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NKALAHA
Nkalaha is one of the communities that make up Ishielu Local Government Area of Ebonyi State. Nkalaha occupies the northern part of Ishielu Local Government Area. She is located through the zip 135.031.000. The community is estimated thus, 923.768km2. She shares boundaries with neighbouring communities. These communities are: Eha-Amufu (North-west); Agila (North); Ngbo in Ohaukwu (east); Umuhualu (South); Ezillo (south-south), Amazu (South-west) and Obeagu (West). She belongs to the group of communities that make up Igbo-Asa communities. These communities include: Nkalaha, Obeagu, Amazu, Umuhualu, Nkalagu, Ezillo and Iyonu. Of these communities, the early four are collectively called Igbo Ano These ones are so called because they believed to have the same ancestral history and origin. These four communities share things in common and see themselves as brothers.

Historical Origin
The name Nkalaha is a coinage which stands for a people occupying a geographical land and regional setting in the eastern part of Nigeria. It is a coinage which attempts to explain the direction of movement and adventure of the men who founded the community in the 15th century AD. According to oral sources and some documentation about this community, some of these men were believed to have travelled from Ida, old Benue state of Nigeria to inhabit the land. These men had travelled on different days to locate the place. Onojah who originally founded the land was said to have been in a deep search for a place of safety as he was besieged by a fate that appeared to make him somewhat incompatible with his own people.

According to oral sources and the prestigious adaptation of the long narrative poem, Onojah Epic (Nnaji 2003), the land that housed the entire population today called Nkalaha was founded 15th century ago by, mainly, three hunters believed to have travelled from Ida during a hunting expedition. Of the three were Onojah, Oji and Okpanshi. Other people came (some, through the same mission) to inhabit the land afterward. Among these were Awo and his brother Edenneye, and Eke and also his brother Egbu. These had come from Ezaa and Ikwo respectively.

These men lived peacefully as brothers and share things in common. Onojah as well as the other two continued in their profession, however with little inclusion of arable farming of yams. They cultivated the head of the yams they had eaten. During a hunt, after many years, Onojah came closer to a stream where he had a noise from the other side of the stream. Another thought came into him; he thought it was an animal to hunt. He moved further, getting to the bank of the stream, he saw another hunter. They explained themselves, then Onojah brought out a piece of liver from his hunting bag. They ate together and vowed to remain undivided. The other hunter, who told him of his name as Ogudu, requested that they meet the next day. As was agreed, they came and reaffirmed their covenant. That day, they set the boundary of the two communities at Amia (the very stream where they met during hunting expedition).

Edina had had a son before this time. He was called Ofu, for he was named after his mother’s village. In the contemporary Nkalaha, Ofu refers to the instinct which he believed had given him - Onojah - protection and care in his days of hobo. (In Nkalaha language, Ofu means the wall built usually at the front and around a compound which can obscure someone from beholding another at opposite direction. When the wall is built round without any compound, such is called Uhvo or Itere). Onojah took another wife which gave birth to two sons, Omaba and Oyide. By this time Awo had come into the land and was accommodated also as a brother. He was given the hilly part of the land, southward. Awo came together with his brother, Edeneye. Both were descendants of Ezekuna; the ancestral father of Ezza. Awo’s descendants are called Amaezegba community. The last to come into the land was “Eke and his brother, Egbu.” they came from Ikwo. They founded Amegu communitiy. By this time and beyond, people had come to live in the land with the aforementioned men to make their villages.

One day, Onojah received visitors from Ama-Nkalu. They had come to know Onojah’s rout. He received them and told them how he founded his new home. Other founding fathers were there with him. The strangers returned to their home. On a return visit, Onojah went with his own people; the fathers of other villages. They were received. The eldest man, after their introduction, referred to them as the Nkalu who live beside Eha-Amufu. With time the words were coined to Nkalaha. (Traditional history holds that Nkalaha was so called because the founders passed through Eha-Amufu).

As days went by, Onojah continued to advance in his hunting lifestyle. He lived in peace with his family and the rest of the people around him. While the family continued to enlarge in the number of friends and unexpected visitors, needs continued also to seek for more people to meet up with the services required. Onojah took a third wife. This he married from Umuogirii. But she was very unlucky, unlike the two older wives; her womb was closed by the gods. She couldn’t conceive all through her days in Onojah’s house. Because Onojah was easy going and had vowed to love all his wives, he never segregated among them. Edina remained his best wife in all ramifications, even as she too maintained a uniform relationship among her younger wives. The last wife was given every support capable of making her feel belonging.

Onojah encountered his death after he was confronted by his personal spirit during hunting. It was next to evening when he had almost concluded his hunting for the day. His hunting dog went back–and-forth in an uneasy solitude. Shortly it entered the bush. Onojah did not mind since such had been its normal lifestyle. Stepping an inch further, he heard the dog shouted once (fiercely) and was heard no more. He knew immediately that all was not well. When he got to the scene, he saw the dog lying dead and two younger lions feeding on it. He attempted to retreat when the mother lion jumped from the tree branch over him. He tried to escape but the lion was very mean. Before he could apply his bow in defence, the lion’s claw was already on his head. He strove and killed the lion which left him with a deep wound at the slant height above his medulla position.

The injury he sustained kept him in-door all through that season. Within those days he was on bed he gave instructions on how things should be done, for he knew that what he had fought and killed were mere symbol of his time to return home. That very year, at the end of wet season and the inception of winter, Onojah left. Before his departure, he shared authorities to his sons and other founders. These titles and rites served the purpose of every protocol in Nkalaha even hitherto.

THE CIVILIZATION OF NKALAHA PEOPLE
Borrowing from the rich oral tradition of Nkalaha people, ink and paper are not enough to fully inculcate to the minds of this contemporary society the civilization of this people, Nkalaha, since the pre-colonial days till date. The European founded this part of Nigeria in the early twentieth century, but the civilization of the inhabitants of the community dates from their pre-colonial days. Nkalaha is a highly civilized community which had been conditioned by law and order which have since time immemorial promoted self-dependence and share struggle among individuals in the community. Education.

Just as was the situation all over African communities, Nkalaha also had her own system of education. The system of education operative in Nkalaha cannot be conclusively said to be oral dependent. For all I know, my grandmother actually did book keeping (recording). The only unorganized form of Nkalaha education is that it was not a chalk-and-board concentrated system of education. As I may define organized education, it is that form of education that has time, defined place, composed of a teacher or team of teachers and their students. Nkalaha education has all these features.

