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This sandbox is for contributions and revisions to Educational inequality in the United States.

Causes of the Discipline Gap paragraph 2:

Explanations for the cause of the discipline gap are wide-ranging, as both broad factors and individual actions have been considered as potential sources of the gap. On a macrolevel, things like school culture have been suggested to be meaningfully associated with differences in suspension rates (Eitle). Conversely, a significant amount of research has been conducted on the micro-interactions that take place between teachers and students. The self-efficacy and confidence of teachers inherently influence their interactions with students, which can then shape their methods of classroom management and propensity to discipline students (Delale-O'Connor). Moreover, preexisting assumptions or biases about students can also influence a teacher's treatment of their students (Eschmann). Additional issues, such as cultural differences, have been identified as further complicating the relationship between teachers and students. Most notably, cultural misunderstandings between white teachers and black students have been found to result in disciplinary action taken disproportionately against black students (Edwards). Research has also indicated that the risk of cultural mishaps may be more pronounced among inexperienced or new teachers (Moody).

Zero tolerance policies paragraph(s)

Zero-tolerance policies, also known as no-tolerance policies, were originally instituted to prevent school shootings by strictly prohibiting the possession of dangerous weapons in schools (Moody). As these policies have proliferated nationally, research has shown that schools with large populations of minority students tend to utilize zero-tolerance more frequently relative to other schools, often in addition to the use of punitive disciplinary procedures (Nicholas Triplett). Over time, these policies have gradually evolved from their original purpose and shifted towards meeting school-specific disciplinary goals, which has inadvertently contributed to the discipline gap (Moody). In many schools, subjective misbehaviors—like disrupting the class or acting disrespectfully—have become offenses that are addressed by zero-tolerance (Nicholas Triplett). This has resulted in negative consequences for minority students, as research has indicated that minorities tend to be disproportionately disciplined for subjective transgressions (Nicholas Triplett). Additionally, zero-tolerance punishments can lead to student referrals to the juvenile detention system, even for offenses that may otherwise be considered minor (Moody). The connection between zero-tolerance and juvenile detention has also been linked to other elements of the discipline gap, such as school-based arrests. Despite comprising approximately 15% of students, African Americans account for 50% of the arrests in schools (Kocon). While researchers have attributed many disciplinary policies to this disparity, zero-tolerance has been noted as a significant contributing factor.

Exclusionary policies paragraph(s)

Exclusionary discipline policies refer to the removal, or "exclusion," of students from the classroom—typically in the form of suspensions or expulsions. The national emphasis on suspensions and other exclusionary policies has been partially attributed to the rise of zero-tolerance, as suspensions have become a favored method of punishing students that are also broadly applied to various infractions (Nicholas Triplett). Even though suspensions are a commonly used form of discipline, suspension rates for all student demographics—except African Americans—have declined (Nicholas Triplett). The increase in the rate for African Americans has followed a trend that was identified in the 1970s, when black students were estimated to be twice as likely to receive a suspension, and that has continued to increase over time (Edwards). Studies have also indicated that, particularly among black women, darker skin tones may raise the risk of receiving a suspension (Eschmann). In addition to being more likely to receive a suspension, studies have shown that black students tend to also receive longer suspensions (Edwards). As a result of these disparities, research has signaled that students of color perceive the gap among suspension rates as the result of intentional discrimination, rather than as efforts to appropriately enforce school rules (Eschmann).

Exclusion from the classroom has been found to be detrimental to a student's academic performance. Research has shown that engagement in the classroom is positively related to student achievement, and, given that suspensions can last for several days, this can greatly influence the risk of academic failure—particularly among groups like black males, who are disproportionately suspended (Gregory). The added impact of suspensions on black students has been noted as compounding other issues facing them, such as higher disengagement from classes, that contribute to the Racial achievement gap in the United States (Eitle). Academic performance is further affected by the largely-unsupervised time spent outside of the classroom, which can bring students in contact with additional youth who have been suspended or expelled from schools (Triplett). Suspensions also stay on a student's school record, which can shape academic or personal expectations for the student when seen by future teachers or administrators (Edwards). Additional consequences arising from exclusionary policies include internalization of stigmas, higher risk of dropping out, and the de facto re-segregation of schools. Exclusion from school typically coincides with labels of being "defiant" or "difficult to deal with" that students have a high likelihood of internalizing (Noguera). Moreover, the services provided during suspensions or at suspension centers often fail to address this internalization or the stigmas that result upon returning to school (Kocon). This can be significant for a student's educational path, as research has revealed that cycles of antisocial behaviors can result from such labels and stigmas (Noguera). In terms of High school dropouts in the United States, suspensions have been shown to increase the likelihood of dropping out by a factor of three, in addition to also making students three times more likely to face future incarceration (Kocon). On a macro-level, some researchers have begun to consider the racial gap among suspension rates as effectively re-segregating schools (Eitle). Although the exact causes for the de facto re-segregation of schools are still being researched, racist attitudes and cultural friction have been suggested to be potential sources of this issue (Eitle).

