User:Cdjp1/sandbox/Nietzschean Communism

= Jean Baudrillard = Jean Baudrillard (, , ; 27 July 1929 – 6 March 2007) was a French sociologist, philosopher and poet with interest in cultural studies. He is best known for his analyses of media, contemporary culture, and technological communication, as well as his formulation of concepts such as hyperreality. Baudrillard wrote about diverse subjects, including consumerism, critique of economy, social history, aesthetics, Western foreign policy, and popular culture. Among his most well-known works are Seduction (1978), Simulacra and Simulation (1981), America (1986), and The Gulf War Did Not Take Place (1991). His work is frequently associated with postmodernism and specifically post-structuralism. Nevertheless, Baudrillard has also opposed post-structuralism and had distanced himself from postmodernism.

Alain Badiou
Alain Badiou believed that the Übermensch is man as formed by collective non-state sovereignty, which is society in communism, and so the Übermensch of Nietzsche is only possible through the formation of a communist society.

Whut
Critique of Marxist communism: A new paragraph can be added to the essay that critiques Marxist communism from Badiou's perspective. This paragraph can discuss the limitations of Marxist communism and how Badiou sees it as inadequate for achieving a truly revolutionary outcome. It can explore how Marxist communism is predicated on the belief that capitalism will be transcended through the workings of historical dialectics, and how Badiou sees this as insufficient for achieving a clean break with history.

The Overman: Another paragraph can be added to the essay that discusses the concept of the Overman and its significance in Badiou's philosophy. This paragraph can describe how the Overman is a key aspect of Nietzsche's critique of mass society and how Badiou sees it as a necessary component of a revolutionary project. It can explore how the Overman represents a new type of human being, one that is free from the limitations of mass society and capable of creating new forms of life and culture.

The importance of truth: Another paragraph can be added to the essay that discusses the role of truth in Badiou's philosophy. This paragraph can explore how Badiou sees truth as being central to the revolutionary project, and how truth is distinct from knowledge and opinion. It can discuss how Badiou views truth as a matter of subjective commitment, and how this commitment is necessary for achieving a truly revolutionary outcome.

Attitude towards history: A final paragraph can be added to the essay that discusses Badiou's attitude towards history and historical possibilities. This paragraph can explore how Badiou sees history as being deterministic and how he believes that true revolution requires a clean break with history. It can discuss how Badiou's view of history differs from that of Marx and how this difference informs their respective political projects.

By adding these new paragraphs, the essay can provide a more nuanced understanding of Badiou's philosophy and its differences from Marxist communism. Additionally, it can deepen the dialogue with Badiou's position and further explore the implications of his ideas for contemporary political theory and practice.

Alain Badiou is discussing Nietzsche's book, The Antichrist, in the context of his seminars on Nietzsche's anti-philosophy. He points out that there is a persistent fascination with Nietzsche's non-existent book called "Will to Power", which has been referred to by Heidegger and Deleuze. Badiou notes that the book was originally planned to be called "Will to Power", but was later changed to "The Reversal of all Values", and finally "The Antichrist". The Antichrist, which is subtitled "Chastisement of Christianity", requires the reader to be indifferent to contemporary politics and have a certain level of detachment. Badiou argues that there is a paradox in the book, as the act of transvaluing values is both mimetic and revolutionary, yet also requires solitude and indifference. He also mentions the disappointment one feels at the end of the Communist Manifesto, and finds a similar paradox between the dynamite-like power of the Antichrist and the law that concludes the book.

Alain Badiou explains Nietzsche's view on the State in his 1992-1993 seminars on Nietzsche's Anti-philosophy. He explains that Nietzsche's position on the State is complex, with one side inclining towards a connection between political sovereignty and the State and the other side taking a determined distance from the State. He references the song of the first part of Thus Spoke Zarathustra, which he considers the most explicit text on Nietzsche's view of the State, and highlights the following key arguments:

Disjunction between people and the State: Nietzsche argues that the State cannot claim to represent the people, as there is no possible state representation of a people. The State is not a figure where the people can be stated.

People as a creation: Nietzsche views a people as a creation, not a state of affairs, and this dimension of invention is lost or obliterated in the statist figure.

The State as a de-figuration of the people: Nietzsche argues that the State is a de-figuration of the people, and there is an essential disfiguring element in the State.

Badiou summarizes these arguments as a violent anti-statism, which he argues allows for a Nietzschean anarchism connected to violence and anti-State imprecation.

- According to Alain Badiou in his 1992-1993 seminars on Nietzsche's Anti-philosophy, Nietzsche saw the modern State as a new idol, a trap set for popular creation that submits it into a network of interests. The State is a result of the victory over the gods and is sustained by the defeated will of anti-religious struggle and the weariness that follows victory. Nietzsche saw the State as a subjectivity or a wish and viewed it as inherently corrupt and superfluous. The State is a parasitic outgrowth and has no legitimacy to stand as a representation of the people's will. According to Nietzsche, the State is built on the capture of residual energy involved in the death of God. The Nietzschean imperative is to avoid falling into idolatry of the superfluous and to understand the muddy nature of State authority as a phenomenon of its excess or superfluity.

- In the fifth course of Alain Badiou's 1992-1993 seminars on Nietzsche's Anti-philosophy, Badiou explains Nietzsche's view of the relationship between the State and culture. According to Nietzsche, the State changes art, science, and philosophy into a cultural magma by appropriating their works. Culture, in this sense, is the art that has been seized by the State and is practiced or apprehended in subjective relation to the State, the new idol. There is a disjunction between art and culture, just as there is a disjunction between people and the State. Culture is a form of the State's appropriation of residual energy, and every State is cultural. Every culture is also statist, as there is an essential correlation between the figure of the State and culture.

- Badiou argues that according to Nietzsche, humanity is always beyond the state. The figure of the "Superhuman" represents the idea of humanity as a formation of non-state sovereignty, which stands irreconcilably where the state ends. This idea intersects with the human capacity to say "yes" to oneself. The name of humanity as a formation of non-state sovereignty was originally designated as "communism" in its generic sense, not in its contemporary political sense. The 20th century was a test of these two names, asking the question: can the human reality be ordered in the theme of a formation of non-statist sovereignty? According to Badiou, this was undoubtedly Nietzsche's purpose.

Alexander Bogdanov
Alexander Bogdanov - see at 19:15

Anarcho-communists and anarcho-syndicalists
The American anarchist publication Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed reports that German "[a]narchist Gustav Landauer’s major work, For Socialism, is also squarely based on Nietzschean ideas." This claim, however, has been revised by the political scientist Dominique Miething. He asserts that, while it is true that "Landauer’s reading of Friedrich Nietzsche presents us with the most profound appropriation of the German philosopher within the historic anarchist tradition", Landauer drew a clear line to Nietzsche's notions of anti-humanism, elitism and “hardness”, for he deemed them incompatible with the positive ideals of anarchism.

Rudolf Rocker was yet another anarchist admirer of Nietzsche. A proponent of anarcho-syndicalism, "Rocker invokes Nietzsche repeatedly in his tome Nationalism and Culture, citing him especially to back up his claims that nationalism and state power have a destructive influence on culture, since 'Culture is always creative', but 'power is never creative.' Rocker even ends his book with a Nietzsche quote." Rocker begins Nationalism and Culture using the theory of will to power to refute Marxism, stating that "[t]he deeper we trace the political influences in history, the more are we convinced that the 'will to power' has up to now been one of the strongest motives in the development of human social forms. The idea that all political and social events are but the result of given economic conditions and can be explained by them cannot endure careful consideration." Rocker's interpretation of Nietzsche is not only directed against right-wing extremist and Nazi appropriations of the German philosopher's works, but also serves as an explicit rebuttal of Oswald Spengler's deterministic view of history in his main book The Decline of the West. Rocker also translated Thus Spoke Zarathustra into Yiddish.

Sunshine says that the "Spanish anarchists also mixed their class politics with Nietzschean inspiration". Murray Bookchin, in The Spanish Anarchists, describes prominent CNT–FAI member Salvador Seguí as "an admirer of Nietzschean individualism, of the superhombre to whom 'all is permitted'". Bookchin, in his 1973 introduction to Sam Dolgoff's The Anarchist Collectives, even describes the reconstruction of society by the workers as a Nietzschean project. Bookchin says that: "'workers must see themselves as human beings, not as class beings; as creative personalities, not as 'proletarians,' as self-affirming individuals, not as 'masses' [...] [the] economic component must be humanized precisely by bringing an 'affinity of friendship' to the work process, by diminishing the role of onerous work in the lives of producers, indeed by a total 'transvaluation of values' (to use Nietzsche's phrase) as it applies to production and consumption as well as social and personal life'."

Spencer Sunshine writes in "Nietzsche and the Anarchists": "'Alan Antliff documents [in I Am Not A Man, I Am Dynamite] how the Indian art critic and anti-imperialist Ananda Coomaraswamy combined Nietzsche's individualism and sense of spiritual renewal with both Kropotkin's economics and with Asian idealist religious thought. This combination was offered as a basis for the opposition to British colonization as well as to industrialization.'"

Criticism
Nietzschean commentator Keith Ansell-Pearson has pointed out the "absurd hypocrisy" of such a position where Nietzsche may be held as a herald of communist politics: "The values Nietzsche wishes to subject to a revaluation are largely altruistic and egalitarian values such as pity, self-sacrifice, and equal rights. For Nietzsche, modern politics rests largely on a secular inheritance of Christian values (he interprets the socialist doctrine of equality in terms of a secularization of the Christian belief in the equality of all souls before God". Nietzsche saw an egalitarian and peaceful socialist community as essentially antagonistic to life; in On the Genealogy of Morality he wrote: "A legal system conceived of as sovereign and universal, not as a means in the struggle of power complexes, but as a means against all struggles in general, something along the lines of Dühring's communist cliché in which each will must be considered as equal to every will, that would be a principle hostile to life, a destroyer and dissolver of human beings, an assassination attempt on the future of human beings, a sign of exhaustion, a secret path to nothingness."