Organized? Yes, organized. My memory has not run oblivious of the usual participatory lectures we received under the tutelage of our eminent lecturers as a child. Those days, as I can recall vividly, each night is always a night of lectures under the stewardship of our teachers. Each night, our minds had been prepared and willingly ready to go for lectures as immediate as our dinner were over. This is the most prominent factor emphasized in Peters (1979) on what should be the necessary ingredient of education. From experience, I know that no one had ever been persuaded or compelled to attend school each night. We all enjoyed the education because we have willingly submitted ourselves to it.

In our gatherings under our lecturer or team of lecturers, we have been taught so many things sometimes, at a time. Our lecturers comprised teachers of History, Literature (who many a time had taught us philosophy, psychology and sociology) and teachers of Technology and Sciences. In Technology we were told that the blacksmith manufactures guns and many other metals. Of course, we had visited the blacksmith and found that it was an industry comprising more than one worker. During our excursions, we were vividly told that the history of blacksmith was traced to Ebia village. It was said that a man from Ebia took an iron one day and smacked it until it flattened. People around the vicinity, in astonishment, called him “Awuzu” (the father of pragmatic art). Till date Ebia is still called Awuzu. Our science is purely natural; it is best described as nature science. Here we learn herbs; how to grow crops and their rightful uses. For instant, there are plants we knew that understand human language. We had a plant whose leaves had helped us each time we suspected we could be beaten up over an act by our parents. We fold the leaf and speak to it of what we wouldn’t want our parents to say or do, and it would happen just the way we said it. Another is a miraculous plant we called Ógòlógò. Ógòlógò has magical conjurers which only the children voice commands. This is on the aspect of sciences.

The subject which had enjoyed favourable audience and powerful ovation is literature. This may be because it was participatory. Literature involved everybody; the teacher as well as the learner in its discussion. I can remember how we usually gather together under the guide of a lecturer during each moonlight night. Here, we were taught folktales, wise sayings, rhyme words and history. Folktales have been too interesting to the students. It bothered on several themes which are dully morally commending. The characters are animals, human beings and spirits. Any of the tales that involve human beings had bothered on morality and recompense of both good and evil doings. These had taught us the better ways to behave in order not to incur the curse of the nature. Animals are designed to carry and exhibit several characterizations.

We feel happy identifying with our hero which had always been the tortoise. Tortoise is a skillful and tactful character. He is a cunning character who had used his god-given wisdom to acquire wealth and survive hardship among other animal characters. Some of these include how he was able to handle the condition of borrowing between him and Mr. Pig, how he survived through the help of mother squirrel who lived in the sky with her relatives when hunger besieged the animal kingdom. We did not reckon with him only in his cunning characters. There are some titles where he played a role that appears to pre-warn us of the dangers in letting out our mind dream so easily to others. A good example of these is the story of Ogugu and the pregnant woman in Oye Nkpu. Ogugu says that any time there is a riot in Oye nkpu; he will kill the pregnant woman. Eventually, on the day of riot, tortoise killed a pregnant woman, but because Ogugu had said so earlier, he was apprehended. Through this form of education our rich oral tradition has survived the flux of time. The teacher is not prerogative absolutist. He, sometimes, allows students to tell stories. Along the line, if anyone makes a mistake, he corrects the person in love. At the end of each tale, we have been asked to express what we learnt from the story. We also tell which character we like and our reasons for doing so. History classes hold at the village playground during winter. At this period, we received lectures before going to the farm. The playground is always filled with men; young and old. There, fire is set for attendants to warm their cold body. Little children go to nearby bushes to fetch dry palm fronds. One of the elders takes the lead each morning. He scavenges history of different kinds. Sometimes it is politics or the deeds of the gods in the past. Sometimes also the person teaching for the day goes into the community’s history. Days like this grant the younger generation the ample opportunity to get acquainted with the history of his people. This aspect of education makes the learner creative faster. Our recording books during each lecture period are our minds and brain.

Our parents have ways of keeping their own record. Their walls served as their chalk board while art colours served as chalk. Colours as ufie, Odo, Nzu and so on were used. Each colour stroked on the wall has a definite record it signifies. When it stroked on the walls, they are constantly reminded who showed them the kind help and when the person did so. Standing upon these concrete facts, it is apparent that we did not learn about education for the first time simply because we encountered the colonial masters. No, we have our own educational system, organized in the most viable form to promote our culture and tradition.

Culture and Tradition
Culture and tradition are two concepts which had been dully misconstrued by many religious fanatics in the community, especially in the aftermath of the religious crisis in the year 2002. Although the terms are related, they possess, each, features which may critically be defended to be the base of their differences. Culture, according to a social scientist; Simmel (1971: 6), is referred to as the “Cultivation of individuals through the agency of external forms which have been objectified in the course of history.” Now, the objectification of the agency of external form of the people’s history and the cultivation of this history into the individuals in the community are two ways channel culture passes to be credible. Culture is inbuilt but tradition is acquired. Agencies of external objects form the layman’s definition of culture as people’s way of life. Nkalaha has many external forms objectified and cultivated into the inhabitants.

Nkalaha has a set of behaviour, mode of conduct, dressing, activities and greetings which are sometimes peculiar to them and many a time similar to those of the communities in the neighbourhood. All these formed the bases of Nkalaha culture. In Nkalaha, it is our culture for the younger ones to stand up for the older persons to sit down. And while older people are discussing, children do not interfere. We do not wait for an elder to greet the younger ones. In her mode of dressing, Nkalaha has different dressing for different cultural display. Elders wear differently from young men. In the pre-colonial era, Nkalaha dressed in “Ekwerekwe,” designed of Akwete woven wool. Mature men tied it round about their body with a cross-over part above (behind) the shoulder. Young men above puberty - tie it around their waist and ran it downward - crossing from front to their buttocks. Grown up women tied it around their waist and a little covering on their breast.

Culture is a form of civilization of a particular people, race or nation which may be peculiar to them or not. The base of Nkalaha civilization is loyalty and subordination: according honour to whom honour is due. Nkalaha culture aimed at developing individuals from character molding stage to maturity. It interprets how a man and a woman should behave or conduct his or herself in the home. Nkalaha oral tradition anchors itself on hunting lifestyle. They fish, hunt animals and set traps. This single activity – hunting – forms the demonstration (hands movement) seen during cultural dance. Tradition differs a little from these.

