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= Post-Suharto era =

The Post-Suharto era, also known as the Reform era (Indonesian: Era Reformasi), refers to the period of Indonesian history from 1998 until the present day. The period began immediately after the resignation of president Suharto on 21 May 1998, and the ascension of B.J. Habibie to the presidency. Since then, the country has been in a period of transition to further democratic reforms, including a more open and liberal political-social environment.

Issues over this period have included a push for a stronger democracy and civilian rule, elements of the military trying to retain their influence, a growing Islamism in politics and society, and demands for greater regional autonomy. The process of reformasi has resulted in a higher degree of freedom of speech, in contrast to the pervasive censorship under the New Order. This has led to a more open political debate in the news media and increased expression in the arts. Events that have shaped Indonesia in this period include a bombing campaign by Islamic terrorists (including the 2002 Bali bombings), and the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami.

Pro-democracy movement
In 1996, Suharto undertook efforts to pre-empt a challenge to the New Order government. The Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI), a legal party that had traditionally propped up the regime, had changed direction and began to assert its independence. Suharto fostered a split over the leadership of PDI, backing a co-opted faction loyal to deputy speaker of the People's Representative Council Suryadi against a faction loyal to Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Sukarno and the PDI's chairperson.

After the Suryadi faction announced a party congress to sack Megawati would be held in Medan on 20–22 June, Megawati proclaimed that her supporters would hold demonstrations in protest. The Suryadi faction went through with its sacking of Megawati, and the demonstrations manifested themselves throughout Indonesia. This led to several confrontations on the streets between protesters and security forces, and recriminations over the violence. The protests culminated in the military allowing Megawati's supporters to take over PDI headquarters in Jakarta, with a pledge of no further demonstrations.

Suharto allowed the occupation of PDI headquarters to go on for almost a month, as attentions were also on Jakarta due to a set of high-profile ASEAN meetings scheduled to take place there. Capitalizing on this, Megawati supporters organised "democracy forums" with several speakers at the site. On 26 July, officers of the military, Suryadi, and Suharto openly aired their disgust with the forums.

On 27 July, police, soldiers, and persons claiming to be Suryadi supporters stormed the headquarters. Several Megawati supporters were killed, and over two hundred people were arrested and tried under the Anti-Subversion and Hate-Spreading laws. The day would become known as "Black Saturday" and mark the beginning of the Reform movement.

Asian financial crisis
The 1997 Asian financial crisis began in July 1997, in Thailand, and spread into Indonesia as foreign speculative investors pulled out their investments, sucking U.S. dollar liquidity in Indonesia and causing severe depreciation of the Indonesian rupiah. In the private sector, many Indonesian corporations had been borrowing heavily in lower-interest U.S. dollars, while their revenues were mostly in rupiah; their debt rapidly increased as the US dollar appreciated, leaving many companies virtually bankrupt. These companies desperately sold rupiah and bought U.S. dollars, causing the rupiah's value to drop from Rp 2,600 per dollar in August 1997 to over Rp 14,800 per dollar by January 1998. Efforts by the central bank to defend its managed float regime by selling dollars had little impact and instead drained Indonesia's foreign exchange reserves, forcing the government to free-float the currency and seek liquidity aid from the IMF (International Monetary Fund).

In exchange for US$43 billion in liquidity aid, Suharto was forced to sign three letters of intent from October 1997 to April 1998 with the IMF. The LoI promised reforms, which included closing banks owned by Suharto's family and cronies starting in November 1997. Plans to close unhealthy banks resulted in a bank run that drained liquidity; depositors knew of the poor regulations and risky related-party credit extensions of Indonesian banks. In January 1998, the government was forced to provide emergency liquidity assistance (BLBI), issue a blanket guarantee for bank deposits, and set up the Indonesian Bank Restructuring Agency to take over management of troubled banks to prevent the collapse of the financial system. Based on IMF recommendations, the government increased interest rates to 70% in February 1998 to control spiralling inflation caused by the higher price of imports, but this action killed availability of credit to the corporate sector. Suharto's foot-dragging in undertaking reforms demanded by IMF in relation to his children's business further weakened public confidence. According to American economist Steve Hanke, invited by Suharto in February 1998 to plan a currency board system, President Bill Clinton and IMF managing director Michel Camdessus deliberately worsened the Indonesian crisis to force Suharto to resign.