1
Nietzschean communism is a term that has been used to describe the political philosophy of German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche was critical of traditional communism, which he saw as promoting the idea of equality at the expense of individual freedom and creativity. He believed that individuals should be free to pursue their own goals and desires, and that a true communist society would allow for this individual freedom. However, it is important to note that Nietzsche himself did not explicitly advocate for a communist society, and the concept of Nietzschean communism is largely a theoretical construct.

2
As I mentioned earlier, Nietzschean communism is a theoretical construct that is based on the political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche. Nietzsche was critical of traditional communism, which he saw as promoting the idea of equality at the expense of individual freedom and creativity. He believed that individuals should be free to pursue their own goals and desires, and that a true communist society would allow for this individual freedom.

Nietzschean communism is sometimes characterized as a form of anarchism, as it emphasizes individual freedom and rejects the idea of a centralized state or government. However, there is no one agreed-upon theory of Nietzschean communism, and the concept is largely a matter of interpretation and debate among philosophers. It is important to note that Nietzsche himself did not explicitly advocate for a communist society, so any theory of Nietzschean communism would necessarily be based on a theoretical interpretation of his ideas.

3
Friedrich Nietzsche was a German philosopher who was critical of traditional communism, which he saw as promoting the idea of equality at the expense of individual freedom and creativity. Nietzsche believed that individuals should be free to pursue their own goals and desires, and that a true communist society would allow for this individual freedom. However, it is important to note that Nietzsche himself did not explicitly advocate for a communist society, and his ideas on the subject are complex and open to interpretation.

Nietzsche was a critic of the idea of equality, which he saw as a form of mediocrity that stifled individual freedom and creativity. He believed that individuals should be free to pursue their own goals and desires, and that society should be organized in such a way as to allow for the development of the individual. In this sense, Nietzsche's philosophy can be seen as a rejection of traditional communism, which emphasizes the importance of equality and the collective over the individual.

However, Nietzsche's philosophy is not easily summarized or reduced to a single ideology. He was a complex and nuanced thinker who challenged traditional ideas and concepts, and his ideas on communism are no exception. Some philosophers have argued that Nietzsche's philosophy can be seen as a form of anarchism, as it emphasizes individual freedom and rejects the idea of a centralized state or government. Others have argued that Nietzsche's philosophy is more accurately described as a form of individualism, as it emphasizes the importance of the individual over the collective. Ultimately, Nietzsche's ideas on communism are a matter of ongoing debate among philosophers.

4
If I were to write an essay on Nietzschean communism, I would begin by discussing the ideas of the German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche and how they relate to the concept of communism. Nietzsche is known for his critiques of traditional Western morality and his belief in the power of individual creativity and self-overcoming. In this context, Nietzschean communism could be seen as a rejection of traditional communist ideas, such as the collectivization of property and the suppression of individual creativity, in favor of a more individualistic and creative approach to social organization.

I would then discuss how Nietzsche's ideas might be applied to the concept of communism, highlighting the ways in which his philosophy can provide a unique perspective on issues related to social organization and the role of the individual in society. For example, Nietzsche's emphasis on the importance of individual creativity and self-overcoming could be seen as a potential challenge to traditional communist ideas of collective ownership and the suppression of individualism.

In terms of references, I would draw upon a range of Nietzsche's works, including his most famous books, such as "Thus Spoke Zarathustra" and "On the Genealogy of Morals," as well as his lesser-known writings, such as his notebooks and letters. I would also consider referencing the work of other scholars who have written about Nietzsche and communism, including those who have explored the connections between Nietzsche's ideas and contemporary communist thought.

Overall, an essay on Nietzschean communism would explore the ways in which Nietzsche's philosophy can provide a unique perspective on the concept of communism, challenging traditional ideas and offering a more individualistic and creative approach to social organization.

Nietzsche's philosophy could also provide a unique perspective on issues related to social organization and the role of the individual in society, potentially offering alternative ways of thinking about how to create more egalitarian and just social structures.

Additionally, Nietzsche's critique of traditional Western morality and his rejection of universal truths and values could provide a valuable perspective on the concept of communism, which is often associated with a belief in universal equality and social justice. Nietzsche's philosophy could offer a way of thinking about communism that is more attuned to the complexity and diversity of human experience, and that recognizes the importance of individual creativity and self-overcoming in the pursuit of a more just and equitable society.

5
I. Introduction


 * Brief overview of Georges Bataille and his philosophy
 * Introduction of Nietzsche and his influence on Bataille's thought
 * Thesis statement: Bataille's concept of Nietzschean communism challenges traditional notions of communism and offers a radical alternative to capitalist society.

II. Bataille's critique of traditional communism


 * Criticism of communism's emphasis on reason and rationality
 * The limitations of communism's emphasis on the collective over the individual
 * Bataille's rejection of the traditional Marxist concept of class struggle

III. The concept of Nietzschean communism


 * Bataille's emphasis on the individual's experience of excess and transgression
 * The rejection of traditional notions of work, labor, and productivity
 * The importance of aesthetic and artistic expression in Nietzschean communism

IV. The role of violence in Nietzschean communism


 * Bataille's concept of sacred violence as a means of overturning oppressive systems
 * The importance of sacrifice and self-transcendence in Nietzschean communism

V. Conclusion


 * Recap of Bataille's challenge to traditional communism
 * The potential implications of Nietzschean communism for contemporary society.

I. Introduction


 * Brief overview of Georges Bataille and his philosophy
 * Introduction to Nietzsche and his concept of the will to power

II. Bataille's critique of traditional Marxism


 * Arguments against the emphasis on economic factors and class struggle in Marxism
 * The role of excess and transgression in Bataille's philosophy

III. Bataille's appropriation of Nietzschean ideas


 * The concept of the will to power as a force for revolutionary change
 * The idea of the "sovereign individual" and the rejection of traditional values

IV. The concept of Nietzschean communism


 * The rejection of traditional forms of political organization and the embrace of transgressive, non-conformist modes of social organization
 * The potential for the creation of a "community of outsiders" united by their rejection of conventional norms

V. Conclusion


 * The significance of Bataille's Nietzschean communism as a radical alternative to traditional Marxist thought.

Egoist communism
Egoist communism

Nihilist communism

 * Book Review: Harrison, Peter, The Freedom of Things: An Ethnology of Control. New Jersey: TSI Press. 2017. ISBN: 978-0-9832982-1-2 (Paperback). 306 Pages. $24.99.
 * Indigenous Ways of Living vs. the Human Commodity or Perhaps you should burn your PhD?

Nihilist communism is a political philosophy that combines the ideas of nihilism and communism. Nihilism is the belief that life has no inherent meaning or value, and that traditional values and beliefs are unfounded and meaningless. Communism, on the other hand, is a political and economic ideology that advocates for the establishment of a classless, egalitarian society in which the means of production are owned and controlled by the community as a whole.

Nihilist communism combines these two ideas by arguing that traditional values and beliefs are meaningless and should be rejected, and that the communist ideal of a classless society is the only way to create a truly free and equal society. Nihilist communists believe that the current political and economic systems are inherently oppressive and must be abolished in order to create a society based on equality and individual freedom. However, it is important to note that nihilist communism is a theoretical construct and is not a widely-held or well-defined political philosophy.

Article
Nihilist Communism is a collection of anti-authoritarian, anti-political, anti-organizational communist perspectives. These views are expressed in the book Nihilist Communism: A Critique of Optimism — the Religious Dogma that states there will be an Ultimate Triumph of Good over Evil — in the Far Left, cardinally developed by two anglophone authors using the pen names Frère and Le Garçon. Since at least 2001, according to the dates of various letters and writings in the book, they have written collaboratively as Monsieur Dupont.

Nihilist Communism aims to level "a critique of optimism in the far left". Rather than attempting to establish new and popular sets of positions, it is counterpoised against, among many other things, the "religious" dogma of the Marxist and anarchist milieus. It attempts to disencumber itself of its content in order to explore new concepts and ideas.

More sources for Nihilist communism
Comment generally, can accept that this might well be a case for TNT, but I'd also argue, in line with WP:NEXIST, that there is actually adequate sourcing to satisfy WP:NBOOK and have an article on this text: discussed over two pages in an eight page review of "Freedom of things" by Gilman-Opalsky, discussed over four pages in de Acosta's 2010 article in Anarchist Developments in Cultural Studies. I also find a handful of passing mentions to the text (PhD theses and peer-reviewed texts  ). The text appears to be acknowledged within academic anarchist studes to have had an impact and hence notable.


 * Regards, --Goldsztajn (talk) 22:49, 22 February 2023 (UTC)

Egoist communism
Egoist communism is a political philosophy that combines the ideas of egoism and communism. Egoism is the belief that the individual should pursue their own self-interest above all else, and that individuals should be free to pursue their own goals and desires without interference from others. Communism, on the other hand, is a political and economic ideology that advocates for the establishment of a classless, egalitarian society in which the means of production are owned and controlled by the community as a whole.

Egoist communism combines these two ideas by arguing that the pursuit of individual self-interest and the establishment of a communist society are not mutually exclusive, but are actually complementary. Egoist communists believe that a communist society would allow individuals to pursue their own goals and desires without interference from others, and that the abolition of private property and the establishment of common ownership would create the conditions for true individual freedom. However, it is important to note that egoist communism is a theoretical construct and is not a widely-held or well-defined political philosophy.

Egoism and communism are two distinct political philosophies that have some fundamental differences. Egoism is the belief that the individual should pursue their own self-interest above all else, and that individuals should be free to pursue their own goals and desires without interference from others. Communism, on the other hand, is a political and economic ideology that advocates for the establishment of a classless, egalitarian society in which the means of production are owned and controlled by the community as a whole.

At first glance, these two ideas may seem to be at odds with one another, as communism emphasizes the importance of the collective over the individual, while egoism emphasizes individual self-interest. However, some philosophers have argued that egoism and communism are not necessarily incompatible, and that a communist society could provide the conditions for true individual freedom.

For example, some philosophers have argued that a communist society would allow individuals to pursue their own goals and desires without interference from others, and that the abolition of private property and the establishment of common ownership would create the conditions for true individual freedom. Other philosophers have argued that egoism and communism are fundamentally incompatible, and that a communist society would necessarily require individuals to sacrifice their own interests for the good of the collective. Ultimately, the relationship between egoism and communism is a matter of ongoing debate among philosophers.