Now, tradition may be seen as a normal practice and conduct of a people. These practices may be the process through which such people pass their custom, belief system and history from one generation to another. Nkalaha has so many practices that aimed at sustaining her history, belief and customs. These practices are seen in her festivals, ritual, masquerading and so on. Festivals form the calendar month recognized by the community. Her week days are Orie, Afor, Nkwo and Eke. The completion of these four market days makes a week. Seven Orie market days make a month. The first month in Nkalaha calendar is marked with new yam festival. It continues until Onwa-Esato that marks the end of the year. The inhabitants check and knew their time through the crow of cocks, Okwa (bush fowl) and the different sizes of their shadow.

Ritual is a general practice of people in the community. They make incantations to their gods who, in many cases, are replicas of their dead fathers. Nkalaha believes in reincarnation. They also believe that their ancestors are around them. This is the more reason why elders throw pieces of food to the ground, muttering some words, before eating. They also believe that, to say the truth over any matter, one has to stand on the ground barefooted. The inhabitants also believed in the existence of the Almighty God, whom they refer to as Chileke or Chiufu (God the creator, or God Almighty). On the contrary, they believed that this Chiufu can only be approached through their worship of the things they see (things naturally made; trees, stones and water) which are replicas of the presence of nature and, of course, the Almighty which cannot be seen. And since the worship of these natural instincts and their reverence for them can make them pious and avoid evil, it was without recourse that such was the true worship of the Almighty who embodies the cosmos. The belief which the inhabitants have over spirits, gods and the nearness of their ancestors are tied around their myths, religion and masquerading. And they have guarded this with every jealousy. It was the provocation of this jealousy that caused the rile experienced in the community in 2002. It is the juxtaposition of their culture and tradition that gave rise to the taboos in the community. The same forms the community’s custom.

Stages of growth in the community are justified by the level of attainment of the inhabitants in the fulfillment of traditional rights. Maturity, on the other hands, is justified by one’s ability to bear pains. Men, in like manner with the rest communities in Africa, are trained to accept and embrace pains. First, in their growth after infancy, they are made to pass through the process of initiation. In Nkalaha, initiations are in stages depending on the age of the initiate. Each year a particular age grade gets initiated into one stage of societal life or the other. The first stage of initiation in Nkalaha is “Oma Nkpume.” This grants the child the right to belong to Nkpume masquerade cult. This stage of initiation is done with beating by the masquerade. During the process the person is made to dance on the playground. After this particular initiation the initiate ceases from being an ogboduru (see Nnaji 2007). He, after this action, ceases from sleeping in his mother’s room as it is feared that he may tell the mother the content of the masquerade. His company and peers changes from those who are ogboduru to those who have been initiated. The same people he sleeps with. The second stage is “Oma Omebe.” This also qualifies the initiate to belong to Omebe masquerade cult. This stage succeeds the first initiation with just a year or two.

After this stage the person is qualified to attain any further level of life as the society may stipulate for him. The next stage, after Omebe initiation is marriage. Now, the essence of the pains inflicted on him and his ability to take them is to justify whether he can keep a family of his own or not. By this it means he can defend his family at any time, against any attack. Before marriage, forms of growth and development or stages of life are also checked by the number of heaps the person makes each day while cultivating. For a full-fledged man in the society, he is expected to complete 100 heaps a day. This aspect is however used to assess his strength. When he begins to make such number of heaps per day the next line of thought will be to look for him a wife. Marriage then marks another stage of life, growth and development. At this point he is made to pass through the rigorous process involved in marriage, which many a time is not very palatable. Marriage (courtship) in traditional Nkalaha lasts for more than a year.

Satisfying marital processes prepares the person for the next confrontation of becoming a complete man in Nkalaha society. The next level is Obu Ulo. This is in the form of taking a title, but it has no title attached to it. Instead, it justifies the person that he is mature enough to take any title. This is different from Oshi Ji. The latter can be done by anyone who feels he had grown enough yams and wants to belong to the group of people called Igube ji. On the day of this title taking, the person feeds the entire population that is traditionally permitted to attend the programme with yam only. Apart from these and other titles not mentioned in this history, Akam masquerade also is included in the required thing that a complete man in the society is expected to participate in. Initiation into Akam cult marks the peak of the initiation ever an Nkalaha man engages himself in.

In the same light, women are not left out in these forms of cultural moulding. They too have series of patterning to go through as unto the males’ formal initiations. The female child born in Nkalaha begins from when she is still very young to receive her moulding. Her breeding begins with the directions on how to sit down and how not to sit. Female children are taught a particular way of seating down different from their male counterparts. They are also taught the better ways to talk. They are not allowed to use vulgar words. All the same, male children are instructed and checked against scatology, but this is of no amount compared to the level of restriction posed on female children. It was the duty of midwives to police children against scatology and discourteous words.

The civilization of the girl child in Nkalaha society occurs in stages. As the child grows, she is met with serious kinds of patterning. On or before the age of six, she is taught how to wash plates. Getting mature from this, she faces another facet of the socialization. This time she is confronted with the challenges of cooking. She is kept under the tutelage of her mother and elder sisters from whom she learns how to cook various dishes. All these are organized milieu for preparing the girl child for advantageous family living, as a mother, in the future. Every arrangement is designed and put into practice for the real positioning of the girl child.

At maturity, the girl is seen already equipped with the required skills for managing a home. As part of her marital processes, the girl is at a time kept in confinement for more than a month. This system is, in Nkalaha dialect, referred to as “Ono l’ Uhvu.” This is usually a fattening period for the girl child and a time when she is given utmost attention from her parents. The period is declared opened with “Okpa Nri.” From then on, she is entertained with pounded yam and chicken until the day she ends her confinement. She is not allowed to do anything. And to make sure that this dream is achieved, she is attached with a boy and a girl who would serve every errand purpose she may have. She is allowed to stay inside until the day she moves to her husband’s house. Only girls who are discovered to have had teenage pregnancy are not given the grant to this care giving.

Few days before she leaves to her husband’s home, she is allowed to visit friends and relatives. This opportunity is designed for people to see her before she leaves the parents finally. Usually people give money to her as a means of showing appreciation for how much she has improved in health while in her confined period. This visitation continues until the day draws closer for her to leave her parents. This visiting period is called “Uyi Uhvu.” Until the day she leaves, she is not allowed to do anything skillful.