Riots and unrest
Economic meltdown was accompanied by increasing political tension. Anti-Chinese riots occurred in Situbondo (1996), Tasikmalaya (1996), Banjarmasin (1997), and Makassar (1997); while bloody ethnic clashes occurred in provinces such as West Kalimantan, where there was a large amount of communal violence between Dayaks and Madurese. Followed by the Sambas riots in 1999 and the Sampit conflict 2001, resulting in large scale massacres of Madurese.

After violent campaign season, Golkar won the heavily rigged May 1997 legislative elections. The new legislative session voted unanimously to re-elect Suharto to another five-year term in office in March 1998, upon which he proceeded to appoint his protege B. J. Habibie as vice-president while stacking the cabinet with his own family and business associates (for example, his daughter Tutut became Minister of Social Affairs). The Government's action of increasing of fuel prices by 70% in 4 May, triggered anti-Chinese rioting in Medan. With Suharto increasingly seen as the source of the country's mounting economic and political crises, prominent political figures spoke out against his presidency (notably Muslim politician Amien Rais), and in January 1998 university students began organising nationwide demonstrations.

Resignation of Suharto
The crisis climaxed when Suharto was on a state visit to Egypt in May 1998. Security forces killed four student demonstrators from Jakarta's Trisakti University on 12 May 1998, which was followed by anti-Chinese rioting and looting across Jakarta and some other cities on 13–15 May that destroyed thousands of buildings and killed over 1,000 people. Various theories exist on the origins of the racial pogrom against the ethnic-Chinese. One theory suggested rivalry between military chief General Wiranto and Prabowo Subianto, while another theory suggested deliberate provocation by Suharto to divert blame for the crisis to the ethnic-Chinese and discredit the student movement.

On 16 May, tens of thousands of university students occupied the parliament building, demanding Suharto's resignation. Upon Suharto's return to Jakarta, he tried to defend his presidency by offering to resign in 2003 and to reshuffle his cabinet. These efforts failed when his political allies deserted him by refusing to join the proposed new cabinet. According to military chief Wiranto, on 18 May, Suharto issued a decree which provided authority to him to take any measures to restore security (similar to the 1966 Supersemar), however Wiranto decided not to enforce the decree to prevent conflict with the population. On 21 May 1998, Suharto announced his resignation, upon which vice-president B. J. Habibie assumed the presidency in accordance with the constitution.

Presidency of B. J. Habibie (1998–1999)
After Suharto's resignation, vice president B. J. Habibie, as the Constitution says, succeeded him as president. The following day, Habibie announced the Development Reform Cabinet, which removed some of the most controversial ministers in Suharto's last cabinet while maintaining others - with no major figures from the opposition. Within days of his appointment, he asked his relatives to resign from government positions, promised an early election, repealed some legislation, and ordered the release of political prisoners.

Political reform
In February 1999, the Habibie administration passed the Political Parties Law, under which political parties would not be limited to just three as had been the case under Suharto. Political parties were also not required to have Pancasila as their ideology. This resulted in the emergence of many political parties, and 48 would go on to compete in the 1999 legislative election.

In May 1999, the Habibie administration passed the Regional Autonomy Law, which was the first step in decentralising Indonesia's government and allowing provinces to have more part in governing their areas. The press became liberated under Habibie, although the Ministry of Information continued to exist. Political prisoners such as Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Muchtar Pakpahan, and Xanana Gusmão were also released under Habibie's orders.

Independence of East Timor
Habibie was initially opposed to the idea of East Timorese Independence, but did offer East Timor special autonomy.

Timorese independence forces led by the National Council of Timorese Resistance had been calling for a referendum in the territory for some time. Its chief diplomat, Jose Ramos Horta, proposed a transitional period of autonomy leading up to a referendum. In late 1998, John Howard, the Prime Minister of Australia, sent a letter to Habibie suggesting that Indonesia defuse the East Timorese issue by providing autonomy to be followed by the promise of a referendum in the long run, following the method used by France to settle New Caledonian demands for independence. Wishing to avoid the impression that Indonesia ruled East Timor as a colony, Habibie surprised some by announcing that a referendum, offering a choice between special autonomy and independence, would be held immediately in East Timor. Leaders of the Indonesian armed forces (ABRI) were not consulted on this decision.

