User:Bigdan201/rongorongo3

De Laat
De Laat (2009) transliterates and translates in full the text of three tablets (E or Keiti, B or Aruku Kurenga and A or Tahua, respectively); all three are proposed to consist of nothing but extended dialogue. Horley (2010) is a critical review.

De Laat proposes that rongorongo is a predominantly syllabic writing system capable of accurately recording the Rapanui language. According to De Laat, the script consists of 50–60 basic glyphs, which fuse together and form ligatures as in earlier proposals. 35 of these are identified with specific syllables, largely completing a 45-unit CV syllabary in which vowel length, /h/, and glottal stop are not distinguished. Compared to Barthel and Pozdniakov, the accompanying syllabary substantially reduces the number of basic glyphs, in the first place because of the classification of a number of signs as being variants of the same glyph and secondly because a substantial number of signs are identified as fused glyphs, i.e., as composites of two or more basic glyphs.


 * Words

The majority of the syllabic and disyllabic glyphs are morphemes representing verbs, nouns, adverbs, adjectives or grammatical particles. Other words are created by fusing together two or more basic glyphs. These compounds are realized by either pasting together two adjacent glyphs, putting them on top of each other, or by incorporating one glyph into another. The fusion process is greatly facilitated by the fact that basic glyphs can have different appearances, that they can be reduced in size or that only parts of them need to be used. Duplication is handled by iteration of glyphs, or by hatching/cross-hatching, as in or.

According to De Laat, the phonetic value of a number of syllables is clearly derived from the name of the represented object - for example ta from taha ("frigate bird"), ka from ika ("fish"), ma from mango ("shark"), ina from mahina ("moon") and tu from hetuu ("star").
 * Texts

In Words out of Wood, De Laat offers hypothetical translations of three tablets, consisting of extended dialogue concerning a disturbing event. In the Keiti tablet, a man named Taea is accused of murdering his wife by her relatives, and is found to have covered up his wrongdoing by using body-paint to hide the scratches on his body. The Aruku Kurenga inscription tells of a man who resurrects his fellow tribesmen after they are killed by a cave-in, only for them to complain about their artificially revived bodies. The Tahua tablet describes a confrontation with a man who has a magical 'evil eye', who is identified with a sorcerer or spirit known as Apanga, and is eventually defeated by the islanders. More recently, De Laat has offered a substantially revised interpretation: that the rongorongo tablets describe a 'coming of age' or initiation ritual, in which young Rapa Nui were confined in caves and fed a restrictive diet.

Dietrich
The Dietrich hypothesis interprets rongorongo not as a script, but as a notational system for astronomical, calendrical, and navigational data. This hypothesis rests on an analysis of rongorongo and its graphical qualities, alongside an understanding of Polynesian history, language, and culture. His work has been appraised for its insights and advances in understanding of rongorongo, and for its refutation of the (previously dominant) script interpretation. However, his submissions are also criticized for their literary digressions and flowery language.

Graphical Design
Dietrich’s analysis found that rongorongo glyphs are governed by rules concerning combination, partial elimination, emphasis, iteration, economy, orientation, and aesthetic design. The glyphs are divided into three categories: independent, compound, and dependent (glyphs that only appear in combination with others). Dietrich describes rongorongo as a network in which the characters are interwoven together through various combinations. He speculates that it was his background in graphic design that allowed him to perceive this pattern, while other researchers relied too heavily on linguistics and epigraphy.

To combine glyphs, rongorongo employs consistent rules. First, the ‘defining feature’ of a glyph is identified, and the rest is discarded. Then, this ‘defining feature’ is grafted onto a ‘main body’ glyph which retains most of its original shape (except for the addition of the ‘defining feature’). This is done in such a way that aesthetic unity is maintained. Typically, either one or two ‘defining features’ may be grafted onto a single ‘main body’. To combine more than three glyphs, multiple ‘main bodies’ may be linked together, each with ‘defining features’ grafted on.

Using this method of compounding, Dietrich found that approximately 120 'basic' characters can be used for over 1,500 combinations. He also found that the vast majority of the corpus consists of compounds. There are various reasons for this design, such as economy, aesthetics, encryption, and elegance.

Meaning
Dietrich's analysis found that the structure of rongorongo is inconsistent with that of a writing system (there are too many single glyphs for an alphabet or syllabary, among other issues). Seeking alternatives, he posited that it is a notation system, designed to codify information other than a human language. As to its content, astronomy was deemed a likely candidate, due to its significance in Polynesian lore and its practical value for navigating the Pacific without modern aids.

Thus, to ascertain the meaning of the glyphs, Dietrich matched traditional Polynesian names for stars & astronomical bodies with the pictorial representations of rongorongo. This method revealed a high degree of consistency, suggesting that most if not all of the glyphs represent astronomical and navigational concepts. Dietrich argues that other researchers have been misled by the literal resemblances of the glyphs, not realizing that they are abstract symbols for the stars (cf. western astronomical symbols). This fits a pattern consistent among many cultures, in which constellations are identified with people, animals, objects, and mythological beings.

Significantly, the celestial notation hypothesis is consistent with the Mamari tablet, which contains many lunar signs. There are other supporting references as well, such as Phillipi's 1875 account of the Santiago Staff: "when asked the explanations from the natives about the aforementioned staff, were pointed at the sky and at the hieroglyphs that [the staff] had with such reverence that makes me more inclined to believe that these hieroglyphs recall something sacred. (from Palaeographic analysis of the Santiago Staff)"

Aside from the staff being tapu, this could be interpreted in a literal sense as supporting Dietrich's hypothesis.