On the day she leaves for her husband’s house, the girl is made to appear before her father – first thing in the morning so that her father would see her first before other people in the neighbourhood – for his last blessing. He pronounces blessings upon her as she kneels before him. She appears naked with a little covering around her waist and around her breast. The constituent of the covering around her waist are beads. After this early morning blessing, she leaves her biological home in the evening of that same day. This aspect of the marital process takes place only on the Nkwor market day. This aspect of life for the girl child does not end with her days with the parents, it continues as the girl moves to her matrimonial home. This time it is her parents-in-law who takes up the duty. For seven Orie market days, she does not go to farm or take part in any skillful activity. All she is expected to do is to go to the stream and fetch water for her mother-in-law or an elderly woman in the neighbourhood according to her wishes. Good types among the females try to restrain their mothers-in-law from cooking. She begins to assert her position as a woman in a home and manage her own home after she has been celebrated.

The celebration of the new wife is called “Okpo Efu.” On this day the mother-in-law will procure three stones and set for her. Upon these stones she is expected to make her first cooking and continue on it as her cooking position. That day, they will make merriment, after that day she becomes a woman to manage her own home in her own way. Nkalaha custom is in these conditions seen reinforcing and promoting the building of individuals in the most viable way of equipping the adherents with skills required of him until he/she is grown to handle his or her own affairs. These are some of the ways which culture and tradition aid in engraving a systematic life style in the individuals through the series of dutiful undertakings of the agencies that composed the world of an Nkalaha man.

The relationship between the custom and the people’s belief is that it is the gods themselves who check against any traditional offender. Every taboo is punished by the gods. Some costly items may be stated for the offender to provide. But all the items are used to appease the gods. Mainly, it is Alu goddess that attacks people that commit taboos.

In Nkalaha, it is a taboo for a girl who is not married to be impregnated. When this happens it attracts the cleansing of the land. It is also a taboo in Nkalaha for a married woman to sleep in another man’s house in the night. This, however, is subject to some excuses. It is not a taboo if her husband had earlier permitted her to do so. On a similar notion, a couple is not supposed to make love with each other while they have their cooking pot still on fire. Doing this attracts the anger of Alu goddess. Again, it is a taboo for anybody, male or female, to make love with another outside a roof. It doesn’t matter where it takes place, whether within or outside the community. Such deeds attract the cleansing of Alu goddess or punishable with sickness and death. The duty of Alu goddess is to police the inhabitants against every evil deed within and outside the community and make sure that they live descent life.

Politics and Governance among the Inhabitant
Since the pre-colonial days, Nkalaha has been dominantly democratic. As the definition implies, it is in Nkalaha that democracy actually means the government of the people by the people and for the people. By this it may not be sceptical to say that Nkalaha had practiced a decentralized system of government in her pre-colonial days. This, perhaps, necessitated the nonconformity experienced by the proxy chiefs (men who served as the Whiteman's eye on the inhabitants) in the advent of the colonial masters. The political condition and governance of the inhabitants involved everybody. This practice takes the form of family dialogue. Some features that exist among group family discussion hold also in the circular body of the community’s gathering.

The governing body of Nkalaha politics is made up of collection of elders who are holders of different titles. These elders or body of elders preside over matters during discussions. The strata range from the elders to the floor members, down to the nonpartisan group. This group is made up of youths whose opinions are irrelevant to the matter being discussed. During deliberations on the village playground, the elders are usually present. The interest of the oldest man in the community among the eldest (the titled edeoga) are represented if they are not in the gathering. The gathering of the entire community holds usually at Obobochi.

Topics are always thrown to the floor for deliberations. Here, everyone, legible enough to participate, makes his contributions. At the end of the discussion the elders conclude the deliberation and decide which of the suggestions should be taken. Whatever conclusion drawn here holds supreme over the topic discussed.

To belong to the body of elders, one has to pass through several processes. Among these processes are stages of live attainment and title taking. To become an elder one has to eat years first. But this does not qualify him to appear in every traditional politics. To take part in these traditional politics, the main qualification is title taking. Nkalaha has so many of these titles. Some of these include Body of elders (Edeoga), Onorovu, Obulechi, Ochiaya. The people that make up the body of elders are:

Ugbo (the traditional eldest, called Onyidzi Ngburu, eldest in staff particularly from 	Umuodumu).

Edeoga I (the priest of Ebe Edziragu).

Edeoga II (one who took Edeoga title; the oldest man in Umuobeye).

Edeoga III (the eldest in age).

Edeoga iv (Eze-Aja, usually from Amegu. This was included at the aftermath of Eha-Amufu 	war).

Edeoga Eleawo (from Umuele Amaezegba).

Edeoga (from Ufu-Achi, Amaokwe).

Onorovu,

Obulechi,

Ochiaya and

Ndu Uzu (blacksmith).

Apart from these set of people, others are, however, very important in the political setting and decision making, but the body of elders draw conclusion over matters.

Each community has a particular village authorized to take these titles. In Umulesha, Edeoga I, Ugbo and Onorovu belong to Umuonoja. Apart from these, any other person can take edeoga title in Umuobeye, but it cannot be any of the two mentioned. Onorovu originally belonged to the descendants of Omaba, in Umuonoja. Omaba is survived today by the family line of Uzu nwa Ega and Ebe Alu. According to oral sources, Odo nwa Ayom was an elder in Umuomaba when the onorovu left the linage. His son, Ayom Odo was unable to feed him in his old days. He was rather taken care of by his only daughter married to a man in Umuaja. It came to pass that the woman gave birth to a child and named him after Odo nwa Ayom. When he was told, he regretted that he had nothing to offer the child the day his first tooth was celebrated. He asked his daughter to go back home and return in the midday. She did as was instructed. When she came, the man gave her his Odu-Atu as a present to his namesake. When men came back from their farms, in the afternoon, the story was told. Immediately every man set out and they made straight for the Odu-Atu. This event took place during the time when Ebe nwa Ebe (the father of Eze Oko) was the priest of Ebe goddess. A period, at the decay part of the mediaeval era, around 1890s.