On 30 August 1999, the referendum was held and the East Timorese people overwhelmingly chose Independence. Subsequently, pro-Indonesia militias killed and displaced large numbers of people during the 1999 East Timorese crisis. On 10 September, General Wiranto allegedly threatened to stage a military coup if Habibie allowed in peacekeeping forces, causing Habibie to back down. On 12 September, however, Habibie accepted a UN-mandated peacekeeping force to halt violence. A UN administration followed and East Timor became independent in 2002.

The Independence of East Timor resulted in the harming of Habibie's former popularity and political alliances.

1999 Legislative elections
Habibie presided over the 1999 legislative elections, the first free and fair election since the 1955 legislative election. The election was supervised by the independent General Elections Commission (KPU), instead of an elections commission filled with government ministers as had been the case during the New Order.

End of presidency
Although he had been viewed as leading a transitional government, Habibie seemed determined to continue as president. He was initially unclear about whether he would seek a full term as president when he announced parliamentary elections in June 1998. Habibie faced opposition from many within the government party, Golkar; in July 1998, he struggled to win control of Golkar by appointing Akbar Tandjung as chair of the party, but was ultimately able to defeat a rival camp including former Vice President Try Sutrisno, Defence Minister Edi Sudrajat, Siswono Yudhohusodo, and Sarwono Kusumaatmadja. Habibie began to lose support from Akbar Tandjung and a faction in Golkar, composed of both reformers and hardliners, that wanted to oust him. In March 1999, Golkar put forth five presidential nominees: Habibie, Tandjung, Wiranto, Hamengkubuwono X, and Ginandjar Kartasasmita. In May 1999, after extensive lobbying, Golkar announced that Habibie would be their presidential candidate, but a large faction in the party remained loyal to Tandjung and opposed to Habibie. His political credibility was tarnished by the exposure of the 1999 Bank Bali scandal, in which banking funds were funneled to members of Habibie's re-election team.

At the 1999 MPR General Session in October, Habibie delivered an accountability speech. MPR members then began voting to decide if they would accept or reject his speech. Habibie attempted to win the support of the military by offering the vice-presidency to General Wiranto, but his offer was declined. Tandjung's Golkar faction broke ranks and voted against him, and his accountability speech was rejected by 355 votes to 322, and Habibie withdrew his nomination as President. He was succeeded by Abdurrahman Wahid.

Wahid presidency (1999–2001)
In 1999, Abdurrahman Wahid became President of Indonesia. His first cabinet, dubbed the National Unity Cabinet (Kabinet Persatuan Nasional), was a coalition cabinet that represented several political parties: the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), National Awakening Party (PKB), Golkar, the United Development Party (PPP), National Mandate Party (PAN), and Justice Party (PK). Non-partisans and the military (TNI) were also represented in the cabinet. Among Wahid's administrative reforms were the abolition of the Ministry of Information, the New Order's primary weapon in controlling the media, and the disbandment of the Ministry of Welfare, which had become corrupt and extortionist under the New Order.

Autonomy and tolerance toward dissent
Wahid intended to give rebellious Aceh province a referendum on various modes of autonomy, rather than an option for independence like in East Timor. Wahid also wanted to adopt a softer stance towards Aceh by having less military personnel on the ground. In March, the Wahid administration began to open negotiations with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Two months later in May, the government signed a memorandum of understanding with GAM to last until the beginning of 2001, by which time both signatories would have breached the agreement.

On 30 December 1999, Wahid visited Jayapura, the capital of Papua province (then known as "Irian Jaya"). Wahid was successful in convincing West Papuan leaders that he was a force for change and even encouraged the use of the name Papua.