= List of communist ideologies = Liste der kommunistischen Ideologien

To-do list
Expand
 * Expand the following sections:
 * Castroism, (main article Politics of Fidel Castro) - done
 * Guevarism, (main article Guevarism) - done
 * Add sections on the following Libertarian Marxist strains:
 * Autonomism - done
 * Impossibilism - done
 * Left communism - done
 * Marxist humanism - done
 * Marxist feminism - done
 * New Left - done
 * Situationism - done
 * Ultra-leftism - done
 * Add sections on:
 * Sankarism - Marxist-based, Pan-Africanism - done
 * Centrist Marxism

Possible references

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luxemburg

 * https://socialist.net/reclaiming-the-revolutionary-legacy-of-rosa-luxemburg/
 * https://www.duhaitong.com/world/lenin-luxemburg-and-the-revolutionary-vanguard

unformatted

 * https://jacobinmag.com/2021/12/communism-history-october-revolution-soviet-union-anti-colonialism-social-democracy
 * https://peoplesworld.org/article/cpusa-issues-historic-statement-on-trans-rights-how-did-it-happen/
 * https://www.britannica.com/topic/communism/Non-Marxian-communism
 * https://www.jstor.org/stable/2083438
 * https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2019/10/15/european-public-opinion-three-decades-after-the-fall-of-communism/
 * http://biblioteca.clacso.edu.ar/ar/libros/cuba/if/marx/documentos/22/Marx's%20vision%20of%20communism....pdf
 * https://www.nytimes.com/1987/06/07/magazine/communism-without-marx.html
 * https://www.e-ir.info/2018/02/25/introducing-marxism-in-international-relations-theory/
 * https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/communism-1
 * https://web.archive.org/web/20210301022343/https://www.economist.com/christmas-specials/2002/12/19/marx-after-communism
 * https://www.jacobinmag.com/2022/01/gabriel-boric-yugoslavia-croatia-chilean-socialism
 * https://thedailyblog.co.nz/2022/01/02/guest-blog-dave-brownz-1492-2022-the-rise-and-fall-of-the-capitalocene/
 * https://www.jacobinmag.com/2021/08/poland-polish-solidarity-movement-new-left-communist-party-democratization-david-ost-interview
 * https://indianexpress.com/article/research/a-communist-history-of-afghanistan-7473493/
 * https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/27/world/asia/japan-election-communist-party.html
 * https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1467-923X.1951.tb00189.x
 * https://www.academia.edu/45000372/Uneven_and_Combined_Development_Neo_Trotskyism_in_Perspective
 * https://www.jstor.org/stable/44144432
 * https://www.jstor.org/stable/42844994
 * https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/978-1-78743-373-120171005/full/html?utm_source=TrendMD&utm_medium=cpc&utm_campaign=The_Development_of_Socialism%252C_Social_Democracy_and_Communism_TrendMD_1
 * https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/978-1-137-51650-3_7
 * https://brill.com/view/book/9789004306660/B9789004306660_013.xml

New lead
Since the time of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, a variety of developments have been made in communist theory and attempts to build a communist society, leading to a variety of different communist ideologies. These span philosophical, social, political and economic ideologies and movements, and can be split into three broad categories: Marxist-based ideologies, Leninist-based ideologies, and Non-Marxist ideologies, though influence between the different ideologies is found throughout and key theorists may be described as belonging to one or important to multiple ideologies.

Background
Communist ideologies notable enough in the history of communism include philosophical, social, political and economic ideologies and movements whose ultimate goal is the establishment of a communist society, a socioeconomic order structured upon the ideas of common ownership of the means of production and the absence of social classes, money and the state.

Self-identified communists hold a variety of views, including libertarian communism (anarcho-communism and council communism), Marxist communism (left communism, libertarian Marxism, Maoism, Leninism, Marxism–Leninism, and Trotskyism), non-Marxist communism, and religious communism (Christian communism, Islamic communism and Jewish communism). While it originates from the works of 19th century German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Marxist communism has developed into many different branches and schools of thought, with the result that there is now no single definitive Marxist theory.

Different communist schools of thought place a greater emphasis on certain aspects of classical Marxism while rejecting or modifying other aspects. Many communist schools of thought have sought to combine Marxian concepts and non-Marxian concepts which has then led to contradictory conclusions. However, there is a movement toward the recognition that historical materialism and dialectical materialism remains the fundamental aspect of all Marxist communist schools of thought. The offshoots of Marxism–Leninism are the most well-known of these and have been a driving force in international relations during most of the 20th century.

Marxism
Marxism is a method of socioeconomic analysis that views class relations and social conflict using a materialist interpretation of historical development and takes a dialectical view of social transformation. It originates from the works of 19th century German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Classical Marxism is the economic, philosophical and sociological theories expounded by Marx and Engels as contrasted with later developments in Marxism, especially Leninism and Marxism–Leninism.

Under the capitalist mode of production, this struggle materializes between the minority (the bourgeoisie) who own the means of production and the vast majority of the population (the proletariat) who produce goods and services. Starting with the concept that social change occurs because of the struggle between different classes within society who are under contradiction against each other, a Marxist would conclude that capitalism exploits and oppresses the proletariat, therefore capitalism will inevitably lead to a proletarian revolution. In a socialist society, private property—in the form of the means of production—would be replaced by co-operative ownership. A socialist economy would not base production on the creation of private profits, but on the criteria of satisfying human needs—that is, production would be carried out directly for use. As Friedrich Engels said: "Then the capitalist mode of appropriation, in which the product enslaves first the producer, and then the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the product that is based upon the nature of the modern means of production; upon the one hand, direct social appropriation, as means to the maintenance and extension of production - on the other, direct individual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment".

Marxian economics and its proponents view capitalism as economically unsustainable and incapable of improving the living standards of the population due to its need to compensate for falling rates of profit by cutting employee's wages, social benefits and pursuing military aggression. The socialist system would succeed capitalism as humanity's mode of production through workers' revolution. According to Marxian crisis theory, socialism is not an inevitability, but an economic necessity.

Orthodox Marxism
Orthodox Marxism is the body of Marxist thought that emerged after the death of Marx and which became the official philosophy of the socialist movement as represented in the Second International until World War I in 1914. Orthodox Marxism aims to simplify, codify and systematize Marxist method and theory by clarifying the perceived ambiguities and contradictions of classical Marxism. The philosophy of orthodox Marxism includes the understanding that material development (advances in technology in the productive forces) is the primary agent of change in the structure of society and of human social relations, and that social systems and their relations (e.g. feudalism, capitalism and so on) become contradictory and inefficient as the productive forces develop, which results in some form of social revolution arising in response to the mounting contradictions. This revolutionary change is the vehicle for fundamental society-wide changes and ultimately leads to the emergence of new economic systems.

As a term, orthodox Marxism refers to the methods of historical materialism and of dialectical materialism and not the normative aspects inherent to classical Marxism, without implying dogmatic adherence to the results of Marx's investigations. One of the most important historical proponents of Orthodox Marxism was the Czech-Austrian theorist Karl Kautsky.

Neo-Marxism
Neo-Marxism is a Marxist school of thought originating from 20th-century approaches to amend or extend Marxism and Marxist theory, typically by incorporating elements from other intellectual traditions such as critical theory, psychoanalysis, or existentialism. The Frankfurt School is often described as neo-Marxist.

Leninism
Leninism is a political theory for the organisation of a revolutionary vanguard party and the achievement of a dictatorship of the proletariat as political prelude to the establishment of socialism. Developed by and named for the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, from the Bolshevik faction of the Bolshevik-Menshevik split in the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, Leninism comprises political and economic theories developed from orthodox Marxism and Lenin's interpretations of Marxist theories, including his original theoretical contributions such as his analysis of imperialism, principles of party organization and the implementation of socialism through revolution and New Economic Policy reform thereafter, for practical application to the socio-political conditions of the Russian Empire of the early 20th century.

Marxism–Leninism
Marxism–Leninism is a political ideology developed by Joseph Stalin in the late 1920s. Based on Stalin's understanding and synthesis of both Marxism and Leninism, it was the official state ideology of the Soviet Union and the parties of the Communist International after Bolshevisation. After the death of Lenin in 1924, Stalin established universal ideological orthodoxy among the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the Soviet Union and the Communist International to establish universal Marxist–Leninist praxis. In the late 1930s, Stalin's official textbook The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks) (1938), made the term Marxism–Leninism common political-science usage among communists and non-communists.

The purpose of Marxism–Leninism is the revolutionary transformation of a capitalist state into a socialist state by way of two-stage revolution led by a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries, drawn from the proletariat. To realise the two-stage transformation of the state, the vanguard party establishes the dictatorship of the proletariat and determines policy through democratic centralism. The Marxist–Leninist communist party is the vanguard for the political, economic and social transformation of a capitalist society into a socialist society which is the lower stage of socio-economic development and progress towards the upper-stage communist society which is stateless and classless, yet it features public ownership of the means of production, accelerated industrialisation, pro-active development of society's productive forces (research and development) and nationalised natural resources.

As the official ideology of the Soviet Union, Marxism–Leninism was adopted by communist parties worldwide with variation in local application. Parties with a Marxist–Leninist understanding of the historical development of socialism advocate for the nationalisation of natural resources and monopolist industries of capitalism and for their internal democratization as part of the transition to workers' control. The economy under such a government is primarily coordinated through a universal economic plan with varying degrees of market distribution. Since the fall of the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc countries, many communist parties of the world today continue to use Marxism–Leninism as their method of understanding the conditions of their respective countries. A variety of currents developed from Marxism-Leninism have gained prominence in various countries, including Bolshevism and Mariáteguism.

Stalinism
Stalinism is the means of governing and related policies implemented from 1927 to 1953 by Stalin. Stalinist policies and ideas that were developed in the Soviet Union included rapid industrialisation, the theory of socialism in one country, collectivisation of agriculture, intensification of the class struggle under socialism, a cult of personality, and subordination of the interests of foreign communist parties to those of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), deemed by Stalinism to be the leading vanguard party of communist revolution at the time.