Umuonoja saw it as a challenge, so they fought to reclaim it. When Umuebeoko discovered that Umuaja was about being overpowered, they too joined in the fight. That day, the rest Umulesha came to settle the matter. At the end it was concluded that the child should be allowed with the Odu-Atu since it was a gift to him. That settled it that day. That is the very Onorovu title shared between Umuebeoko and Umuaja till date. In Amaokwe, the people authorized to take the title is Umu-Oji; Ufu Achi. In Amegu, the right was the reserve of Umuoruta, but they had a misplaced priority. The rest of the children of Eke lived in the farm and strove to protect what they had personally, while Ewa lived at home with their father. When Eke was about to give up the ghost, he gave the Odu-Atu to Ewa. In Amaezegba, it was the entitlement of Umuele as the direct descendants of Ele (the eldest son of Awo). Ele was the last to take the title in his linage. Now, it happened that Ele was infected with Small pox (Edzi nwa Ataa). His people stayed away from him for fear of being infected. He was attended to by Ode. At the end of his days he gave the Odu-Atu to Ode and instructed him to hold it until anyone from him desired to take the title. Then he said that because he was thus neglected, any man from his linage who shall take this title will be infected with a bigger element. Therefore, it happened that anyone who becomes an elder in Umuele goes blind till today. For this reason the title has remained with the people of Umuode.

The political atmosphere began to take a new dimension after the days of the colonial masters. Governance changed from the more decentralized democratic system to a new form of democracy- which is dependent on the leaders than more on the masses- now centralized. The Whiteman began to involve the inhabitants in their day to day activities through taxation enforced by the proxy chief. The inhabitants, like those of other villages around, were mobilized to assist the Whiteman build roads. Every morning, new set of people were mobilized. One knows that it is his turn to join the work force if he finds a stone at his door post in the morning. Messengers were sent each night to deposit a stone at the door post of everyone that was needed to work the next day.

The last chief in the record of chieftaincy in Nkalaha is Chief Thomson Ebe from Umuele Amaezegba. Before him had existed other chiefs which were not elected. Four of his predecessors were appointees of the Whiteman’s government. These include Chief Onwe Ogbunze from Umu-chiokworega in Ebia, Chief Ogbu Aleke in Umuebeoko, chief Agbo nwa Ega in Umuomechime and Chief Ngele Enwa from Umuogaragba. Chief Ngele Enwa died in 1961. Chief Okwor nwa Onuma of Umueze, Obulegu, Amaezegba was coroneted as the first elected chief. At his days, he was the leader of the council of chiefs – Igwe ngburugburu – of the entire Igbo-Asa communities. Okwor won the chieftaincy election over Uvu Nwa Ega (who contested in place of Chief Harrison) and reigned for more than 30 years. He was a philosopher, a psychologist and a genealogist. He had a court in his palace where he administered his judgment with the members of his cabinet beside him.

Chief Okwor was feared and respected. His judgment, which had depended on the trace of parentage, was perfect, correct and upright until when his cabinet members became influenced by men who bribed them to win their favour, then corruption set in. Chief Okwor was survived by Prince Augustine, Mr. George Okwor, Barr. Jonathan nwa Onuma, and other children. Prince Augustine was a former chairman of Ishielu Local Government Area in the old Anambra State and a board member of the prestigious Niger Cement company PLC. Barr. Jonathan was a former speaker of old Enugu State House of Assembly (1993) and later works in Ebonyi State Judiciary (Ministry of Justics) as a practicing lawyer. After Okwor, another election was conducted, in November 2009 comprising Prince Augustine, Chief Harrison, Mr. Ekpe Orinya, Mr. Michael Ominyi and Mr. Thompson Ebe as contestants. Thompson won the election which was conducted in an open ballot system at Obodo-Ato Community Primary School Nkalaha.

The introduction of chief also introduces another governing body in Nkalaha governance. The governing bodies and duties, at this time, became divided into two. One has a western structure, comprising the chief and the members of his cabinet, while the other may be called gerontocracy, theocracy or the mixture of the two. The former received government subsidies while the latter did not. And while the former was weak in traditional matters, the latter was strong. These two bodies compose the governing body in Nkalaha.

Games
Nkalaha is generally game stars. Sports and games are the normal life of the inhabitants. Greater number of the festivals celebrated in the community is closely tied to sports. Some of the games organized alongside some of the festivals are wrestling and hunting games during New yam and Aju-Ede festivals respectively. Every year, wrestling is organized to test the strength of the inhabitants. According to the record adapted in Nnaji (2003), wrestling match always take place a day after new yam festivals.

New yam festival holds on Afor market day. After this day, the following day is usually a wrestling match. After this day – usually Nkwor market day – another wrestling match holds on the succeeding Orie market day. While the market is filled, Ngbereke (Xylophone) is organized at a corner of the market square. Here the wrestling match takes place. As soon as Ngbereke begins, wrestlers begin to appear from all angles. The duty of Ngbereke is to call wrestlers from every corner to the venue of the wrestling. The arrival of any legend is indicated by a change of sound as the person moves in to dance. People qualified to take part in this dance are those who have spilled blood during wars or those who had participated in wrestling in the previous time. As they dance, they point to the direction where their deeds of valour were done.

Ngbereke knows every hero and legendary wrestlers by their names. So, as the person dances and points to the direction of his adventure, Ngbereke approbates. It calls them by their names. Many who had tried to claim victors when they were not had been disproved by people around who knew them. The wrestling is done by age. People of lower age grouping come first, and gradually it turns to the turn of the older ones. It is always advised that one should wrestle with his mate. Exceptional case, however, abides. And this is only for those who had wrestled their age mates in the previous time and won them all. History did not record many who may have attained this height in the wrestling contest. The only person whom history has covered, having attained such height, is Ekpe Egbara from Umuagu in Umulesha. Traditional history revealed that he won his age mates all over the community. Apart from this exception, wrestling has ever been between people of the same age bracket challenging one another. These have been the procedure since inception.

Unlike the era of wrestling match, football has taken the position today. Since 1997, with the introduction of Unity Cup by Ephraim Ogbu (a Lagos based business man), wrestling became swallowed drastically. Today, men only dance Ngbereke; they do not wrestle one another. Unity Cup was founded by Ephraim Ogbo of Umuele Amaezegba alongside the contribution of Vincent Ogbu. The initiative for the launching of this trophy was articulated by the men mentioned above as business men, based in Lagos. The main purpose for this, according to Vincent Ogbu, is primarily to:

•	Reunite Nkalaha population through football.

•	Bring home, boys who had stayed away for a long time without visiting home.

•	Develop skills through football

•	Talent hunt and others.

