User:Brigade Piron/sandbox10

French North Africa and the Vichy regime
In contrast to French West Africa and French Equatorial Africa which were federations of colonies and existed administrative entities in their own right, French North Africa was never more than a term of convenience to refer to the three separately governed territories under different forms of colonial regime.


 * Vichy Regime and seizure of power by Philippe Pétain
 * General Maxime Weygand appointed Vichy's Delegate-General in North Africa in September 1940
 * 162,000 Jews living in North Africa in 1936.
 * Political importance of North AFrica for Vichy and denial of territory to Germans in Armistice of 22 June 1940




 * Pétainist sympathies are generally stronger in the French colonial empire than in mainland France because of the lack of direct experience of Vichy policies and the realities of the German occupation.


 * The historian Richard Vinen describes Algeria and the rest of French North Africa as "probably the most Pétainist area in all of the French Empire". He attributed this to the fact that "Algeria never saw German soldiers and the European population there found it easy to believe that Vichy would combine conservative reform with preparation for a military revenge against Germany." At the same time, "[s]ome Muslim notables were sympathetic to Pétain, either because they found his emphasis on authority and patriotism to be appealing, or because they believed that Vichy might grant them political concessions".


 * Algerians had not experienced war first-hand.


 * French settler population is "not a naturally right-wing population" in view of its relative poverty, urbanisation, and high proportion of people of Spanish, Maltese, and Italian ancestry. During the interwar period, many had "moved to the right under the influence of anti-Semitism, oppositon to Algerian nationalism and sympathy, on the part of Spaniards, for Franco's cause during the Spanish Civil War".


 * "Weygand's particular brand of Pétainism, patriotic, military and, at least implicitly, anti-German - was particularly suited to Algeria." Although the metropolitan army remained small, Weygand was permitted to raise a much larger army 120,000-strong in North Africa under the terms of the Franco-German armistice.


 * Some Muslims are appointed to Vichy's National Council (Conseil national).

Algeria
Algeria was invaded by France in 1830 and had a unique legal status as a de jure part of metropolitan France after 1848. Aside from the native population, a large population of white settlers lived in Algeria numbering _____ by 1940. Settlers were particularly concentrated along the coast and, in particular, in the major urban centres of Algiers, Oran, Bône (modern-day Annaba), Constantine, and Sidi Bel Abbès.


 * Crémieux Decree of 1870
 * 111,021 Jews with French citizenship in 1941 and 6,625 Jews of another nationality

Morocco and Tunisia
Tunisia and Morocco became protectorates in 1881 and 1912 respectively in which their existing monarchs (beys) retained notional independence under French tutelage.


 * 59,485 native Jews in Tunisia in 1936 with a further 20,000 Jews from France or Italy.

Algeria
After consolidating its position, the Vichy regime introduced a package of discriminatory antisemitic legislation after October 1940 affecting Jews in France which was then extended to other parts of the French colonial empire, including French North Africa as France's only colonial territories with significant Jewish minorities. There was widespread support for restrictive legislation among French settlers in North Africa.

The first antisemitic legislation to be published was a law abrogating the Crémieux Decree on 7 October 1940 whose effect was limited to Algeria. At a stroke, Algerian Jews were deprived of their historic status as citizens and established the new legal status of "Israelite Native of Algeria" (Israélite indigène d'Algérie) governed by the Indigénat in the same way as the Muslim majority. The new status was in fact more restrictive as it denied rights available to Muslim Algerians who had been able to apply individually for citizenship since 1919.

Although enacted before the abrogation of the Crémieux Decree, the First Law on the Status of Jews introduced on 3 October 1940 was only made public shortly afterwards and also affected Algeria. It defined Jewish status and prohibited Jews from serving in local government, the civil service, and Armistice Army. 70 percent of Jewish public employees in Algeria had been sacked by the end of 1940 and 80 percent by Autumn 1941.

Vichy introduced the Second Law on the Status of Jews on 2 June 1941 which was intended to marginalise Jews within the national economy and, in particular, limited the ability of Jews to work in the liberal professions such as law or medicine. It was extended to Algeria by a decree of 20 October 1941. A numerus clausus was established which saw many Algerian Jews thrown out of their longstanding professions. A decree of 21 November 1941 provided the Governor-General of Algeria with the power to seize Jewish-owned property in order to "eliminate all Jewish influence over the national economy".

