared to what the coalition obtained in 2014, but a drop of 15% compared to the sum of the UDC and the BCP in the same election. The Botswana Patriotic Front asserted its presence in the BaNgwato regions of the Central district and obtained three seats, with 4% of the vote, while the Alliance for Progressives obtained only one seat despite being the third largest party voted nationally with 5%. Devastated by its departure from the UDC and the breakup of the AP, the Botswana Democracy Movement collapsed to 0.3% and none of its ten candidates were elected, while the Real Alternative Party managed 145 votes among its three candidates. 1.54% voted for independent candidates, almost half of the previous elections. Participation was the second highest in Botswana's electoral history, with 84.10% of the registered electorate going to the polls and a turnout greater than 75% in almost all constituencies.

The regional distribution of votes saw a complete political realignment, mostly blamed on the BDP's split with Khama. Hurt by this, the BDP suffered a severe blow in the Central District, which until then was its main stronghold and from controlling the seventeen seats that represented said district, it won only six constituencies (despite the fact that it was in any case the most voted party due to the division of opposition votes between the UDC and the BPF). The unity between the BCP and the UDC also negatively affected the party in the Ngamiland district, where all four constituencies fell under opposition control. However, the ruling party benefited from a surprising growth in urban areas that led it to win all of the constituencies south of Ghanzi, the majority of which tended to vote for the opposition, thus guaranteeing victory. Its most surprising victory occurred in the capital, Gaborone, where it obtained 53% of the votes and captured all parliamentary seats from the opposition, the first time since the death of Seretse Khama that the BDP He managed to win the elections in the city. Thus, the BDP's main victories occurred in districts that until then were considered major strongholds of the opposition, while its weaker victories occurred in constituencies that until then were its own strongholds. Namely, the most overwhelming victory for the BDP was in Moshupa-Manyana, Masisi's own former constituency, where Karabo Gare achieved 85% of the vote (the first election since 1984 in which the BDP's best performance was not in a Serowe constituency and the first since independence that was not a Central District constituency), while its worst result was in Shoshong with 29.61% (a constituency it had won in 2014).​

The UDC suffered a severe defeat when it failed to seize power and suffered the setback of losing control of urban areas that had been unquestionably opposition for more than four decades. The BDP's sweep in the south meant that Duma Boko himself lost his seat in Gaborone Bonnington North, preventing him from even being re-elected as leader of the Opposition. Unity with the BCP allowed it to grow considerably in the north and allowed Dumelang Saleshando (BCP leader) to return to Parliament and assume this position. Since most of its candidates were strong in the north, the BCP was by far the party that most benefited from the UDC to the detriment of the BNF, with eleven of the fifteen elected parliamentarians of the UDC responding to it. The greatest victory for the opposition occurred in Selebi-Phikwe, where it won the two constituencies that represented this town by a wide margin, in the midst of a strong discredit of the ruling party in the city due to the closure of the BCL Limited mine. The alliance with Khama negatively impacted the UDC's support in urban areas, where the former president was unpopular. However, it notably strengthened the UDC's presence in the Central District. Notably, Shoshong stood out as the constituency where the UDC performed exceptionally well, securing 65.02% of the vote, closely followed by Sefhare-Ramokgonami with 62.68%. The UDC struggled to gain new votes in areas where it faced tough competition from the BDP and strong BPF candidates. Its weakest performance was recorded in Serowe West, where it received just 9% of the votes, making it the sole constituency where the UDC's support remained below 10%.

The BPF had initially been confident about winning fourteen out of the seventeen seats in the Central District. However, it suffered a significant setback, largely attributed to its excessive reliance on tribal rhetoric. As a result, the BPF managed to retain only three constituencies in Serowe, which is Khama's home region. Tshekedi Khama himself emerged as the party's top-performing candidate, securing 55% of the vote in Serowe West. Despite the underlying tribal dynamics, the BDP's resilience in some BaNgwato regions was surprising and BPF leader Butale failed to secure re-election as a parliamentarian in Tati West, receiving 13% of the vote.

On the other hand, the Alliance for Progressives delivered a more favorable performance in urban areas, making it the third most popular political force at the national level. However, the party failed to secure more than one seat in Francistown South, led by Wynter Mmolotsi, where it received 38% of the votes. The party's leader, Gaolathe, secured a second-place finish in Gaborone Bonnington South with 33% of the vote.

The continued division within the opposition parties continued to work in favor of the BDP. Had the opposition remained united, they would have won in 27 constituencies, leaving the BDP with only a marginal majority of three seats.