To ward off every possible controversy, the structure of the competition was designed to involve people from various parts of the country (players from various villages in the community organise themselves into teams to play in favour of the part of the country where they are based for their businesses or other purposes), rather than the more controversial involvement of villages clashing against the other. Through this structure, people from different villages are organized to play in pursuit of one goal; the trophy. This attempt promoted the peace proposed by the organizers. Ephraim sponsored this trophy from the time it began; nevertheless expectations hold that with the passage of time, people with key into the progress the trophy initiates by involving themselves in the competition monetarily. The opening match for this competition at inception was between “The Young Stars of Lagos” and “Nnewi Football Club.” In 2009 the mantle of leadership shifted from Vincent Ogbu to Chimaroke Eze.

Religion
Nkalaha can be considered as a polytheistic community with many gods having differently defined roles they play to the assistance of the inhabitants. Among these gods are Alu edziragu, Ebe and Ogba. These three are generally owned by the entire community and their functions are to the entire community. Other important gods include Chukwu-oke, Uzu, Enyanwu, Abalehvi, Akpam, Enyinwegu, Alu mbaredzi and others. The latter group are mainly considered among household gods; except Akpam, Abalahvi and Enyinwegu with Nnega ugbo to include. These ones are own to distinct villages and within that circle lays their exercise of power and control.

Chukwu-oke: This is a personal god. It is introduced into each family few days after a woman is newly married. She goes to a nearby stream during dry season and collects the stone with which the gods is to be built for her control. This is done before she conceives. The role of Chukwu-oke is for procreation. It also controls procreation. Again, at any time one feels satisfied with his wife over child bearing, they will go to the shrine and inform it that they hava had the number of children they needed. No much deal is required in doing this. What they are required to do is to take a cup of water to their Chukwu-oke, first thing in the morning. There, they will say prayers and conclude that they are done with procreation. They will pour the water on the gods and leave. After that moment and on, the woman will not conceive again all through her lifetime. If peradventure, any unforeseen circumstance occurs, such as the demise of the children, the man rather goes for another wife since the first wife have been rendered fruitless for life.

Uzu: This is also a household god. Its duty is to act as a guard and to neutralize every poisonous charm coming into the compound and to prevent communicable diseases from overtaking the compound. Uzu is always situated at the entrance to the bearer’s compound.

Ebe: Ebe is one of the most recognized general gods to the community. It is a goddess operating in the marine world. It has an assigned priest called Edeoga. To still flow in the spirit of the goddess, the priest forbids many things that have their dwelling in the water. He does not eat things like fish, crayfish, etc. He is also not allowed to mix up with the crowd. The goddess is a vocal god. The same Edeoga, the priest of Ebe is still the priest of Alu edziragu. Alu refers to the mother earth; the same is vocal and most powerful. It exercises control over the rest of the gods in the community.

This goddess is built inside the particular position housed by Onojah’s tent the first day he founded the land. Initially, it served as his household Alu called “Alu mbaredzi.” The secret of Alu’s power lies on the fact that she was the first goddess to receive sacrifice and recognition. Onojah, after he pitched his tent said some prayers and made sacrifices to the landed spirit with his snuff. Till this day, the position of the tent by Onojah is still occupied by Alu goddess.

Ogba edziragu is another powerful goddess of ogba stream. The goddess dwells in a cave with ever-flowing spring from it. It has an assigned priest also. But like Edeoga, the priest of Ebe and Alu, he does not forbid any sea creature, however, he holds himself from the crowd. And he is not given special attention as unto Edeoga in the community gathering. Again, Edeoga’s demise is celebrated as the passing on of a hero, but his is not likewise. These three gods survived the incursion brought about by civilization and Christianity. All others have faded away. Fewer that still exists, but in mirage, had lost their genuineness and power to the later.

Masquerades and Masquerading
The origin of masquerading in Nkalaha is traced to the mediaeval era. Nkalaha has respect for several gods. Apart from this, the community is dully fascinated by the practice of masquerading since her mediaeval period. Prominent among this was seen during the mediaeval era. But they were not called any name; still they did not survive the mediaeval era. They died as immediately as the instinct that institutionalized them ended. Therefore, the first masquerade ever produced in Nkalaha is called Nwangidi. The masquerade is vested with venom and strength to run as far as any length. Popular among other Nkalaha masquerades include, Omebe, Ekpe etc. these are the major masquerade practiced in the community. Other ones not mentioned operate in consonance with either of these two. But, out of these two, the community attaches more seriousness to the former than to the latter.

Varieties of Ekpe masquerade in Nkalaha include Ekpe nwanyi (popularly called Ada Ekpe), Ekpe Ufu, Ekpe Iji, Ekpe Oji, Ekpe Ihunabor, Agu Ekpe etc. The first Ekpe Ufu ever built in Nkalaha was called Ugbo. It is owned by Umuobeye. Of all these, the more prominent is Ekpe Nwanyi. Its popularity lies on its simplicity. Again, it does not require much process to be invited during burials like the rest. Agu Ekpe is only seen by the initiates. It does not come out too plane for people to see. Most of the time, it performs in the night. The duty of all the Ekpes, except Agu Ekpe, is to entertain the audience with dance during performances. Unlike Omebe, Ekpe does not attach deadly charm to itself.

Omebe is given much seriousness by the inhabitants than Ekpe. In an article published in Nkalaha Mirror (2012), it was stated that Omebe masquerade was founded by Ede Ajim who was claimed founded Nkalaha. The reliability of the source of this article may be sceptical. The language Omebe speaks, his slogan and other features does not have anything in common with the masquerades found in Ida; instead one can find such masquerade among Nsukka and Nkanu people. Omebe speak the language of Nsukka people and sometimes that of Ngbo people. For instance, Omebe often refers to himself as Ugwoke and sometimes Odanwu. This language feature in particular stands apparently to reveal that Omebe originates from one of the surrounding communities to Nkalaha.