Jews were limited to 3 percent of places at public institutes of higher education which was particularly popular among French settlers. Georges Hardy, rector of the Academy of Algiers, successfully lobbied to have the numerus clausus extended to public primary and secondary education and Jewish students were banned from sitting particular exams. Educational discrimination was profoundly upsetting to Algerian Jews who did not possess private confessional schools of their own, unlike in Tunisia and Morocco, and who had seen the French public education system as an important part of their integration into Republican values.

Maurice Eisenbeth, Grand Rabbi of Algeria, protested against the measures but without any success. Algeria's Jewish community also established its own assistance programmes for the families of civil servants removed from their jobs. After the measures affecting education, it set up a network of schools for excluded Jewish students which numbered 70 primary schools and 5 secondary schools by late 1942. Contrary to his own wishes, Eisenbeth was ordered to serve as head of the Judenrat-style General Union of Israelites in Algeria (Union générale des israélites d'Algérie) established on 14 February 1942 as a counterpart to the General Union of Israelites in France (Union générale des israélites de France) but this had not become active by the time of the Allied landings.

Tunisia and Morocco

 * General Charles Noguès, Resident-General in Morocco, was keen to avoid outbursts of anti-Jewish sentiment in order to avoid inflaming indigenous anti-semitism which might threaten the colonial order. After the Battle of France, a number of anti-Jewish riots and murders did take place at El Kef, El Ksour, Siliana in Tunisia in August 1940 sparked by particular concerns about the economic situation.
 * French settlers in Tunisia and Morocco supported legislation.
 * A serious antisemitic riot took place at Gabès (Tunisia) in May 1941.

The first law on the status of Jews was introduced with minor differences to Morocco as a Dahir of 31 October 1940 and in Tunisia by a Vizirial decree of 30 November 1940. The legislation applied slightly different definitions of Jewish status in Morocco on the basis of religious adhesion among "natives" and on a racial basis for Europeans. Although providing slightly more discretion about retaining Jewish civil servants and soldiers in certain posts, 435 Jews had been thrown out of civil service positions in Morocco by early 1941.

Given the distinctive status of Tunisia and Morocco, the enactment of antisemitic legislation was more ambiguous than in Algeria. Admiral Jean-Pierre Esteva, Resident-General in Tunisia, was also concerned about the harmful effect of strict implementation of antisemitic legislation on the internal economic and social situation in Tunisia and sought to pursue a "weak policy" on the issue in dealings with the Bey. Both Noguès and Esteva successfully prevented the appointment of local delegates from Xavier Vallat's Commissariat-General for Jewish Affairs which they saw as an attempt to limit their prerogatives.

Although not directly opposing the enactment of the legislation, the Beys of Tunisia and Morocco also remained suspicious of the antisemitic legislation as an interference in their prerogatives. The Tunisian regent decorated 20 Jews with the prestigious Order of Glory in 1942 in order to show that Tunisian Jews remained his subjects rather than those of the French.

Among the later economic measures, there were also minor differences in Tunisia and Morocco which adapted the legislation to local imperatives, such as banning the longstanding practice of Jews living in the European Quarters of Morroccan cities.

Relations between Jews and Muslims
Nazi Germany and Italy sought to exploit Islamic antisemitism through radio broadcasts in Arabic inciting violence against Jews. Although this propaganda enjoyed some success in the Middle East, it had little effect on North Africa. The historian Norman Stillman writes that "the great majority of Muslims in North Africa remained relatively impassive in relation to Vichy's anti-Jewish policy".


 * Some receptiveness in early months owing to historic tensions - violence - Gabes pogrom (May 1941)
 * Cautious response of Tunisian and Moroccan monarchs
 * Others were sympathetic

Stillman article

North African labour and internment camps
North Africa was used extensively by the Vichy regime to hold "undesirables" (indésirables) from mainland France in a network of internment and labour camps scattered across predominantly desert regions of Algeria and Morocco. As well as foreign former soldiers demobilised from the French Foreign Legion, these included political prisoners (politiques) such as "[anticolonial] nationalists, communists and trade unionists, Spanish republicans, German and Austrian anti-Nazis, [and] Brigadists". A significant proportion of these were Jewish although Jews were only indirectly targetted. Although mortality rates were relatively high among the prisoners, Vichy policy was intended to "exclude and humiliate, not to exterminate".