In September 2000, Wahid declared martial law in Maluku. By now, it was evident that Laskar Jihad, a radical Islamic militia, were being assisted by members of the military and it was apparent that they were financed by Fuad Bawazier, the last Minister of Finance to have served under Suharto. During the same month, West Papuans raised their Morning Star flag. Wahid's response was to allow this provided that the Morning Star flag was placed lower than the Indonesian flag, for which he was severely criticised by Megawati and Akbar. On 24 December 2000, a series of bombings were directed against churches in Jakarta and eight cities across Indonesia.

In March of that year, Wahid suggested that the 1966 Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) resolution on the banning of Marxism–Leninism be lifted.

Relations with the military
When he ascended to the presidency, one of Wahid's goals was to reform the military and to remove its dominant socio-political role. In this venture, Wahid found an ally in Agus Wirahadikusumah, whom he made Commander of Kostrad in March. In July, Agus began uncovering a scandal involving Dharma Putra, a foundation with affiliations to Kostrad. Through Megawati, military members began pressuring Wahid to remove Agus. Wahid gave in to the pressure but then planned to have Agus appointed as the Army Chief of Staff to which top military leaders responded by threatening to retire and Wahid once again bowed down to pressure.

Wahid's relations with the military deteriorated even further when in the same month it was revealed that Laskar Jihad had arrived in Maluku and was being armed with what turned out to be military weapons, despite Wahid's orders to the military to block their entry into the region. The militia had planned earlier in the year to go to the archipelago and assist the Muslims there in their communal conflict with the Christians.

In 2000, Wahid was embroiled in two scandals that would damage his presidency. In May, the State Logistics Agency (Bulog) reported that US$4 million was missing from its pension fund. The missing cash had been embezzled by Wahid's own masseur, who claimed Wahid sent him to Bulog to collect the cash. Although the money was returned, Wahid's opponents took the chance of accusing him of being involved in the scandal and of being aware of what his masseur was up to. At the same time, Wahid was also accused of keeping a US$2 million donation made by the Sultan of Brunei to provide assistance in Aceh.

Scandals
In the year 2000, Wahid became embroiled in two scandals which would damage his presidency. In May, the Logistic Affairs Agency (BULOG) reported that US$4 million were missing from its cash reserve. The missing cash was then attributed to Wahid's own masseur, who had claimed that Wahid sent him to Bulog to collect the cash. Although the money was returned, Wahid's opponents took the chance of accusing him of being involved in the scandal and of being aware of what his masseur was up to. At the same time, Wahid was also accused of keeping US$2 million for himself. The money was a donation by the Sultan of Brunei to provide assistance in Aceh. However, Wahid failed to account for the money.

Cabinet reshuffle
As the 2000 MPR Annual Session approached, Wahid's popularity with the people was still at a high and politically, allies such as Megawati, Akbar, and Amien were still willing to support Wahid despite the sacking of the ministers and the scandals which he had been involved in. At the same time, however, they were asking questions of Wahid. At the 2000 MPR Annual Session, Wahid delivered a speech which was well received by a majority of the MPR members. During the speech, Wahid recognized his weakness as an administrator and said that he was going to delegate the day-to-day running of the government to a senior minister. The MPR members agreed but proposed that Megawati should be the one to receive the task from the President. At first the MPR planned to have this proposal adopted as a resolution but a presidential decision was seen as enough. On 23 August, Wahid announced a new Cabinet despite Megawati's insistence that the announcement was delayed. Megawati showed her displeasure by not showing up for the Cabinet announcement. The new Cabinet was smaller and consisted of more non-partisans. There were no Golkar members in this Cabinet.

Impeachment
By the end of 2000, many within the political elite were disillusioned with Wahid. The most prominent was Amien Rais who regretted having supported Wahid for the presidency the previous year. Amien attempted to rally opposition by encouraging Megawati and Akbar to flex their political muscles. Megawati surprisingly defended Wahid while Akbar preferred to wait for the 2004 legislative elections. At the end of November, 151 People's Representative Council (DPR) members signed a petition calling for the impeachment of Wahid.

In January 2001, Wahid announced that Chinese New Year was to become an optional holiday. Wahid followed this up in February by lifting the ban on the display of Chinese characters and the importing of Chinese publications. In February, Wahid visited Northern Africa as well as Saudi Arabia to undertake the hajj pilgrimage. Wahid made his last overseas visit in June 2001 when he visited Australia.