As a political term, it has a variety of uses, but most commonly it is used as a pejorative shorthand for Marxism–Leninism by a variety of competing political tendencies such as capitalism and Trotskyism. Although Stalin himself repudiated any qualitatively original contribution to Marxism, the communist movement usually credits him with systematizing and expanding the ideas of Lenin into the ideology of Marxism–Leninism as a distinct body of work. In this sense, Stalinism can be thought of as being roughly equivalent to Marxism–Leninism, although this is not universally agreed upon. At other times, the term is used as a general umbrella term—again pejoratively—to describe a wide variety of political systems and governments. In this sense, it can be seen as being roughly equivalent to actually existing socialism, although sometimes it is used to describe totalitarian governments that are not socialist.

Some of the contributions to communist theory that Stalin is particularly known for are the following:
 * The theoretical work concerning nationalities as seen in Marxism and the National Question.
 * The notion of socialism in one country.
 * Marxism and Problems of Linguistics.
 * The theory of aggravation of class struggle under socialism, a theoretical base supporting the repression of political opponents as necessary.

Trotskyism
Leon Trotsky and his supporters organized into the Left Opposition and their platform became known as Trotskyism. Stalin eventually succeeded in gaining control of the Soviet regime and Trotskyist attempts to remove Stalin from power resulted in Trotsky's exile from the Soviet Union in 1929. During Trotsky's exile, mainstream communism fractured into two distinct branches, i.e. Trotskyism and Stalinism. Trotskyism supports the theory of permanent revolution and world revolution instead of the two-stage theory and socialism in one country. It supported proletarian internationalism and another communist revolution in the Soviet Union which Trotsky claimed had become a degenerated worker's state under the leadership of Stalin in which class relations had re-emerged in a new form, rather than the dictatorship of the proletariat. In 1938, Trotsky founded the Fourth International, a Trotskyist rival to the Stalinist Communist International.

Trotskyist ideas became more prominent through the 1960s, having found echo among political movements in some countries in Asia and Latin America, especially in Argentina, Brazil,  Bolivia and Sri Lanka. Many Trotskyist organizations are also active in more stable, developed countries in North America and Western Europe. Trotsky's politics differed sharply from those of Stalin and Mao, most importantly in declaring the need for an international proletarian revolution (rather than socialism in one country) and unwavering support for a true dictatorship of the proletariat-based on democratic principles. As a whole, Trotsky's theories and attitudes were never accepted in Marxist–Leninist circles after Trotsky's expulsion, either within or outside of the Soviet Bloc. This remained the case even after the "Secret Speech" and subsequent events critics claim exposed the fallibility of Stalin.

Trotsky's followers claim to be the heirs of Lenin in the same way that mainstream Marxist–Leninists do. There are several distinguishing characteristics of this school of thought—foremost is the theory of permanent revolution, contrasted to the theory of socialism in one country. This stated that in less-developed countries the bourgeoisie were too weak to lead their own bourgeois-democratic revolutions. Due to this weakness, it fell to the proletariat to carry out the bourgeois revolution. With power in its hands, the proletariat would then continue this revolution permanently, transforming it from a national bourgeois revolution to a socialist international revolution. Another shared characteristic between Trotskyists is a variety of theoretical justifications for their negative appraisal of the post-Lenin Soviet Union after Trotsky was expelled by a majority vote from the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and subsequently from the Soviet Union. As a consequence, Trotsky defined the Soviet Union under Stalin as a planned economy ruled over by a bureaucratic caste. Trotsky advocated overthrowing the government of the Soviet Union after he was expelled from it. Trotskyist currents include orthodox Trotskyism, third camp, Posadism, Pabloism, and Morensim.

Maoism
Maoism is the Marxist–Leninist trend of communism associated with Mao Zedong and was mostly practised within the People's Republic of China. Khrushchev's reforms heightened ideological differences between China and the Soviet Union, which became increasingly apparent in the 1960s. As the Sino-Soviet split in the international communist movement turned toward open hostility, China portrayed itself as a leader of the underdeveloped world against the two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union.

Parties and groups that supported the Communist Party of China in their criticism against the new Soviet leadership proclaimed themselves as anti-revisionist and denounced the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the parties aligned with it as revisionist "capitalist roaders". The Sino-Soviet split resulted in divisions amongst communist parties around the world. Notably, the Party of Labour of Albania sided with the People's Republic of China. Effectively, the communist party under Mao Zedong's leadership became the rallying forces of a parallel international communist tendency. The ideology of the Chinese communist party, Marxism–Leninism–Mao Zedong Thought, was adopted by many of these groups.

After Mao's death and his replacement by Deng Xiaoping, the international Maoist movement diverged. One sector accepted the new leadership in China whereas a second renounced the new leadership and reaffirmed their commitment to Mao's legacy and a third renounced Maoism altogether and aligned with Albania.

Deng Xiaoping Theory
Drawing inspiration from Lenin's New Economic Policy, Dengism is a political and economic ideology first developed by Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping. The theory does not claim to reject Marxism–Leninism or Mao Zedong Thought, but instead it seeks to adapt them to the existing socio-economic conditions of China. Deng also stressed opening China to the outside world, the implementation of one country, two systems and through the phrase "seek truth from facts" an advocate of political and economic pragmatism.

As reformist communism and a branch of Maoism, Dengism is often criticized by traditional Maoists. Dengists believe that isolated in our current international order and with an extremely underdeveloped economy it is first and foremost necessary to bridge the gap between China and Western capitalism as quickly as possible in order for socialism to be successful (see the theory of primary stage of socialism). In order to encourage and promote the advancement of productivity by creating competition and innovation, Dengist thought promotes the idea that the PRC needs to introduce certain market elements in a socialist country. Dengists still believe that China needs public ownership of land, banks, raw materials and strategic central industries so a democratically elected government can make decisions on how to use them for the benefit of the country as a whole instead of the land owners, but at the same time private ownership is allowed and encouraged in industries of finished goods and services. According to the Dengist theory, private owners in those industries are not a bourgeoisie. Because in accordance with Marxist theory, bourgeois owns land and raw materials. In Dengist theory, private company owners are called civil run enterprises.

China was the first country that adopted this belief. It boosted its economy and achieved the Chinese economic miracle. It has increased the Chinese GDP growth rate to over 8% per year for thirty years and China now has the second highest GDP in the world. Due to the influence of Dengism, Vietnam and Laos have also adopted similar beliefs and policies, allowing Laos to increase its real GDP growth rate to 8.3%. Cuba is also starting to embrace such ideas. Dengists take a very strong position against any form of personality cults which appeared in the Soviet Union during Stalin's rule and the current North Korea.

Marxism–Leninism–Maoism
Marxism–Leninism–Maoism is a political philosophy that builds upon Marxism–Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. It was first formalised by the Peruvian communist party Shining Path in 1988.

The synthesis of Marxism–Leninism–Maoism did not occur during the life of Mao. From the 1960s, groups that called themselves Maoist, or which upheld Marxism–Leninism–Mao Zedong Thought, were not unified around a common understanding of Maoism and had instead their own particular interpretations of the political, philosophical, economical and military works of Mao. Maoism as a unified, coherent stage of Marxism was not synthesized until the late 1980s through the experience of the people's war waged by the Shining Path. This led the Shining Path to posit Maoism as the newest development of Marxism in 1988.

Since then, it has grown and developed significantly and has served as an animating force of revolutionary movements in countries such as Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, India, Nepal and the Philippines and has also led to efforts being undertaken towards the constitution or reconstitution of communist parties in countries such as Austria, France, Germany, Sweden and the United States.

Prachanda Path
Marxism–Leninism–Maoism–Prachanda Path is the ideological line of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre). It is considered to be a further development of Marxism–Leninism and Maoism. It is named after the leader of the CPN(M), Pushpa Kamal Dahal, commonly known as Prachanda. Prachanda Path was proclaimed in 2001 and its formulation was partially inspired by the Shining Path which refers to its ideological line as Marxism–Leninism–Maoism–Gonzalo Thought. Prachanda Path does not make an ideological break with Marxism–Leninism or Maoism, but rather it is an extension of these ideologies based on the political situation of Nepal. The doctrine came into existence after it was realized that the ideology of Marxism–Leninism and Maoism could not be practiced as done in the past, therefore Prachanda Path based on the circumstances of Nepalese politics was adopted by the party. Prachanda's positions are seen by some Marxist–Leninist–Maoists around the world as "revisionist".

Other Maoist tendencies
Other Maoist-based tendencies include Maoism–Third Worldism, New Democracy in the Philippines, and Naxalism, an ongoing Maoist-based insurgency in India.

People's Multiparty Democracy (Madanism)
People's Multiparty Democracy (जनताको बहुदलिय जनबाद, abbreviated जबज, also called Marxism-Leninism-Madanism (मार्क्सवाद–लेनिनवाद–मदानवाद)) refers to the ideological line of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) and Nepal Communist Party. This thought abandons the traditional Leninist idea of a revolutionary communist vanguard party in favor of a democratic multi-party system. It is considered an extension of Marxism–Leninism by Madan Bhandari, the CPN-UML leader who developed it, and is based on the local politics of Nepal.

Xi Jinping Thought
Xi Jinping Thought is an ideological doctrine based on the writings, speeches and policies of Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping. According to the CCP, Xi Jinping Thought "builds on and further enriches" previous party ideologies and has also been called as the "Marxism of contemporary China and of the 21st century". It consists of 14-point fundamental principles, which were announced together with Xi Jinping Thought.

Hoxhaism
Hoxhaism is an anti-revisionist Marxist-Leninist variant that appeared after the ideological row between the Communist Party of China and the Party of Labour of Albania in 1978. The Albanians rallied a new separate international tendency. This tendency would demarcate itself by a strict defense of the legacy of Stalin and fierce criticism of virtually all other communist groupings as revisionist.