Various forms of labour units were established including the Groups of Foreign Workers (Groupements de travailleurs étrangers, GTE), Autonomous Groups of Foreign Workers (Groupements de Travailleurs Étrangers Autonomes, GTEA), and Groups of Demobilised Foreign Workers (Groupements de Travailleurs Démobilisés, GTD) under the auspices of the Ministry of Industrial Production and Labour. Many were sent to the Sahara desert to work on the Algerian section of the Mediterranean–Niger Railway intended to connect the Mediterranean coast with Dakar in French West Africa. Others were used as labour in coal mines. Workers performed strenuous manual labour and lived in poor conditions in nearby isolated camps. As the historian Lévisse-Touzé describes, "[t]hey were subjected to inhuman conditions, suffering humiliation, even abuse at the slightest lapse. Badly dressed, badly clothed, badly fed, wearing espadrilles on hot sands infested with scorpions and vipers, they received pay of 50 centimes a day. They were guarded day and night by soldiers."

Jews were significantly overrepresented among both the demobilised legionnaires and political prisoners held in the camps in North Africa. Most were refugees or recent immigrants of Central or Eastern European origin. According to one estimate, there were 2,000 to 3,000 Jews among the 15,000 to 20,000 prisoners held by 1942 in Algeria. Algerian Jews demobilised from the Armistice Army were, however, specifically grouped into separate Groups of Israelite Workers (Groupements de travailleurs israélites, GTI) based at Bedeau near Sidi Bel Abbès.

2



Allied landings and the restoration of French rule
As part of the North African campaign, the Allies launched a series of naval landings on 8 November 1942 in three regions of Morocco and Algeria. The landings, involving predominantly American ground units, were codenamed Operation Torch and anticipated little resistance in capturing their primary targets of Casablanca, Oran, and Algiers. As part of a deal to ensure their surrender, the Allies reached a agreement with Admiral François Darlan, Vichy's leading representative in the region, on 16 November 1942 which effectively preserved much of the pre-existing regime in North Africa and has been described as "Vichyism under an American protectorate".

The agreement with Darlan was very controversial among the other Allied powers. Harold Macmillan, a British diplomat and Minister-Resident for the Mediterranean, noted that "in spite of repeated promises, the political prisoners remained interned, Jews persecuted, and collaborationists in place" in North Africa. After Darlan's assassination by a French royalist on 24 December 1942, General Henri Giraud emerged as the leading figure rather than the Free French General Charles de Gaulle who were distrusted by the American government. Giraud was a conservative nationalist and was also sympathetic to many aspects of the Vichy regime and held antisemitic views. Macmillan claimed Giraud had told him that Allied criticism of Vichy was due to the fact that Jews "owned so many of our newspapers". Vinen observes that the agreement with Darlan "confirmed the view in Algeria that there was no sharp divide between being pro-Vichy and anti-German". Despite their mutual enmity, Giraud and de Gaulle ultimately agreed to form the French Committee of National Liberation (Comité français de Libération nationale, CFLN) at Algiers in June 1943 and de Gaulle ultimately emerged as its sole leading figure in November 1943.

Ahead of the landings, the Allies had reached an agreement with resistance groups to co-ordinate the seizure of power in Algiers. Jews were significantly overrepresented within resistance networks and, amongst others, had formed the Géo Gras Group, originally a local sports club, which had transitioned from a community self-defence group into a full resistance group affiliated with the Free French. 377 resistance members ultimately assisted with the successful seizure of key locations in Algiers on the night of 7 November 1942 of whom 315 were Jews. Among the leaders in the putsch was José Aboulker who came from an eminent Algerian Jewish family. Jewish resistance members were particularly victimised under the Darlan and Giraud regimes, and 12 leading members were arrested after the assassination of Darlan. José Aboulker eventually travelled to London where he received a senior position in the Free French.

Contrary to expectations, the Allied landings did not immediately see the repeal of Vichy's restrictions on Jews in North Africa. Girard issued an ordonnance on 14 March 1943 to restore the Republican legislative system but expressly retained Vichy's suppression of the Crémiaux Decree. The American diplomat Robert Daniel Murphy considered that Giraud's position was sensible because to reverse the abrogation might "infuriate" the Muslim majority amid fears about Arab nationalism. The abrogation was only expressly repealed by the CFLN on 20 October 1943.