In a meeting with university rectors on 27 January 2001, Wahid commented on the possibility of Indonesia descending into anarchy. Wahid suggested that he may be forced to dissolve the DPR if that happened. Although the meeting was off-the-record, it caused quite a stir and added to the fuel of the movement against him. On 1 February, the DPR met to issue a memorandum against Wahid. Two memorandums constitute an MPR Special Session where the impeachment and removal of a president would be legal. The vote was overwhelmingly for the memorandum, and PKB members could only walk out in protest. The memorandum caused widespread protests by NU members. In East Java, NU members attacked Golkar's regional offices. In Jakarta, Wahid's opposition began accusing him of encouraging the protests. Wahid denied it and went to talk to the protesters at the town of Pasuruan, encouraging them to get off the streets. Nevertheless, NU protesters continued to show their support for Wahid and in April, announced that they were ready to defend and die for the president.

In March, Wahid tried to counter the opposition by moving against dissidents within his own cabinet. Minister of Justice Yusril Ihza Mahendra was removed for making public his demands for the president's resignation while the Minister of Forestry Nur Mahmudi Ismail was also removed under the suspicion of channelling his department's funds to Wahid's opposition. In response to this, Megawati began to distance herself and did not show up for the inauguration of the Ministers' replacement. On 30 April, the DPR issued a second memorandum and on the next day called for an MPR Special Session to be held on 1 August.

By July, Wahid grew desperate and ordered Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security to declare a state of emergency. SBY refused, and Wahid removed him from his position. Finally, on 20 July, Amien declared that the MPR Special Session would be brought forward to 23 July. The TNI, having had a bad relationship with Wahid through his tenure as president, stationed 40,000 troops in Jakarta and placed tanks with their turrets pointing at the Presidential Palace in a show of force. To prevent the MPR Special Session from taking place, Wahid then enacted a Decree disbanding the MPR on 23 July despite had no power to do so. In defiance against Wahid's decree, the MPR proceed with the Special Session and then unanimously voted to impeach Wahid, and to replace him with Megawati as president. Wahid continued to insist that he was the president and stayed for some days in the Presidential Palace but bowed down and left the residence on 25 July to immediately fly to the United States for health treatment.

Megawati presidency (2001–2004)
Under Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of Indonesia's founder and first president Sukarno, the process of democratic reform begun under Habibie and Wahid continued, albeit slowly and erratically. Megawati appeared to see her role mainly as a symbol of national unity, and she rarely actively intervened in government business. Under her tenure, the Mutual Assistance Cabinet (Kabinet Gotong Royong) helped govern the country. It included Megawati's successor, the retired General SBY. The military, disgraced at the time of Suharto's fall, regained much of its influence. Corruption continued to be pervasive, though Megawati herself was seldom blamed for this.

Some Indonesian scholars explained Megawati's apparent passivity in office by reference to Javanese mythology. Megawati, they said, saw her father, Sukarno, as a "Good King" of Javanese legend. Suharto was the "Bad Prince" who had usurped the Good King's throne. Megawati was the Avenging Daughter who overthrew the Bad Prince and regained the Good King's throne. Once this had been achieved, they said, Megawati was content to reign as the Good Queen and leave the business of government to others. Some prominent critics such as Benedict Anderson jokingly referred to the president as "Miniwati."

Although the economy had stabilised and partly recovered from the 1997 crisis by 2004, unemployment and poverty remained high. The Indonesian Constitution was amended to provide for the direct election of the president, and Megawati stood for a second term. She consistently trailed in the opinion polls, due in part to the preference for male candidates among Muslim voters, and due to what was widely seen as a mediocre performance in office. Despite a somewhat better than expected performance in the first round of the elections, she was defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in the second round.

Presidency of Yudhoyono (2004–2014)
Yudhoyono was inaugurated as president on 20 October 2004. The next day, he announced his new cabinet, which would be known as the United Indonesia Cabinet (Kabinet Indonesia Bersatu). Consisting of 36 ministers, it included members of the Democratic Party, Golkar and the PPP, PBB, PKB, PAN, PKP, and PKS. Professionals were also named in the cabinet, most of them taking on ministries in the economic field. The military were also included, with five former members appointed to the cabinet. As Yudhoyono's promised during the election, four of the cabinet appointees were female.