The true history of Omebe is that it originates from Nsukka. The name Omebe was given to it because of its power. In Nsukka, no masquerade enters the blacksmith shop (Ulo Uzu) just like it holds that no masquerade enters Edeoga’s compound (the priest of Ebe) in the early days. It happened that one day; the masquerade walked into a blacksmith and came out. Seeing this, a man around the vicinity exclaimed thus: gba, Omaba ha! (Gbam this is Omaba). That was how the name Omaba came into existence. In Nkalaha language it is called Omebe. The term “Ugwoke” which Omebe calls himself and is also called, is derived from Nsukka. Nkalaha began to play Omebe masquerading as old as the era when the consciousness of the origin of the founding fathers still bloom in the mind of the inhabitants. It is this consciousness that made them to attach Attah to it. This is seen when women and children exclaim Attah nwe–alu (Attah owns the land) in the night. Attah, as I have clarified in the preface to Historical Foundation of Nkalaha, is the ancestral father of Igala people. He was a migrant of the old Benin Empire in now Edo state. It is in commemoration of his personality and achievement that the overall king of Igala land since inception is called Attah Igala, and resides in Ida. The reminiscence of this Attah is hereby replayed in Omebe masquerading in the manner of dominion. Attah nwe –alu said during Omebe year constructively refer to minds that this area of land (Nkalaha) and the people that inhabit it are all Attah’s. In other words, the inhabitants are Attah people, therefore he, Attah owns the land.

The masquerade was borrowed to Nkalaha to serve as a means of checking the female folk. It is designed to regulate and check women who move about in the night. With the help of Attah nwe Alu exclaimed as they move on the street and while crossing the village square, the men believe that, their directions can be checked. This is not the only function of Omebe in Nkalaha. The masquerade also regulates children movement in the daytime. Should any child be found alone without a guard, Omebe will carry him to his house called Opepe. To rescue the child, an elderly person gives some money to the Omebe. Omebe plays with grownups. They engage themselves in a pursue-and-catch game. If he meets them he flogs them. Based on this, children had been caused to maintain cool as they are threatened that Omebe would flog them.

During Omebe year, which lasts for six months, tranquility is maintained in the community generally. People do not fight one another. If any person fights Omebe will come, calling their names until they come out each to give some amount of money to the masquerade. Following this condition, people do not fight during Omebe year. The more significant role of Omebe masquerade is his adjudication. When a particular misunderstanding between a husband and a wife has lasted longer and defiled the settlement of people around, the matter is often kept until Omebe returns. At this time the matter is often provoked so that Omebe would attend to it. When the court is set, usually at the village playground of the woman’s biological home, the husband and his wife are made to sit alongside witnesses. All will be seated before Omebe. In this case it is usually the Omebe belonging to the husband’s village that goes for settlement. They are given the chance to explain their differences while Omebe judges. When the court dismisses, the woman will be led by the masquerade back to her marital home. For reasons anyone could not explain, Omebe is assigned great importance among the masquerades in the community.

Festivity
Nkalaha celebrate multiple festivals. Each of these festivals is very significant to either their existence or their oral tradition. The festivals are used to denote the month calendar the community used to justify their thirteen lunar months which mark one year. Among these festivals are Ikpu-Uzo, Ogbu Nfu, Ama-na-Nkwa, Ji-Oha, Akpulokpa, Agaji, Aju-Ede, Aba Ebe and lastly, Onwa-Esato.

Ikpu-uzo is celebrated as the new yam festival. The festival is so called because of the dominant activities involved during the celebration. During the new yam festive period, the community organize themselves; each village organizes her inhabitants to clear the major road leading to the farm. This is done with the notion that yam, which is the chief crop, is not supposed to return home with the farm road filled with grasses. To see that this does not prevail, the road is usually cleared. In the native syntax, as Nnaji (2007) reveals, “Ikpu-uzo is the short form of Ikpucha uzo, which means cleaning the road.” This single activity is meant when new yam festival is celebrated.

Ogbu Nfu is the festival of tap stars. It is the second festival celebrated, which also marks the second month in Nkalaha calendar months. Ogbu Nfu began with a man from Umu-Okpanshi who was a palm wine tap star. One year he made up his mind to make a sacrifice to his climbing rope for thus far it had fed him and his family that year. He made this act a continuous practice in the subsequent years until the day he joined his ancestors. After his days, other tap stars began to do it in commemoration of his days as a tap star. As days went by, the entire community became engulfed by the same practice. While the community became involved fully, they built a shrine where the sacrifice is made in each of the communities. In Nkalaha calendar year, Ogbu Nfu marks the second month.

Ama-na-Nkwa is the festival of drum and dance. Ama-na-nkwa festival celebrated yearly was founded upon poetic rendition. It is the festival that brings together all the poems (dance) composed in the community every year in a same spirit of competition. Before the advent of the colonial masters, various villages organized themselves together. Each village organizes a dance waiting for the day of the festival to participate in the festival. Before the day of the festival, each village gets herself ready. As soon as the day is up they are fully prepared to render it on the community’s central playground called Ufuegbu. It was these inter village competition that gave rise to the popular dance that survives today. These include: Odabaru, Une, Okpokoro, Igba, Edensha, Ode, Nwa ngbego and others.

Ama-na-nkwa festival lasted for a long time before its credence began to fade away, particularly with the incursion of the foreign culture and its civilization. At this point the community does not gather again as before in the spirit of competition. Each village asserted independence and carried out their celebration on separate days. The last time the information about Ama-na-nkwa came to people’s mind after the inception of cultural repudiation among the inhabitants of the community was in early 20th century. One year, during Ama-na-nkwa festival day, an oral artist sat at Ufuegbu playground with his flute on his mouth. As he performed, he called the ancestral heroes of Ama-na-nkwa competition, telling them that things have fallen apart with the festival. He so performed in a committed voice that, though his contemporaries did not know what he was talking about, the passion found in his voice and the seeming lamentation which his countenance depicted made them to understand that he was talking about the abandonment of the inhabitants to Ama-na-nkwa festival display. Passer bys gave him money. A year later, the man died and his voice ended. Today, Ama-na-nkwa seemingly holds no significance.

Ji-Oha was lately founded, unlike the rest of the festivals. Ji-Oha is out rightly a celebration dedicated to Nkalaha yam as the king of crops. According to Nnaji (2003), Ji-Oha was founded following the dream had by a woman from Amaezegba. As oral sources also defended, the woman had a dream where she was brought to the place where Ebe and Ora Rivers met, in Nvheregu. There she saw Nkalaha yams fully dressed like artistes performing in Aba-Ebe festival. Each fell into the river and vanished from the woman’s sight. While this was going on, she was moved to ask one of the yams a question about where they were going to and why? In reply, she was told that they have decided to leave for another place where their contribution to life survival would be celebrated since Nkalaha did not want to recognize them.