German-occupied Tunisia
After the landings in Morocco and Algeria, the Allies launched an unsuccessful overland "run for Tunis" in an attempt to secure Tunisia before it could be occupied by German and Italian forces from Sicily and Libya. The attempt failed and it was only after protracted fighting that German forces were only finally forced to evacuate at the end of the Tunisia campaign in May 1943. As a result, Tunisia remained under German occupation for more than seven months.

After the first German forces landed in Tunisia, the leaders of the Jewish community including its president Moïse Borgel were arrested on 23 November 1942. Borgel was ordered by the kommandantur at Tunis to choose Jews to undertake forced labour. Appeals to Esteva and French authorities led to official protests. Nonetheless, forced labour was officially instituted on 6 December 1942 and ultimately applied to 5,000 Tunisian Jews who were often held in poor conditions.

Aside from forced labour, the German authorities made a demand for 20 million francs from the Jews of Tunisia on 21 December 1942 as notional reparations for the Anglo-American bombing of Tunisian cities. Separately, Germans often extorted money from individual Jews and local Jewish communities, including at Sfax.

North African Jews in France, 1942–44
Jews of North African origin who lived in mainland France before the war, notably in Marseilles, were caught up in the Holocaust in France. As persecution escalated, Jews began to be rounded up and deported to concentration and extermination camps in Eastern Europe after March 1942. 76,000 Jews were ultimately deported from France of whom the vast majority were killed. Among them, the activist Serge Klarsfeld estimated that 1,500 Jews of Algerian origin were deported to Eastern Europe. A detailed study by the historian Jean Laloum in 1988 put the number at 1,111 of whom only 53 (4.7%) survived the war.

Aftermath



 * At time of Arab-Israeli War, 1948 Anti-Jewish riots in Oujda and Jerada in which 44 Jews were killed. Aftermath sees 18,000 Moroccan Jews leave for Israel in 1948-49. Large-scale emigration intensified during the years prior to Morocco's independence in 1956


 * Moroccan and Tunisian Jews return to ambiguous pre-war status and are particularly influenced by post-war Zionism. Many emigrate to Israel after Israeli War of Independence.


 * Algeria saw mass emigration of Jews during the Algerian War with most of those remaining leaving ahead of Algerian indepdnence in 1962 with the exodus of Pieds-Noirs. Algerian nationality code of 1963 denied citizenship to non-Muslims.

Tunisian Jews employed as forced labourers by the German authorities were granted the status of Holocaust survivors in Israel in 2022 entitling them to additional social benefits.


 * 4,000 Tunisian Jews (25% of total population) emigrated illegally to Mandatory Palestine between 1943 and 1948.

Beginning in 2018, the German non-governmental organisation PixelHELPER sought to build a Holocaust memorial and educational centre at Ait Faska near Marrakesh in Morocco publicised as "North Africa’s first-ever Holocaust memorial". Only a week after the annoucement, the still-unfinished construction was demolished by Moroccan authorities on the grounds that no authorisation had been provided by the Ministry of Culture.

Early life, 1885-1914
Henri (Hendrik) de Man was born into a prosporous middle-class family in Antwerp on 17 November 1885. In spite of his background, he signed up for the Young Socialist Guards in 1902 affiliated to the Belgian Labour Party. Distracted from his university studies by his political activism, he dropped out of two universities in Belgium and instead left for Leipzig, Germany where he became active in German Marxist circles and worked at the Leipziger Volkszeitung newspaper and later completed his studies at the University of Leipzig. De Man's exposure to German and Austrian Marxist ideas led to a change in his ideological position. By the time of his return to Belgium in 1910, he became a leading figure alongside Louis de Brouckère within the left-wing faction of the BWP in opposition to its dominant moderate and reformist tendency. Before the war, de Man was promoted to lead the newly founded Centre for Labour Education (Centrale d'éducation ouvriere) recently founded by the POB.