Prison pipeline paragraphs

The School-to-prison pipeline refers to the system of student discipline being enacted through referrals to the American juvenile justice system, rather than through disciplinary mechanisms within schools themselves (Moody). As a result, this system has been attributed to negative consequences, such as incarceration during adulthood, that disproportionately impact minority students (Delale-O'Connor). Many studies have revealed that during childhood, exposures to the justice system make students more likely to become imprisoned later in life (Moody). School disciplinary policies that overly affect black and minority students, such as zero-tolerance and exclusionary policies, increase the risk for students to come in contact with the juvenile justice system (Moody). Suspensions, in particular, have been identified as making the risk of incarceration three times more likely for students (Kocon). Other factors that have fostered the development of the prison pipeline include law enforcement on school campuses, such as School resource officer s, that play a role in school discipline. Law enforcement officers intervene or perform arrests to address student issues—like drug use or assault of teachers or other students—that break the law (Noguera). However, implicit biases against minority students have been linked to the disciplinary recommendations made by school officers, which tend to result in more severe punishments to be levied against these students (Triplett).

Many factors have contributed to the development of the prison pipeline, including the discipline gap and the criminalization of schools (Delale-O'Connor). A significant number of studies have indicated that exclusionary discipline can create cycles of bad behaviors that result in progressively more severe consequences—often ending in involvement with the justice system (Noguera). This has been evidenced by disproportionate arrest rates in schools. For example, even though they constitute only 15% of students, black students comprise 50% of arrests in schools (Kocon). Subsequent punishments, especially institutional confinement, can have inadvertent consequences, such as dropping out of school (Hirschfield). Moreover, the bureaucracy of correctional institutions does not correspond well with school systems, as curriculums do not always match (Hirschfield). Consequently, students who reenroll in school tend to not only lack support systems for reentry, but they must also overcome the deficit between curriculums (Hirschfield). Research has also indicated that, especially in inner cities, the various elements of the prison pipeline are ultimately counterproductive to improving or "fixing" a student's education and disciplinary track record (Hirschfield).

School discipline reform paragraphs

Though educational and disciplinary inequalities are very complex and multi-faceted, there have been many proposals aimed at reducing disparities. Some researchers have suggested that focusing on improving the relationships between students and teachers, as well as the overall culture in schools, can both better support minority students and provide a base from which other reforms can be implemented and developed (Steen). Research has shown that when teachers are viewed as engaging or involved in a student's success, African American students are more likely to accept them (Gregory 2). Engaging teaching styles not only better connect with black students—who often face more barriers to success—but also lead to improved classroom management that results in fewer behavioral conflicts, which may have otherwise required disciplinary intervention (Gregory 2). Suggestions for improving teaching styles have included various additions to teacher training, such as accounting for challenges that students may face outside of school and contextualizing the actions of students (Delale-O'Connor). Other proposed additions have included implicit bias training and bringing attention to the cultural differences that may exist between a teacher and their students (Triplett). Even though research about how to reduce the discipline gap is still ongoing, acknowledging the risk of bias when disciplining students has been noted as a potential method of limiting the growth of the gap (Gregory 1).

Other approaches related to reducing the discipline gap have focused on disciplinary practices themselves. On a broad level, it has been suggested that school discipline should be centered around empathetic accountability systems, rather than on largely punitive consequences (Kocon). Supporters of this view emphasize that research has shown that perceptions of a school's disciplinary climate can have negative consequences, such as apathy towards rules and school in general (Richard Arum). One method of implementing this shift is through the use of Positive Behavior Interventions and Supports (PBIS), which focuses on building relationships and proactively discussing rules and codes of conduct with students (Triplett). Although this method has been extensively researched and promoted, critics have noted that it can be expensive to implement (Triplett). Advocates for school discipline reform have also expressed interest in applying restorative justice practices to school disciplinary procedures (Kocon). Restorative justice in schools utilizes conflict mediation to address disciplinary infractions in the hopes of building stronger relationships between the involved parties; however, researchers have indicated that the efficacy of restorative programs is still being determined (Richard Arum). Additional approaches to reform have focused on mitigating some of the negative consequences of zero-tolerance polices. As some scholars have noted, zero-tolerance can often overlook the needs or lack of support that students may face, in addition to creating a restrictive learning environment (Gregory 2). Specific efforts to reduce the impacts of zero-tolerance include expanding the options for disciplining students and moving away from the use of exclusionary polices, such as suspensions or expulsions (Gregory 1). As with other proposals for reform, scholars have noted that additional research is needed to fully develop these efforts and close the discipline gap (Gregory 1). Furthermore, community involvement has also been suggested to address discrepancies among disciplinary policies. Bringing families and school officials together has been identified as a potential way to improve advocacy for minority students, as criticism against policies that disproportionately affect certain groups can be more directly raised (Steen). This approach has had some anecdotal success, such as in some communities in California where community advocacy involving youth, school officials, and family members succeeded in addressing disciplinary problems related to suspensions (Day-Vines).

Given that the discipline gap disproportionately moves black and minority students into the prison pipeline, school discipline reform has also focused on reducing the factors that contribute to the pipeline. Advocates note that shifting away from bias and policies that contribute to the pipeline, such as punitive discipline, also entails broader considerations of how the pipeline manifests and costs society (Kocon). Suspensions and other precursors to the pipeline not only potentially lead to future incarceration, but also societal expenses that range from costs associated with crime to forfeited sources of tax revenue (Arum). Other reforms related to breaking the pipeline include addressing transitional issues between correctional facilities and schools, as transitions often fail to effectively transfer students without the loss of school time (Hirschfield). Ensuring better transitions has been identified as a potential area that can be addressed by legislation and policymakers (Hirschfield). Additionally, reform efforts also include raising awareness of how juvenile justice system referrals or other disciplinary punishments can lead to severe consequences later in life for students, especially since school staff and resource officers have a degree of discretion when issuing punishments (Hirschfield).