Economy
In late 2007, Yudhoyono led Indonesia into a free trade agreement with Japan. In 2005, economic growth was 5.6% which decreased to 5.4% in 2006 Inflation reached 17.11% in 2005 but decreased to 6.6% in 2006.

Yudhoyono also allocated more funds to decrease poverty. In 2004, 11 trillion rupiah was set aside, increasing to 23 in 2005 and 42 in 2006. For 2007, 51 trillion was allocated. In March and October 2005, SBY made the unpopular decision to cut fuel subsidies, leading to increases in fuel prices of 29% and 125% respectively. The poor were somewhat compensated by the Direct Cash Assistance (BLT), but the cutting of subsidies damaged SBY's popularity. In May 2008, rising oil prices contributed to SBY's decision to cut fuel subsidies once more, which were the subject of protests in May and June 2008.

To alleviate the effects of rising prices on poor people, Yudhoyono introduced cash transfers, known in Indonesia as Bantuan Langsung Tunai (BLT, Direct Cash Assistance), from October 2005 to December 2006 with a target of 19.2 million poor families. BLT was given again in 2008. The BLT concept was the idea of vice president Jusuf Kalla. In 2013, BLT was renamed Bantuan Langsung Sementara Masyarakat (BLSM, Temporary Community Direct Assistance). The BLT program has been criticized as making poor people to be stupid and have the mentalities of beggars, increasing the government debt, and being used to make Yudhoyono more popular during election years.

Disasters
Two months after Yudhoyono assumed office, the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami struck Aceh and other countries along the Indian Ocean coastline. Three months later, an aftershock of the earthquake triggered a tsunami in Nias Island. In 2006, Mount Merapi erupted and was followed by an earthquake in Yogyakarta. In October 2010, Mount Merapi erupted, killing 353 people, while an earthquake and tsunami struck the Mentawai Islands.

Indonesia also suffered a small outbreak of bird flu and endured the Sidoarjo mud flow. In 2007, severe floods struck Jakarta. SBY allowed Jakarta governor Sutiyoso to open the Manggarai watergate with the risk of flooding the Presidential Palace.

2005 Bali bombings
On 1 October 2005, suicide bombings occurred on the island of Bali. The attacks bore the hallmarks of the militant Islamic group Jemaah Islamiyah (JI)—a group linked to Al-Qaeda—though police investigation was underway. The group was also responsible for the 2002 Bali bombings. SBY condemned the attack, promising to "hunt down the perpetrators and bring them to justice.".

2009 Presidential election
In 2009, Yudhoyono was elected for a second term along with Boediono, the former Governor of Bank Indonesia. They defeated two candidates: Megawati Soekarnoputri - Prabowo Subianto and incumbent vice-president, Jusuf Kalla - Wiranto. The Yudhoyono-Boediono ticket won the election with more than 60% votes of nationwide in the first round. Yudhoyono's Second United Indonesia Cabinet was announced in October 2009 after he was re-elected as president earlier in the year.

2014 Presidential election
In 2014, constitutionally barred from running for a third term, Yudhoyono was succeeded by Joko Widodo (popularly known as Jokowi) with Jusuf Kalla returning as vice president, defeating Prabowo and Hatta Rajasa. Jokowi is the first president without a high-ranking military or political background. During his 2014 election campaign, Jokowi promised to improve economic GDP growth to 7% and to end the bagi-bagi kursi (giving government positions to political allies) policy, although these promises are yet to be fulfilled. The Indonesian rupiah hit its lowest level record in 20 years during his administration.

November 2016 Jakarta protests
A controversial remark by his former deputy governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) led to divisions in the country's Muslim population amid a gubernatorial election. Protests were held in response to Ahok's remark by Islamist groups in November and December 2016 in Jakarta. The Jokowi administration responded by banning the Indonesian chapter of Hizb ut-Tahrir.

There have been concerns of declining freedom of expression during this period, evidenced by the arrest, detainment, and imprisonment of many people for their social media activity being interpreted as an "insult" to the president.