Ideological evolution, 1914-1933
After the German invasion of Belgium, de Man volunteered as a soldier in the Belgian Army in 1914 and fought with some distinction in World War I. He became a jusqu'auboutiste convinced that the war needed to be fought to the end and his faith in Marxist orthodoxies was shaken. De Man was part of a socialist diplomatic mission sent by the Belgian government to Russia in 1917 in the aftermath of the February Revolution to try to prevent the signature of a separate peace with Germany. As a result of the war, his ideology became increasingly focused on the control of the means of production while downplaying the centrality of class struggle. De Man was initially convinced by the Fourteen Points proposed by American President Woodrow Wilson intended to lead to a democratic peace between nations. He was sent on a fact-finding mission to the United States in 1918 to study American production techniques and labour relations. In the aftermath of the war, he resolved to emigrate with his family to the United States and was offered a teaching post in social psychology at Washington State University but was sacked before being able to take up the post due to his involvement with the Farmer–Labor Party. He instead returned to Belgium where he was asked to establish the new École ouvriere supérieure by the POB. Disillusioned with the POB and increasingly opposed as a Revisionist, de Man left Belgium for Germany in 1922. He moved to Darmstadt and taught at the Work Academy (Akademie der Arbeit) in Frankfurt. In Germany, he published his first major doctrinal study Zur Psychologie des Sozialismus (1926) which was soon translated into French as Au-dela du Marxisme (lit. 'Beyond Marxism') which was explicitly revisionist. As Xavier Mabille argued, "Henri de Man became a theoretician with a view to the revisionism and planning characteristic of those years. His criticism of Marxism, of its materialism, of its economism and of its workerism, rests on a conception aiming to consecrate spiritual values, to make room for the contribution of psychology and to advocate the alliance of the working class and middle classes."

Plan de Man, 1933-36
Amid the Great Depression and the Nazi rise to power, de Man returned to Belgium in 1933 to head a newly formed study bureau in the POB. In this capacity, he rapidly drew up the basis of the so-called Plan of Work, dubbed the Plan de Man. According to _____: "Conceived as a set of solidarity measures to be carried out according to a pre-established order of priorities, adding to the old distribution reforms a certain number of structural reforms, the Plan of Work was a global and immediate program intended to serve as a means of combating the crisis. through the creation of an anti-capitalist labor front." The Plan envisaged a radical re-structuring of the Belgian economy and political system. Although there would be a mixed economy, the state would take control of a important areas of the economy and economic planning would ensure the primacy of the public interest and avoid speculation. In order to achieve this, the political order would need to be reformed in order to expand the power of the executive. The Plan was adopted enthusiastically at the Christmas Conference of the POB in 1933. In spite of widespread interest internationally at the time on other parts of the political spectrum, including from the non-conformists, the idea of economic planning failed to make headway and was not acted on when the POB entered into the coalition government of Paul Van Zeeland in May 1935.


 * https://www.academieroyale.be/Academie/documents/FichierPDFBiographieNationaleTome2096.pdf
 * https://www.universalis.fr/encyclopedie/henri-de-man/

The Holocaust
The Federal Political Department began to receive information about the escalating persecution of Jews in German-occupied Europe from 1941. René de Weck, the Swiss minister in Bucharest, reported on 21 July aboout the Iași pogrom which had resulted in the killing of 1,200 Jews in Romania. Equally, Franz Rudolf von Weiss, the Swiss consul-general in Cologne, reported in November on the deportation of German Jews and noted that "the treatment reserved for Jews in the East simply defies any description". His reports were soon confirmed by other Swiss consuls in Germany and Italy. In the same period, Switzerland's Military Intelligence Service had also received information of massacres committed by German forces on the Eastern Front from the interrogation of German deserters who had sought asylum in Switzerland.

https://www.cairn.info/revue-revue-d-histoire-de-la-shoah1-1998-2-page-132.htm

https://www.cairn.info/revue-revue-d-histoire-de-la-shoah-2015-2-page-123.htm

https://www.cairn.info/revue-revue-d-histoire-de-la-shoah-2019-1-page-49.htm

Commemoration
According to The Forward, "Switzerland has long avoided confronting its Holocaust past" and "there has been little to no public acceptance of, and engagement in, Holocaust-related education and commemorations".

Central and Eastern Europe

 * Era of Appeasement: annexation (Anschluss) of Austria (12 March 1938) and Munich Agreement (30 September 1938) and subsequent dismantling and invasion of Czechoslovakia (14–15 March 1939)
 * Ostensibly to protect German minorities in Eastern Europe
 * Nazi-Soviet Pact (23 August 1939)
 * Joint German-Soviet invasion of Poland (1 September 1939)
 * France and the United Kingdom declared war against Germany in September 1939 at the start of the so-called Phoney War.