The succeeding day, the woman summoned courage and came to the elders and related to them all that was said to her in the dream. Following this revelation, the community came up with a shrine were yam is given his own sacrifice just like other gods in the community. This also gave rise to the inclusion of Ji-Oha in the festivals that characterized the calendar months of Nkalaha people.

Akpulokpa is one of the festivals which have lost its meaning and purpose among many elders. Akpulokpa was founded in the mediaeval era. The shrine and, of course, the festival was built and given recognition after the war between Nkalaha and Amazu. In this war, genocide was attempted which immediately ended the war at the plea of the people of Amazu. When the war ended, Amazu requested that Nkalaha should come for reconciliation. Elders met and finally accepted the request. On the day agreed, both communities met at Amazu, and peace was achieved. To cement this peace, Amazu gave Nkalaha a child in place of the boy they kidnapped from Nkalaha. When the people returned the elders agreed to set a shrine in commemoration of the first time human being (captive) was brought alive for sake of war.

Agaji holds no much significance to the development of the community. It was however celebrated in respect of the aged people in the community. This was buried in the belief that old age is the most reliable link between the present and the past. There contributions towards the survival of the community’s myth and legend are in this festival commemorated. This is just the essence of the festival.

Aju-Ede: Of all the festivals in Nkalaha, Aju-Ede is most significant. It is celebrated because of its exceptional roles in the educational, cultural and historical impact to the inhabitants. Aju-Ede celebration carries the memorable events traceable to the historical origin of the setting of the inhabitants in the land. These memorable events enable them to be launched into the historical evidence of the inhabitants in the land, which tie the myth surrounding the activities of the founding fathers with the origin of Aju-Ede festival. Aju-Ede is a festival of homage in honour of the spirit of the founding fathers. The festival is celebrated in the month of November. Aju-Ede is as old as the death of Onojah. All about the festival traces its pedagogical root to the activities surrounding the founding fathers. It is celebrated for four days. On the first day, usually Orie market day, every household gather at the position where they had made their dead father’s shrine. There, all men makes sacrifice and each feeds his late father. The following day, “Afor market day” the celebration takes the lead until the Eke market day. The festival engages everyone; young and old, male and female all takes active part in the celebration. Men conducted the sacrifice, women prepare food for the sacrifice while younger ones use the period to practice hunting and play masquerading. In the hunting practice, the males assert the role of hunters while the females assume the remaining part; the animals to be hunt. The young ones take up the role of practicing hunters, displaying the brevity and cunning ways through which hunters make prey of their hunted animals to show the duty of the founding fathers. During the period of Aju-Ede festival, few days to the Orie market day for the celebration, the inhabitants feel the presence of the spirit fathers around, hovering. In the night, people usually experience a cluster clouded darkness going about the community (Nnaji 2008:69). When this happens, the people became aware that their fathers have sojourned back to visit them. During this period, everyone makes peace with the person he had quarrel with in fear that those spirits might smite him or her. But presently (in the modern setting), the spirits do not hover about again. Their sojourning visit during Aju-Ede festivals is now replaced with the performances of Achifu masquerade which arrives from the spirit world on the Eke market day, next to the Orie (pronounced as Oye) market day when Aju-Ede begins. At arrival, Achifu is played in the manner of a hunter walking “pia! Pia!! pia!!!” on a raffia-filled farmland. This sort of movement along the path represents the unorganised movement of the founding fathers (hunters) in the expedition during which the community was found (Nnaji 2007). Achifu dwells within the inhabitants till the last day of the festival. Achifu is a night masquerade hidden from non-initiates and women. This is reasoned upon the fact that not every eye saw the spirit fathers in the days they used to appear. Of all, the most remarkable in Nkalaha till date is that any seriously sick elder does not usually cross Aju-Ede festival over. As soon as the festival is passing away, he also joins the spirit fathers. It happens that way except to evil elders. Aju-Ede carries the summary of the community’s history. These are fully concentrated in the activities involved in the festival. The performances have much significance. Major among these significances is the community’s origin being emphasized in the festival through the traditional ritual performances. It also educates the inhabitants on their culture and history. Detailed analysis of Aju-|Ede festival is discussed in the thesis paper which Nnaji (2007) entitled Performances and the Dramatic Significance of Aju-Ede Festival.

Aba Ebe festival is, above all the festivals, a heroic festival founded upon war, and celebrated in honour of the community’s heroes. Aba Ebe is for the praise of the heroes’ performance in the communal wars.

Onwa-Esato: This festival sums the rest of the festivals every year. It marks the end of Nkalaha calendar year. The festival displays all the girls on the marital process who will be joined to their husbands that year. They are paraded and made to appear in the cultural dance of her husband’s village. Lastly, they are paraded around Orie Market Square accompanied by the husband’s cultural group and dance. As soon as the festival ends, the girls are sent to their respective husbands. Onwa-esato summarizes nearly every activity in Nkalaha. It is the end of the year in the community’s calendar.

Occupation
Originally, Nkalaha inhabitants hunters and trappers. Nkalaha community is known for her rich farming activities. The inhabitants farm majorly on root crops like yam, cassava, water yam, and cocoyam. Nkalaha grows all kinds of yam. One’s greatness and riches are weighed by the large extent of his yam farm. Yam and cassava are the more pronounced crops grown by the community. This might be because of the economic importance of the two and much more, yam, which served the function of every traditional practice in the area.

Before, the inhabitants of the community were generally subsistence farmers. But in the present days, everyone tries to join the trend of events around him. Majority of the inhabitants, today, farm for commercial purpose. Only few crops such as okro and all kinds of vegetable: fluted pumpkin, bread leaf pumpkin, green amaratus etc. are mainly subsistence based. Few of the entire population keep animals, which are mainly kept extensively. The main stay of the community’s economy has been root crops.

Mineral Deposits
Nkalaha is richly blessed by the nature. The more prominent mineral resources found in the community is lime stone. This was the source of attraction for citing the prestigious cement factory; Nigercem in the area. In an article posted to coalcityfm@radionnigeria.net Nnaji referred to Nkalaha as the alluvial soil of the Niger cement. Niger cement rated number one in superiority among all the cements produced in the country. The area of land occupied by lime stone ranges from the site where the factory is situated and spread towards Nvheregu. Greater quantity of this lime stone is stretched from Adzi-Ebe down to Ndala, all through Okporokpo road. Outside this, the community is also gifted to granites and other mineral substances.