Critical of the United States, Soviet Union and China, Enver Hoxha declared the latter two to be social-imperialist and condemned the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia by withdrawing from the Warsaw Pact in response. Hoxhaism asserts the right of nations to pursue socialism by different paths, dictated by the conditions in those countries. Hoxha declared Albania to be the world's only state legitimately adhering to Marxism–Leninism after 1978. The Albanians were able to win over a large share of the Maoists, mainly in Latin America such as the Popular Liberation Army and the Marxist–Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador, but it also had a significant international following in general.

After the fall of the communist government in Albania, the pro-Albanian parties are grouped around an international conference and the publication Unity and Struggle.

Titoism
Titoism is described as the post-World War II policies and practices associated with Josip Broz Tito during the Cold War, characterized by an opposition to the Soviet Union.

Elements of Titoism are characterized by policies and practices based on the principle that in each country, the means of attaining ultimate communist goals must be dictated by the conditions of that particular country rather than by a pattern set in another country. During Josip Broz Tito's era, this specifically meant that the communist goal should be pursued independently of and often in opposition to the policies of the Soviet Union. The term was originally meant as a pejorative and was labeled by Moscow as a heresy during the period of tensions between the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia known as the Informbiro period from 1948 to 1955. The implementation of socialist self-management which to move the managing of companies into the hands of workers and to separate the management from the state. It was also meant to demonstrate the viability of a third way between the capitalist United States and the socialist Soviet Union. From 1949 the central government began to cede power to communal local governments, seeking to decentralise the government and work towards a withering away of the state. Rankovićism disagreed with this decentralisation, viewing it as a threat to the stability of Yugoslavia.

Unlike the rest of Eastern Bloc which fell under Stalin's influence post-World War II, Yugoslavia remained independent from Moscow due to the strong leadership of Tito and the fact that the Yugoslav Partisans liberated Yugoslavia with only limited help from the Red Army.

It became the only country in the Balkans to resist pressure from Moscow to join the Warsaw Pact and remained "socialist, but independent" right up until the collapse of Soviet socialism in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Throughout his time in office, Josip Broz Tito and party leadership took pride in Yugoslavia's independence from the Soviet Bloc, with Yugoslavia never accepting full membership of the Comecon and his open rejection of many aspects of Stalinism as the most obvious manifestations of this.

Although himself not a communist, Muammar Gaddafi's Third International Theory was heavily influenced by Titoism.

Ho Chi Minh Thought
Ho Chi Minh Thought (Tư tưởng Hồ Chí Minh) is a political philosophy that builds upon Marxism–Leninism and the ideology of Ho Chi Minh. It was developed and codified by the Communist Party of Vietnam and formalised in 1991. The term is used to cover political theories and policies considered as representing a form of Marxism–Leninism that has been adapted to Vietnamese circumstances and history. Whilst the ideology is named after the Vietnamese revolutionary and President, it does not necessarily reflect the personal ideologies of Ho Chi Minh but rather the official ideology of the Communist Party of Vietnam.

As with Maoism, the core of Ho Chi Minh Thought is the belief that the peasantry is the revolutionary vanguard in pre-industrial societies rather than the proletariat. Ho Chi Minh Thought is rooted in:
 * Marxism-Leninism
 * Traditional Vietnamese ideology and culture
 * Eastern cultural thought: Confucianism and Buddhism
 * Western ideologies, specifically French and American political philosophy
 * Ho Chi Minh's personal morality

Castroism
Castroism refers to the politics followed and enacted by the Communist Party of Cuba under the leadership of Fidel Castro, following a Marxist and a Leninist stance. Castro's political thought was influenced by the Cuban anti-imperialist revolutionary José Martí, Marx, and Hispanidad, a movement that criticized Anglo-Saxon material values and admired the moral values of Spanish and Spanish American culture. Besides Castro's personal thought, the theory of Che Guevara and Jules Régis Debray have also been important influences on Castroism. The Socialist Workers Party in the United States follows a Castroist position.

Guevarism
Guevarism is a theory of communist revolution and a military strategy of guerrilla warfare associated with Ernesto "Che" Guevara, who believed in the idea of Marxism–Leninism and embraced its principles. From his own experience he developed the foco theory of guerrilla warfare, that took inspiration from the Maoist notion of a "protracted people's war", combined with Guevara's experiences in the Cuban Revolution. When there were "objective conditions" for a revolution in a country, a small "focus" guerrilla as a vanguard could create the "subjective conditions" and unleash a general popular uprising. Guevara provided the details of the guerilla warfare used in Cuba with discussion in his book Guerilla Warfare. Guevara explained that in certain contexts the armed struggle had no place so it was necessary to use peaceful mechanisms such as participation within representative democracy. Although Che stated that this line should be peaceful but "very combative, very brave" and that it could only be abandoned if its orientation in favor of representative democracy was undermined within the population. It was once such means have been exhausted that guerilla warfare should be considered and prepared.

Sankarism
Sankarism is a description of the policies enacted and positions held by the government of Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso. Ideologically, Sankara was a pan-Africanist, anti-imperialist and a communist who studied the works of Marx and Lenin, who sought to reclaim the African identity of his nation and opposed neocolonialism. During his time in power he attempted to bring about what he called the "Democratic and Popular Revolution" (Révolution démocratique et populaire), a radical transformation of society with a focus on self-sufficiency. A number of organizations were formed to implement this revolution, among them the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, the Popular Revolutionary Tribunals and the Pioneers of the Revolution. A vast number of reforms were enacted in Burkina Faso between 1983 and 1987, including mass vaccination programs, reforestation, elimination of slums through new housing developments, and the development of national infrastructure such as railway networks.

There is a strong political dissonance between the movements in modern Burkina Faso which ascribe to Sankara's political legacy and ideals, a fact which the Burkinabé opposition politician Bénéwendé Stanislas Sankara (no relation) described in 2001 as being "due to a lack of definition of the concept." The "Sankarists" range from communists and socialists to nationalists and populists. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) of South Africa, founded in 2013 by Julius Malema, claim to take significant inspiration from Sankara in terms of both style and ideology.

Khrushchevism
Khrushchevism was a form of Marxism–Leninism which consisted of the theories and policies of Nikita Khrushchev and his administration in the Soviet Union, through de-Stalinisation, liberal tolerance of some cultural dissent and deviance, and a more welcoming international relations policy and attitude towards foreigners.

Kadarism
Kadarism (kádárizmus), also commonly called Goulash Communism or the Hungarian Thaw, is the variety of socialism in Hungary following the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. János Kádár and the Hungarian People's Republic imposed policies with the goal to create high-quality living standards for the people of Hungary coupled with economic reforms. These reforms fostered a sense of well-being and relative cultural freedom in Hungary with the reputation of being "the happiest barracks" of the Eastern Bloc during the 1960s to the 1970s. With elements of regulated market economics as well as an improved human rights record, it represented a quiet reform and deviation from the Stalinist principles applied to Hungary in the previous decade. This period of "pseudo-consumerism" saw an increase of foreign affairs and consumption of consumer goods as well.

Kadarism came from a background of Imre Nagy's "Reform Communism" (1955–1956), where he argues that Marxism is a "science that cannot remain static but must develop and become more perfect". Official policy employed different methods of administering the collectives in Hungarian society, leaving the pace of mechanization up to each separately. Additionally, rather than enforcing the system of compulsory crop deliveries and of workdays credit the collectivizers used monthly cash wages. Later in the 1960s, cooperatives were permitted to enter into related and then general auxiliary businesses such as food processing, light industry and service industry.

Husakism
Husakism (husákismus; husákizmus) is an ideology connected with the politician Gustáv Husák of Communist Czechoslovakia which describes his policies of "normalization" and federalism, while following a neo-Stalinist line. This was the state ideology of Czechoslovakia from about 1969 to about 1989, formulated by Husák, Vasil Biľak and others.

Kaysone Phomvihane Thought
Kaysone Phomvihane Thought (ແນວຄິດ ໄກສອນ ພົມວິຫານ) builds upon Marxism–Leninism and Ho Chi Minh Thought with the political philosophy developed by Kaysone Phomvihane, the first leader of the Communist Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP). It was formalised by the LPRP at its 10th National Congress in 2016.

Libertarian Marxism
Libertarian Marxism is a broad scope of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian and libertarian aspects of Marxism. Early currents of libertarian Marxism such as left communism emerged in opposition to Marxism–Leninism. Libertarian Marxism is often critical of reformist positions such as those held by social democrats. Libertarian Marxist currents often draw from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' later works, specifically the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France; emphasizing the Marxist belief in the ability of the working class to forge its own destiny without the need for state or vanguard party to mediate or aid its liberation. Along with anarchism, libertarian Marxism is one of the main currents of libertarian socialism.

Libertarian Marxism includes currents such as autonomism, council communism, De Leonism, Lettrism, parts of the New Left, Situationism, Freudo-Marxism (a form of psychoanalysis), Socialisme ou Barbarie and workerism. Libertarian Marxism has often had a strong influence on both post-left and social anarchists. Notable theorists of libertarian Marxism have included Maurice Brinton, Cornelius Castoriadis, Guy Debord, Raya Dunayevskaya, Daniel Guérin, C. L. R. James, Rosa Luxemburg, Antonio Negri, Antonie Pannekoek, Fredy Perlman, Ernesto Screpanti, E. P. Thompson, Raoul Vaneigem, and Yanis Varoufakis, the latter claiming that Marx himself was a libertarian Marxist.

Austro-Marxism
Austro-Marxism was a school of Marxist thought centered in Vienna that existed from the beginning of the 20th century until the 1930s. Its most eminent proponents were Max Adler, Otto Bauer, Rudolf Hilferding and Karl Renner. It was influenced by contemporaneous intellectual trends, including the prominence of neo-Kantianism and positivism in philosophy and the emergence of marginalism in economics. The group confronted issues such as the problem of the National Question within the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the rise of the interventionist state and the changing class-structure of early 20th century capitalist societies.

Left communism
Left communism, or the communist left, is a position held by the left-wing of communism, which criticises the political ideas and practices espoused by Marxist–Leninists and social democrats. Left communists assert positions which they regard as more authentically Marxist than the views of Marxism–Leninism espoused by the Communist International after its Bolshevisation by Joseph Stalin and during its second congress.