Nordic states

 * Norway and Denmark as neutral countries and their planned invasion
 * German invasion of Denmark (9 April 1940) and its rapid surrender
 * German invasion of Norway

Western Europe

 * German invasion of France begins on 10 May 1940 and was carried out by invading neutral Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg which were rapidly defeated.
 * Difference between Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands and King Leopold III of the Belgians.
 * French Army and the British Expeditionary Force rapidly defeated and British withdrawal at Dunkirk. French Army pushed southwards and Italian invasion of France (10 June 1940).
 * Philippe Pétain came to power, Armistice of 22 June 1940, and series of authoritarian reforms in France.
 * Capture of more than a million Belgian and French prisoners of war most of whom were deported to camps in Germany and Eastern Europe for political leverage and for use as labour in the German war effort.
 * Widespread belief in Western Europe that conflict would end in a negotiated peace in 1940.

Annexation

 * "Heim ins Reich" and Volksdeutsche
 * Outright annexation of German-speaking French Alsace and Lorraine and Belgian Eupen-Malmedy
 * Annexation of Luxembourg in 1942
 * Meant its inhabitants were subject to conscription into the German Army and other programmes run within Nazi Germany itself

Occupation

 * Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907
 * Distinction between civil and military government. Inter-agency rivalry between Wehrmacht, SS, and Nazi Party.

Puppet states

 * Vichy France and Greek State
 * Independent State of Croatia (Ustaša) and Slovak Republic (1939–1945)

Allies and neutrals

 * Francoist Spain (Spain during World War II): Meeting at Hendaye (23 Oct 1940) and subsequent economic relationship and Blue Division (1941–44)
 * Sweden (Sweden during World War II) and Switzerland (Switzerland during the World Wars)


 * Italian participation in the Eastern Front
 * Romanian, Slovak, and Croatian armies
 * Bulgarian refusal to contribute troops to the Eastern Front

European states and regions
Pre-war European states occupied or otherwise wholly or partly under the control of Nazi Germany and its Allies after the start of German territorial expansion in 1938:


 * Austria
 * Czechoslovakia
 * 🇦🇱 Albania
 * 🇵🇱 Poland
 * Danzig
 * 🇩🇰 Denmark
 * 🇳🇴 Norway
 * 🇱🇺 Luxembourg
 * 🇳🇱 Netherlands
 * 🇧🇪 Belgium
 * Italy
 * 🇫🇷 France
 * 🇬🇧 United Kingdom (Channel Islands)


 * 🇧🇬 Bulgaria
 * 🇪🇪 Estonia
 * 🇫🇮 Finland
 * Greece
 * 🇭🇺 Hungary
 * 🇱🇻 Latvia
 * 🇱🇹 Lithuania
 * 🇲🇨 Monaco
 * 🇷🇴 Romania
 * 🇸🇲 San Marino
 * Soviet Union (Ukraine, Byelorussia and parts of Russia)
 * Yugoslavia

Accommodation

 * Committee of Secretaries-General and Galopin doctrine (Belgium)
 * Local police and civil servants
 * Christian religious authorities
 * Political parties - example of Dutch Union (Nederlandse Unie) established to keep the NSB out of power by co-operating with German demands

Collaboration and collaborationism

 * Historical distinction between pragmatic collaboration by political and economic elites (collaboration) and the ideologically motivated kind (collaborationism).
 * Mainstream collaboration by authoritarian but non-Nazi elites in Vichy France, Denmark, Greece
 * Radical Nazi and pro-German factions in France, Belgium, etc. which see German rule as basis for local revival
 * Germanic SS
 * Foreign volunteers in the Wermacht and Waffen-SS

Economic extraction

 * Greater Economic Space (Großraumwirtschaft)
 * occupation costs
 * labour deportation
 * expropriation
 * Organisation Todt
 * severe rationing
 * Prolonged famine in Greece (1941–44) and in the Netherlands (1944–45)

Civil resistance

 * Underground media in German-occupied Europe
 * V-for-Victory campaign
 * BBC European Service, Radio Londres, Radio Oranje, Radio Belgique etc
 * Strikes: Strike of the 100,000 (Belgium, May 1941); February strike (Netherlands, Feb 1941), Luxembourg anti-conscription strike (September 1942), Milk strike (September 1941)
 * Maquis and partisans