Several disasters, such as earthquakes (In Palu, Lombok, and Banten) and a haze due to deforestation in Borneo and Sumatra occurred during this period. ISIL-linked bombings have also occurred in Jakarta and Surabaya.

Central Statistics Agency reported in March 2018 that the poverty rate in Indonesia was 9.82 percent, down from March 2017 which was 10.64 percent. This was the first time that poverty levels in Indonesia had been reduced to below two digits. Previously, the poverty rate was always above 10 percent, even reaching 23.4 percent in 1999 after the 1997-1998 crisis.

2019 General eleection
On 17 April 2019, Indonesia held a general election. For the first time, eligible voters chose the president, the vice president, members of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), and members of local legislative bodies simultaneously. The election was described as "one of the most complicated single-day ballots in global history". Jokowi and his vice presidential candidate Ma'ruf Amin won the election against Prabowo and his running mate Sandiaga Uno. It was followed by protests and riots in May rejecting the re-election during which at least 8 protesters were killed. On 16 August 2019, forty-three Papuan students in Surabaya, East Java were arrested by police following reports that an Indonesian flag was damaged outside the building where they lived, leading to protests in Papua and other parts of Indonesia. A series of mass demonstrations led by students took place in major cities of Indonesia in September 2019 to protest against new legislation that reduces the authority of the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), as well as several bills. The protests subsequently developed into the largest student movement in Indonesia since the 1998 demonstrations that brought down the Suharto regime.

Covid-19 pandemic
An ongoing worldwide pandemic of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), a novel infectious disease caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), was first confirmed to have spread to Indonesia on 2 March 2020. As of 5 November 2020, the coronavirus has killed more than 14,000 people in Indonesia. In late 2020, the pandemic has caused the economy to fall into a recession for the first time in 22 years. In October 2020, protests erupted throughout Indonesia after the DPR passed the controversial Omnibus Law on Job Creation.

Background
Prior to the Djuanda declaration, the territory of the Republic of Indonesia referred to the 1939 Dutch East Indies Ordinance, namely Teritoriale Zeeën en Maritieme Kringen Ordonantie 1939 (TZMKO 1939). During this time, the islands in the archipelago were separated by the sea around them and each island only had a sea around it as far as 3 miles from the coastline. This meant that foreign ships can freely navigate the sea that separates the islands.

Juanda Declaration stated that Indonesia adheres to the principles of an archipelago ( Archipelagic State ) which at the time was a great conflict of some countries, so that the inter-island seas was a territory of the Republic of Indonesia and not a free zone. The Djuanda Declaration was then formalized into Law No. 4/PRP/1960 concerning Indonesian Waters. As a result, the total area of ​​the Republic of Indonesia doubled 2.5 times from 2,027,087 km² to 5,193,250 km² with the exception of Irian Jaya, which although it was an Indonesian territory, at that time it had not been recognized internationally.

Based on the calculation of 196 straight baselines from the point of the outermost islands (except Irian Jaya), a virtual boundary line is created around the Republic of Indonesia along 8,069.8 nautical miles.

After going through a long struggle, this declaration in 1982 was finally accepted and stipulated in the third UN convention on the law of the sea in 1982 ( United Nations Convention On The Law of the Sea/UNCLOS 1982 ). Furthermore, this declaration was reaffirmed by Law Number 17 of 1985 concerning the ratification of the 1982 UNCLOS that Indonesia is an archipelagic country.

In 1999, President Abdurrahman Wahid declared December 13 as Nusantara Day. determination of this day was confirmed by President Megawati by issuing Presidential Decree No. 126 of 2001 concerning Archipelago Day, so that December 13 was officially a national celebration day, but did not include a national holiday.

The contents of the Juanda Declaration, written on December 13, 1957, stated:


 * 1) That Indonesia declares as an archipelagic country that has its own style
 * 2) That since time immemorial, the archipelago has been a single entity
 * 3) The provisions of the 1939 Ordinance concerning the Ordinance, can divide the territorial integrity of Indonesia.

Early life
Wilopo was born in Purworejo, on October 21, 1909. He was born to modest family in Central Java. His father was man named Soedjono Soerodirjo, but he was raised by his uncle, a man known as Mantri Guru Prawirodiharjo.