In general, there are two currents of left communism, namely the Italian and Dutch–German left. The communist left in Italy was formed during World War I in organizations like the Italian Socialist Party and the Communist Party of Italy. The Italian left considers itself to be Leninist in nature, but denounces Marxism–Leninism as a form of bourgeois opportunism materialized in the Soviet Union under Stalin. The Italian left is currently embodied in organizations such as the Internationalist Communist Party and the International Communist Party. The Dutch–German left split from Lenin prior to Stalin's rule and supports a firmly council communist and libertarian Marxist viewpoint as opposed to the Italian left which emphasised the need for an international revolutionary party.

Although she lived before left communism became a distinct tendency, Luxemburg has been heavily influential for most left communists, both politically and theoretically. Proponents of left communism have included Herman Gorter, Antonie Pannekoek, Otto Rühle, Karl Korsch, Amadeo Bordiga and Paul Mattick. Later prominent theorists are shared with other tendencies such as Antonio Negri, a founding theorist of the autonomist tendency. Prominent left communist groups existing today include the International Communist Current and the Internationalist Communist Tendency. Specific currents that can be labelled part of left communism include Bordigism, Luxemburgism, and Communization.

Ultra-leftism
The term ultra-leftism in English, when used among Marxist groups, is often a pejorative for certain types of positions on the far-left that are extreme or uncompromising, such as a particular current of Marxist communism, where the Comintern rejected social democratic parties and all other progressive groupings outside of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

The French ultra-gauche, has a stronger meaning in that language and is used to define a movement that still exists today: a branch of left communism developed from theorists such as Bordiga, Rühle, Pannekoek, Gorter, and Mattick, and continuing with more recent writers, such as Jacques Camatte and Gilles Dauvé. This standpoint includes two main traditions, a Dutch-German tradition including Rühle, Pannekoek, Gorter, and Mattick, and an Italian tradition following Bordiga. These traditions came together in the 1960s French ultra-gauche.

Autonomism
Autonomism is a Marxist-based anti-capitalist left-wing political and social movement and theory. As a theoretical system, it first emerged in Italy in the 1960s from workerism (operaismo). Later, post-Marxist and anarchist tendencies became significant after influence from the Situationists, the failure of Italian far-left movements in the 1970s, and the emergence of a number of important theorists including Antonio Negri, who had contributed to the 1969 founding of Potere Operaio as well as Mario Tronti, Paolo Virno, Sergio Bologna and Franco "Bifo" Berardi. These early theorists developed notions of "immaterial" and "social labour", which broaden the definition of the working-class to include salaried and unpaid labour, such as skilled professions and housework, this extended the Marxist concept of labour to all society. They suggested that modern society's wealth was produced by unaccountable collective work, which in advanced capitalist states as the primary force of change in the construct of capital, and that only a little of this was redistributed to the workers in the form of wages. Other theorists including Mariarosa Dalla Costa and Silvia Federici emphasised the importance of feminism and the value of unpaid female labour to capitalist society, adding these to the theory of Autonomism. Negri and Michael Hardt argue that network power constructs are the most effective methods of organization against the neoliberal regime of accumulation and predict a massive shift in the dynamics of capital into a 21st century empire. Harry Cleaver is an autonomist and Marxist theoretician, who authored Reading Capital Politically, an autonomist reading of Marx's Capital.

Western Marxism
Western Marxism is a current of Marxist theory that arose from Western and Central Europe in the aftermath of the 1917 October Revolution in Russia and the ascent of Leninism. The term denotes a loose collection of Marxist theorists who emphasize culture, philosophy, and art, in contrast to the Marxism of the Soviet Union. Notable figures in this tradition include György Lukács, Karl Korsch,  Antonio Gramsci, Herbert Marcuse, Jean-Paul Sartre, Louis Althusser, and the members of the Frankfurt School.

Eurocommunism
Eurocommunism was a revisionist trend in the 1970s and 1980s within various western European communist parties which said they had developed a theory and practice of social transformation more relevant for western Europe. During the Cold War, they sought to undermine the influence of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in western Europe. It was especially prominent in France, Italy and Spain.

Since the early 1970s, the term Eurocommunism was used to refer to the ideology of moderate, reformist communist parties in western Europe, where they emphasised the importance of democracy and personal freedoms. These parties did not support the Soviet Union and denounced its policies. Such parties were politically active and electorally significant in France, Italy and Spain.

Luxemburgism
Luxemburgism is a specific revolutionary theory within Marxism and communism-based on the writings of Rosa Luxemburg. Luxemburg was critical of undemocratic tendencies present in the Leninist schools of thought as well as being critical of the reformist Marxism that emerged from the work of Eduard Bernstein's informal faction of the Social Democratic Party of Germany. According to Rosa Luxemburg, under reformism "[capitalism] is not overthrown, but is on the contrary strengthened by the development of social reforms". Luxemburgism sees spontaneism as a natural and important force, where organisation is not a product of scientific-theoretic insight to historical imperatives, but is product of the working classes' struggles, which emerges response to mounting contradictions between the productive forces and social relations of society. This was built from Luxemburg's analysis of mass strikes seen in Germany and Russia in the early 20th century. Though she also wrote of the failings in trade unionism at the time due to the conservative function of trade-union bureaucracy hampering trade-unionist socialist potential. Ernest Mandel, a Marxian economist, has been characterised as Luxemburgist due to his commitment to socialist democracy.

Council communism
Council communism is a movement originating from Germany and the Netherlands in the 1920s. The Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD) was the primary organization that espoused council communism. Council communism continues today as a theoretical and activist position within both Marxism and libertarian socialism, through a few groups in Europe and North America. As such, it is referred to as anti-authoritarian and anti-Leninist Marxism.

In contrast to reformist social democracy and to Leninism, the central argument of council communism is that democratic workers councils arising in factories and municipalities are the natural form of working class organisation and governmental power. The government and the economy should be managed by workers' councils composed of delegates elected at workplaces and recallable at any moment. As such, council communists oppose authoritarian socialism, and command economies such as state socialism and state capitalism. They also oppose the idea of a revolutionary party since council communists believe that a party-led revolution will necessarily produce a party dictatorship. This view is also opposed to the social democratic and Marxist–Leninist ideologies, with their stress on parliaments and institutional government (i.e. by applying social reforms) on the one hand and vanguard parties and participative democratic centralism on the other. Council communists see the mass strike and new yet to emerge forms of mass action as revolutionary means to achieve a communist society. Where the network of worker councils would be the main vehicle for revolution, acting as the apparatus by which the dictatorship of the proletariat forms and operates. Council communism and other types of libertarian Marxism such as autonomism are often viewed as being similar to anarchism due to similar criticisms of Leninist ideologies for being authoritarian and the rejection of the idea of a vanguard party.

De Leonism
De Leonism is a form of Marxism developed by the American activist Daniel De Leon. De Leon was an early leader of the first socialist political party in the United States, the Socialist Labor Party of America. De Leon combined the rising theories of syndicalism in his time with orthodox Marxism.

De Leonism lies outside the Leninist tradition of communism. The highly decentralized and democratic nature of the proposed De Leonist government is in contrast to the democratic centralism of Marxism–Leninism and what they see as the dictatorial nature of the Soviet Union. The success of the De Leonist plan depends on achieving majority support among the people both in the workplaces and at the polls, in contrast to the Leninist notion that a small vanguard party should lead the working class to carry out the revolution. De Leonism believes that the revolution will be brought about through revolutionary industrial action, organised through industrial unionism, and that the political efforts of a workers party should be subservient to the industrial action of the union. De Leon and other De Leonist writers have issued frequent polemics against democratic socialist movements—especially the Socialist Party of America—and consider them to be reformist or bourgeois socialist. De Leonism spread with the idea of industrial unionism to various countries including Ireland (via James Connolly), the UK, and South Africa.

De Leonists have traditionally refrained from any activity or alliances viewed by them as trying to reform capitalism, though the Socialist Labor Party in De Leon's time was active during strikes.

Situationism
The Situationist International was an international organization of social revolutionaries made up of avant-garde artists, intellectuals, and political theorists. It was prominent in Europe from its formation in 1957 to its dissolution in 1972. The intellectual foundations of the Situationist International were derived primarily from libertarian Marxism and the avant-garde art movements of the early 20th century, particularly Dada and Surrealism. Guy Debord was a key theorist in the development of situationism. Overall, situationist theory represented an attempt to synthesize this diverse field of theoretical disciplines into a modern and comprehensive critique of mid-20th century advanced capitalism.

Essential to situationist theory was the concept of the spectacle, a unified critique of advanced capitalism of which a primary concern was the progressively increasing tendency towards the expression and mediation of social relations through objects. The situationists believed that the shift from individual expression through directly lived experiences, or the first-hand fulfillment of authentic desires, to individual expression by proxy through the exchange or consumption of commodities, or passive second-hand alienation, inflicted significant and far-reaching damage to the quality of human life for both individuals and society. Another important concept of situationist theory was the primary means of counteracting the spectacle; the construction of situations, moments of life deliberately constructed for the purpose of reawakening and pursuing authentic desires, experiencing the feeling of life and adventure, and the liberation of everyday life.

The situationists recognized that capitalism had changed since Marx's formative writings, but maintained that his analysis of the capitalist mode of production remained fundamentally correct; they rearticulated and expanded upon several classical Marxist concepts, such as his theory of alienation. In their expanded interpretation of Marxist theory, the situationists asserted that the misery of social alienation and commodity fetishism were no longer limited to the fundamental components of capitalist society, but had now in advanced capitalism spread themselves to every aspect of life and culture. They rejected the idea that advanced capitalism's apparent successes—such as technological advancement, increased productive capacity, and a raised general quality of life when compared to previous systems, such as feudalism—could ever outweigh the social dysfunction and degradation of everyday life that it simultaneously inflicted.

Impossibilism
Impossibilism is a Marxist theory that stresses the limited value of political, economic, and social reforms under capitalism. As a doctrine, impossibilism views the pursuit of such reforms as counterproductive to the goal of achieving socialism as they stabilize, and therefore strengthen, support for capitalism. Impossibilism holds that reforms to capitalism are irrelevant or outright counter-productive to the goal of achieving socialism and should not be a major focus of socialist politics.