The Holocaust

 * Anti-Semitism always part of Nazi ideology and Hitler had given a speech in January 1939 in which he made a "prophecy" that the "Jewry" would be exterminated if war broke out. Historians are divided about the point at which a policy of genocidal killing was adopted and whether the initiative came from the higher echelons of the Nazi regime or regional officials attempting to carry out what they perceived as Hitler's intention.
 * Early persecution measures - discriminatory laws, ghettoisation, and initial intention to deport European Jews to Eastern Europe.
 * Increasing radicalisation after invasion of Soviet Union. Intensification of mass-killings.
 * Yellow badge

Political repression

 * Geheime Feldpolizei and "Gestapo", actually Sicherheitspolizei (SIPO) and Sicherheitsdienst (SD)
 * Communism, Freemasonry, some clerics from the Catholic and Protestant churches etc.

Military difficulties

 * Allied bombing
 * Redeployment of German units to fronts
 * Increasingly assertive resistance
 * Increasing reliance on local paramilities and violent reprisals

Armed resistance

 * Soviet partisans, Jewish partisans, Maquis, Warsaw Ghetto Uprising (April–May 1943), Warsaw Uprising (August–October 1944)
 * SOE, SIS, OSS etc.

Allied breakthroughs in East and West

 * Operation Bagration (June–August 1944)
 * Dutch famine of 1944–1945

Reception
Labour Party attempted to identify itself with the Beveridge Committee from its foundation in May 1941.

"Nearly all analyses of Labour's election victory [in 1945] note that the public associated the party with Beveridge, despite Beveridge's standing as a Liberal candidate. This was not a coincidence. From its conception, the party actively sought to link itself in the public mind with the Beveridge committee and its conclusions."

https://www.cairn.info/revue-histoire-politique-2014-3-page-24.htm#

International reception
There was significant international interest in the Beveridge Report from its publication. 150,000 copies of the report were sold overseas; almost a quarter of the number sold in the United Kingdom itself. 50,000 were purchased in the United States alone. It was widely promoted internationally in British propaganda, including to German-occupied Europe. Details of the report were broadcast on the BBC European Service in 22 languages, and copies were airdropped by the Royal Air Force and it was widely discussed in underground media published by the resistance. A summary of the report was discovered in Hitler's Bunker in Berlin in May 1945 which contrasted it favorably with Nazi Germany's own system, introduced in 1940.

Accordingly, Beveridge's conception of social welfare would be influential in the forms of social security adopted in Europe after the conflict. The post-war systems introduced in Belgium, France, Netherlands, and Norway were noticeably influenced by Beveridge's ideas.

Canada Beveridge's 1944 book was widely copied in Australia's white paper "Full Employment in Australia", published in 1945 which defined the country's economic policy until 1975.

"The Beveridge report was to social policy in the 1940s, what the Atlantic Charter of 1941, or the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights were to international affairs. Beveridge was read all around the world, from London to Bombay, from Canada to the USA, to France to Italy, to Australia and New Zealand, to Germany and South America."

Pillarisation

 * Can be considered a form of consociationalism where divides are used by an elite to create political stability.

In the Netherlands, pillarisation reached its apogee between 1910 and 1960, collapsing during the 1960s and 1970s. There are generally considered to have been three or four pillars (zuilen) active in society during the period, namely:
 * Catholic
 * Orthodox Calvinist
 * Secular, sometimes divided into:
 * Socialist
 * Liberal/conservative.

According to Christopher A. Bryant, "Verzuiling depended upon strong sentiments of confessional solidarity and upon compliance with élite social and political control." Attempts made to break the pillar structure, especially by anti-clerical socialists in the Social Democratic Workers' Party, generally failed to make any headway. In 1954, Catholic bishops issued a pastoral letter forbidding the sacriment to Catholics who joined the Socialist Trade Union (NVV).

The collapse of the pillar structure in the 1960s was due to competing demands to democratise and decentralise the organisations within each pillar, pulling the institutions away from their ideological structure. It was assisted by "deconfessionalisation" in society more broadly, with religiousity falling in the population and consequently playing less of a role in other aspects of life.


 * Influence of the German occupation, Dutch membership of the European Economic Community (1958-), etc.

Its collapse had deep effects on Dutch politics. Depillarisation affected the major confessional parties, such as the KVP whose share of the vote declined from 32 percent in 1963 to 18 percent in 1972. making it more fluid by allowing the emergence of minor non-pillar-based parties, such as D66 to gain seats.