Impossibilists insist that socialists should primarily or solely focus on structural changes (sometimes termed "revolutionary changes") to society as opposed to advancing social reforms. Impossibilists argue that spontaneous revolutionary action is the only viable method of instituting the structural changes necessary for the construction of socialism; impossibilism is thus held in contrast to reformist socialist parties that aim to rally support for socialism through the implementation of popular social reforms (such as a welfare state). It is also held in contrast to those who believe that socialism can emerge through gradual economic reforms implemented by an elected social democratic political party, as well as being held in contrast to possibilism, where socialists who followed possibilism sounded and acted little different from non-socialist reformers in practice.

Marxist feminism
Marxist feminism is a philosophical variant of feminism that incorporates and extends Marxist theory, focusing on the dismantling of capitalism as a way to liberate women. Marxist feminism analyzes the ways in which women are exploited through capitalism and the individual ownership of private property, stating that these give rise to economic inequality as well as dependence, political confusion and ultimately unhealthy social relations between men and women, which are the root of women's oppression. According to Marxist feminists, women's liberation can only be achieved by dismantling the capitalist systems in which they contend much of women's labor is uncompensated. Marxist feminists extend traditional Marxist analysis by applying it to unpaid domestic labor and sex relations.

According to Marxist theory, in capitalist societies the individual is shaped by class relations —that is people's capacities, needs and interests are seen to be determined by the mode of production that characterises the society they inhabit. Marxist feminists see gender inequality as determined ultimately by the capitalist mode of production, with gender oppression and women's subordination seen as class oppression which is maintained (like racism) because it serves the interests of capital and the ruling class. Because of its foundation in historical materialism, Marxist feminism is similar to socialist feminism and, to a greater degree, materialist feminism. The latter two place greater emphasis on what they consider the "reductionist limitations" of Marxist theory but, as Martha E. Gimenez notes in her exploration of the differences between Marxist and materialist feminism, "clear lines of theoretical demarcation between and within these two umbrella terms are somewhat difficult to establish."

Marxist humanism
Marxist humanism is an international body of thought and political action rooted in an interpretation of Marx's earlier writings. It is an investigation into "what human nature consists of and what sort of society would be most conducive to human thriving" from a critical perspective rooted in Marxist philosophy. Marxist humanists argue that Marx himself was concerned with investigating similar questions.

Marxist humanism was born in 1932 with the publication of Marx's Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 and reached a degree of prominence in the 1950s and 1960s. Marxist humanists contend that there is continuity between the early philosophical writings of Marx, in which he develops his theory of alienation, and the structural description of capitalist society found in his later works such as Das Kapital. They hold that it is necessary to grasp Marx's philosophical foundations to understand his later works properly. Marxist humanism was opposed by Louis Althusser's "antihumanism", who qualified it as a revisionist movement.

Non-Marxist communism
The most widely held forms of communist theory are derived from Marxism, but non-Marxist versions of communism also exist.

Primitive communism
Primitive communism is a way of describing the gift economies of hunter-gatherers throughout history, where resources and property hunted and gathered are shared with all members of a group, in accordance with individual needs. In political sociology and anthropology, it is also a concept often credited to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels for originating, who wrote that hunter-gatherer societies were traditionally based on egalitarian social relations and common ownership. A primary inspiration for both Marx and Engels were Morgan's descriptions of "communism in living" as practised by the Haudenosaunee of North America. In Marx's model of socioeconomic structures, societies with primitive communism had no hierarchical social class structures or capital accumulation.

Anarcho-communism
Some of Marx's contemporaries espoused similar ideas, but differed in their views of how to reach to a classless society. Following the split between those associated with Marx and Mikhail Bakunin at the First International, the anarchists formed the International Workers Association. Anarchists argued that capitalism and the state were inseparable and that one could not be abolished without the other. Anarcho-communists such as Peter Kropotkin theorized an immediate transition to one society with no classes. Anarcho-syndicalism, similar to anarcho-communism, became one of the dominant forms of anarchist organization, arguing that labor unions are the organizations that can change society as opposed to communist parties. Consequently, many anarchists have been in opposition to Marxist communism to this day. Important theorists to anarcho-communism include Alexander Berkman, Murray Bookchin, Noam Chomsky, Errico Malatesta, Emma Goldman, Ricardo Flores Magón, and Nestor Makhno. Three prominent organizational forms seen in anarcho-communism are insurrectionary anarchism, platformism, and synthesis federations. Some theoretical tendencies linked to anarcho-communism include nihilist communism, Nietzschean communism, and Egoist communism.

Communist Bundism
Bundism was a secular Jewish socialist movement whose organizational manifestation was the General Jewish Labour Bund in Lithuania, Poland and Russia (אַלגעמײַנער ײדישער אַרבעטער בּונד אין ליטע פוילין און רוסלאַנד), founded in the Russian Empire in 1897. The Jewish Labour Bund was an important component of the social democratic movement in the Russian Empire until the 1917 Russian Revolution; the Bundists initially opposed the October Revolution, but ended up supporting it due to pogroms committed by the Volunteer Army of the anti-communist White movement during the Russian Civil War. Split along communist and social democratic lines throughout the Civil War, where the communist faction supported the Bolsheviks  and eventually was absorbed by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Similar splits occurred in the Bundist organisations of other eastern European countries, where the revolutionary communist factions formed the Kombund, and supported organising with other communist groups.

Bundism opposed Zionism, arguing that emigration to Palestine was a form of escapism. Bundism focused on culture, rather than a state or a place, as the glue of Jewish "nationalism." In this they borrowed extensively from the Austro-Marxist school. It also promoted the use of Yiddish as a Jewish national language and to some extent opposed the Zionist project of reviving Hebrew. Bundism was an influential strain that found a place in the socialist and communist movements of other countries as far away as South Africa.

Religious communism
Religious communism is a form of communism that incorporates religious principles. Scholars have used the term to describe a variety of social or religious movements throughout history that have favored the common ownership of property.

Christian communism
Christian communism is a form of religious communism centered on Christianity. It is a theological and political theory based upon the view that the teachings of Jesus Christ urge Christians to support communism as the ideal social system. Christian communists trace the origins of their practice to teachings in the New Testament, such as this one from Acts of the Apostles at chapter 2 and verses 42, 44 and 45: "42. And they continued steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine and in fellowship [...] 44. And all that believed were together, and had all things in common; 45. And sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need. (King James Version)"

Christian communism can be seen as a radical form of Christian socialism and because many Christian communists have formed independent stateless communes in the past, there is also a link between Christian communism and Christian anarchism. Christian communists may or may not agree with various parts of Marxism. Christian communists also share some of the political goals of Marxists, for example replacing capitalism with socialism, which should in turn be followed by communism at a later point in the future. However, Christian communists sometimes disagree with Marxists (and particularly with Leninists) on the way a socialist or communist society should be organized.

Various communistic Christian communities and movements have included the Dulcinians led by Fra Dolcino, the Anabaptist communist movement led by Thomas Müntzer during the German Peasants' War,  the Diggers and the Levellers of the English Civil War, and the Shakers of the 18th century.

Islamic communism
Researchers have commented on the communistic nature of the society built by the Qarmatians around Al-Ahsa from the 9th to 10th centuries.

Islamic Marxism attempts to apply Marxist economic, political, and social teachings within an Islamic framework. An affinity between Marxist and Islamic ideals of social justice has led some Muslims to embrace their own forms of Marxism since the 1940s. Islamic Marxists believe that Islam meets the needs of society and can accommodate or guide the social changes Marxism hopes to accomplish. Islamic Marxists are also dismissive of traditional Marxist views on materialism and religion.

Neozapatismo
Neozapatismo is generally held to be based on anarchism, Mayan tradition, Marxism, the thoughts of Emiliano Zapata, and the thoughts of Subcomandante Insurgente Galeano. Neozapatismo has been influenced by libertarian socialism, libertarian Marxism (including autonomism), social-anarchism, anarcho-communism, anarcho-collectivism, anarcho-syndicalism, communalism, direct democracy, and radical democracy.

Subcomandante Marcos has offered some clues as to the origins of neozapatismo. For example, he states: "Zapatismo was not Marxist-Leninist, but it was also Marxist-Leninist. It was not university Marxism, it was not the Marxism of concrete analysis, it was not the history of Mexico, it was not the fundamentalist and millenarian indigenous thought and it was not the indigenous resistance. It was a mixture of all of this, a cocktail which was mixed in the mountain and crystallized in the combat force of the EZLN…"

In 1998, Michael Löwy identified five "threads" of what he referred to as the Zapatismo "carpet":


 * 1) Guevarism
 * 2) The legacy of Emiliano Zapata
 * 3) Liberation theology
 * 4) The Mayan culture
 * 5) The democratic demands made by Mexican civil society.

Juche
In 1992, Juche replaced Marxism-Leninism in the revised North Korean constitution as the official state ideology. Juche is claimed to be based on Marxism-Leninism, with Kim Jong Il stating, "the world outlook of the materialistic dialectics is the premise for the Juche philosophy." Though many critics point out the lack of Marxist-Leninist theory within the writings and practice of Juche in North Korea. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 (North Korea's greatest economic benefactor), all reference to Marxism-Leninism was dropped in the revised 1992 constitution. The establishment of the Songun doctrine in the mid-1990s then formally designated the military, not the proletariat or working class, as the main revolutionary force in North Korea.

In the 1965 speech "On Socialist Construction in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the South Korean Revolution" given on 14 April 1965, Kim Il Sung outlined the three fundamental principles of Juche:
 * 1) Political independence
 * 2) Economic self-sufficiency
 * 3) Military self-reliance

According to Kim Jong Il's On the Juche Idea, the application of Juche in state policy entails the following:
 * 1) The people must have independence (chajusong) in thought and politics, economic self-sufficiency, and self-reliance in defense.
 * 2) Policy must reflect the will and aspirations of the masses and employ them fully in revolution and construction.
 * 3) Methods of revolution and construction must be suitable to the situation of the country.
 * 4) The most important work of revolution and construction is molding people ideologically as communists and mobilizing them to constructive action.

Nkrumaism
Nkrumaism is a pan-African socialist theory which aims to adapt Marxist–Leninist theory to the social context of the African continent. Nkrumah defined his belief system as "the ideology of a New Africa, independent and absolutely free from imperialism, organized on a continental scale, founded upon the conception of one and united Africa, drawing its strength from modern science and technology and from the traditional African belief that the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all." Important influences on Nkrumah's work were different sources from within Africa, the canon of Western philosophy, the works of Marx, Lenin, and black intellectuals in North America and Europe, like Marcus Garvey, George Padmore, C. L. R. James, W. E. B. Du Bois and Father Divine. Aside from the Marxist–Leninist framework, this blending of ideas largely only took bits and pieces of other philosophical systems and even its use of traditional African cultural concepts were often stretched to fit into the larger theory. While a major focus of the ideology was ending colonial relationships on the African continent, many of the ideas were utopian, diverting the scientific nature of the Marxist political analysis which it claims to support.

Like other African political ideologies at the time, the central focus of Nkrumaism was on decolonization across Africa. Nkrumah rejected the idealized view of pre-colonial African societies that were classless or non-hierarchical, but accepted that Africa had a spirit of communalism and humanism. Nkrumaism then argued that a return to these values through socialist political structures would both heal the disruption caused by colonial structures and allow further development of African societies. The pan-African aspects of Nkrumah's ideology were justified by a claim that all African societies had a community of economic life and that in contradiction to the neocolonial structures that replaced formal colonies, only African unity would create real autonomy. While Nkrumah believed in the materialism and economic determinism of Marxism, he argued that focusing on the economic system was only appropriate after achieving independence throughout Africa and that the political struggle was the first order in colonial and neocolonial contexts.

New Left
The New Left was a broad political movement mainly in the 1960s and 1970s consisting of activists in the Western world who campaigned for a broad range of social issues such as civil and political rights, environmentalism, feminism, gay rights, abortion rights, gender roles, and drug policy reforms. Some see the New Left as an oppositional reaction to earlier Marxist and labor union movements for social justice that focused on dialectical materialism and social class, while others who used the term see the movement as a continuation and revitalization of traditional leftist goals.

Some who self-identified as New Left rejected involvement with the labor movement and Marxism's historical theory of class struggle, although others gravitated to their own takes on established forms of Marxism and Marxism-Leninism, such as the New Communist movement (which drew from Maoism) in the United States or the K-Gruppen in the German-speaking world.

21st-century communist theorists


According to the political theorist Alan Johnson, there has been a revival of serious interest in communism in the 21st century led by Slavoj Žižek and Alain Badiou. Other leading theorists are Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, Gianni Vattimo, Alessandro Russo, Judith Balso, Jodi Dean, Michael Lebowitz, and Paul Cockshott, as well as Alberto Toscano, translator of Alain Badiou, Terry Eagleton, Eduard Limonov, Bruno Bosteels and Peter Hallward. In 2009, many of these advocates contributed to the three-day conference "The Idea of Communism" in London that drew a substantial paying audience.

Theoretical publications, some published by Verso Books, include The Idea of Communism, edited by Costas Douzinas and Žižek; Badiou's The Communist Hypothesis; and Bosteels's The Actuality of Communism. The defining common ground is the contention that "the crises of contemporary liberal capitalist societies—ecological degradation, financial turmoil, the loss of trust in the political class, exploding inequality—are systemic, interlinked, not amenable to legislative reform, and require "revolutionary" solutions".

Other non-communist thinkers and theorists have also had an effect on communist theory and the new generation of communists in the 21st century, such as the economist Guy Standing and the anthropologist and anarchist David Graeber.

Liste der kommunistischen Ideologien
Seit der Zeit von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels gab es eine Vielzahl von Entwicklungen in der kommunistischen Theorie und den Versuchen, eine kommunistische Gesellschaft aufzubauen, was zu einer Vielzahl unterschiedlicher kommunistischer Ideologien führte. Diese umfassen philosophische, soziale, politische und wirtschaftliche Ideologien und Bewegungen und können in drei große Kategorien unterteilt werden: marxistische Ideologien, leninistische Ideologien und nicht-marxistische Ideologien, obwohl der Einfluss zwischen den verschiedenen Ideologien durchgehend zu finden ist und Schlüsseltheoretiker können als zu mehreren Ideologien gehörend oder wichtig für diese beschrieben werden.


 * Marxismus
 * Leninismus
 * Marxismus-Leninismus
 * Stalinismus
 * Trotzkismus
 * Maoismus
 * Deng-Xiaoping-Theorie
 * Hoxhaismus
 * Titoismus
 * Ho-Chi-Minh-Philosophie
 * Castroismus
 * Sankarismus
 * Gulaschkommunismus
 * Austromarxismus
 * Westlicher Marxismus
 * Eurokommunismus
 * Luxemburgismus
 * Rätekommunismus
 * De Leonismus
 * Situationistische Internationale
 * Marxistischer Feminismus
 * Marxistischer Humanismus
 * Urkommunismus
 * Kommunistischer Anarchismus
 * Chuch’e-Ideologie
 * Neue Linke
 * 
 * 
 * 
 * 

= Liste der kommunistischen Ideologien = Seit der Zeit von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels gab es eine Vielzahl von Entwicklungen in der kommunistischen Theorie und den Versuchen, eine kommunistische Gesellschaft aufzubauen, was zu einer Vielzahl unterschiedlicher kommunistischer Ideologien führte. Diese umfassen philosophische, soziale, politische und wirtschaftliche Ideologien und Bewegungen und können in drei große Kategorien unterteilt werden: marxistische Ideologien, leninistische Ideologien und nicht-marxistische Ideologien, obwohl der Einfluss zwischen den verschiedenen Ideologien durchgehend zu finden ist und Schlüsseltheoretiker können als zu mehreren Ideologien gehörend oder wichtig für diese beschrieben werden.

Liste

 * de:Marxismus
 * de:Orthodoxer Marxismus


 * Leninistische Ideologien
 * de:Leninismus
 * de:Marxismus-Leninismus
 * de:Stalinismus
 * de:Trotzkismus
 * de:Maoismus
 * de:Deng-Xiaoping-Theorie
 * Marxismus–Leninismus–Maoismus
 * Marxismus–Leninismus–Maoismus–Prachanda Weg
 * Madanismus
 * de:Hoxhaismus
 * de:Titoismus
 * de:Ho-Chi-Minh-Philosophie
 * de:Castroismus
 * Guevarismus
 * de:Sankarismus
 * Chrischschewismus
 * de:Gulaschkommunismus
 * Husakismus
 * Kaysone-Phomvihane-Philosophie


 * Andere marxistisch Ideologien
 * Libertärer Marxismus
 * de:Austromarxismus
 * Linker Kommunismus
 * Ultralinks
 * Autonomismus
 * de:Westlicher Marxismus
 * de:Eurokommunismus
 * Luxemburgismus
 * de:Rätekommunismus
 * de:De Leonismus
 * de:Situationistische Internationale
 * Impossibilismus
 * de:Marxistischer Feminismus
 * de:Marxistischer Humanismus


 * Nichtmarxistischer Kommunismus
 * Vormarxistischer Kommunismus
 * de:Urkommunismus
 * de:Kommunistischer Anarchismus
 * Kommunistische Bundismus
 * Religiöser Kommunismus
 * Christlicher Kommunismus
 * Islamischer Kommunismus
 * Neozapatismo
 * de:Chuch’e-Ideologie
 * Nkrumaismus
 * de:Neue Linke


 * Kommunistische Theoretiker des 21. Jahrhunderts
 * Kommunistische Theoretiker des 21. Jahrhunderts

Siehe auch

 * Historischer Materialismus

Einzelnachweise
= JUSOS =

Working Group of Young Socialists in the SPD (Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Jungsozialistinnen und Jungsozialisten in der SPD, Jusos) is a volunteer youth organization of the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD).

As of 2021, there are over 70,000 official Juso members.

Membership
Every member of the SPD who is aged between 14 and 35 years old is automatically enrolled in the Jusos. Since 1994, people in that age group have been able to become a Juso member without party membership. Until 2011 membership was free, but ended after a two 2-year period. There is now a membership fee of €1 per month. It is only possible to be a member of the Jusos until you reach your 35th birthday.

1918–1969
At the Reichsjugendtag (Reich Youth Day) of the Majority Social Democratic Party of Germany for young workers in Weimar in 1920, in which around 1,000 young people took part, the focus was on dealing with nature, art and culture and less on political issues. The main speaker was the spokesman for the Magdeburg young workers, 19-year-old Erich Ollenhauer, who identified the founding of the republic as a necessary condition for the young workers' movement to gain strength. Here, the later party song of the SPD, Wann wir schreiten Seit’ an Seit’, was presented to the participants. Overall, the Workers' Youth Day took a positive stance on the policies of the mother party M-SPD. Following the Arbeiterjugendtag (Workers' Youth Day), the Verband der Arbeiterjugendvereine Deutschlands (Association of Workers' Youth Associations in Germany) held its first national conference.

The Jusos were founded between 1918 and 1920, when groups of members of the SPD between 20 and 25 years of age began to meet. In terms of numbers, the Jusos remained small, with between 3,000 and 5,000 members. They were dissolved in 1931 as a result of an internal controversy.

After the end of World War II, the Jusos were reestablished in 1946. In their early years, they were a relatively indistinctive wing of the Social Democratic Party.

Move to the left in 1969
In 1969, the Jusos moved to the left of their parent party. On their Bundeskongress (Federal Congress) they decided to become a left-wing political federation in their own right instead of being simply an extension of the SPD. The congress began with the scandal that the delegates booed the SPD national director Hans-Jürgen Wischnewski, who had come as a guest, and described him as incompetent and his planned presentation was voted off the agenda. Chairman of Jusos Peter Corterier's statement of accounts was also voted off the agenda, and he then offered his immediate resignation, which the Congress declined. Since then, the Jusos have seen themselves as a socialist and feminist association within the SPD.

In the same year, the party executive decided that the Juso federal secretary should be subject to the instructions of the Juso federal executive.