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Bride Kidnapping Addition Notes
Handrahan, Lori. "Hunting for Women: Bride-Kidnapping in Kyryzstan." International Feminist Journal of Politics 2, no. 6 (June 2004): 207-233.


 * bride kidnapping as tool of fomenting male ethnic identity
 * link between ethnic identity, violence, and gender
 * spike in bride kidnapping since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991
 * women who reject kidnapping seen as rejecting Kyrgyz tradition and ethnicity, despite the relatively recent advent of this practice

Charles M. Becker, Bakhrom Mirkasimov, and Susan Steiner. "Forced Marriage and Birth Outcomes." Demography 54, no. 4 (Aug. 2017): 1401-1423.


 * differential birth outcomes for women in coerced marriages vs. other types of marriages using OLS and IV estimation.
 * "The largest difference is between kidnap-based and arranged marriages: the magnitude of the birth weight loss is in the range of 2% to 6% of average birth weight."
 * ala kachuu is technically illegal and punishable by up to ten years in prison if the kidnapped woman is underage.
 * however, it is rarely reported or prosecuted
 * religion is not the common element since various ethnic groups diverge in terms of bride-kidnapping but share Muslim beliefs in common
 * the woman is taken from her location by the kidnapper and his friends to his home, pressured by his family to write a letter of 'consent', and don the marriage headscarf
 * the 'groom's' family generally 'apologizes' for the kidnapping with a bride price


 * uses data from the Life in Kyrgyzstan survey



Werner, C. A. (2009). Bride abduction in post-Soviet Central Asia: Marking a shift towards patriarchy through local discourses of shame and tradition. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 15, 314–331.


 * Werner argues that brides accept coerced marriages due to damage to their reputation
 * if they resist the marriage, they will be assumed to no longer be a virgin and to be belligerent or rebellious
 * they become unattractive candidates for other potential marriages

Noor O'Neill Borbieva. "Kidnapping Women: Discourses of Emotion and Social Change in the Kyrgyz Republic." Anthropological Quarterly 85, no. 1 (2012): 141-170.


 * "At the groom's house, she must weep fight and try to escape. This performance is one way she asserts her honor; local convention holds that a woman should not publicly show eagerness to marry" (146).
 * women have various motivations for being complicit in bride kidnapping that involve concern for the good of their community and families. (153)
 * "For a people overwhelmed by development discourses imposed upon it by aggressive foreign organizations, the 'tradition' discourse is a way Kyrgyz politely but firmly deflect criticism of their culture and traditions by outsiders, who they might consider to be unreasonably critical or merely uninformed." (153)
 * "...kidnapping is compelling and popular today because it mediates the tensions caused by different understandings of love and marriage that can arise between young people and elders within families. As a practice that subsumes qualitatively different acts into one ritual form, kidnapping helps people with widely varying convictions about love and marriage inaugurate and/or maintain productive social relationships." (154)

"UN Statement of Bride Kidnapping and Child Marriage." May 31, 2018. UNICEF. https://www.unicef.org/kyrgyzstan/press-releases/un-statement-bride-kidnapping-and-child-marriage


 * according to the latest data available, 13.8 percent of married women under 24 were married under coercion
 * matter of priority between UN and Kyrgyz gov't
 * Press release states: "Practices such as bride kidnapping, forced marriage or Ala-Kachuu do not belong to the culture and tradition of Kyrgyzstan but are a violation of the rights of vulnerable people."

Bride kidnapping
According to a press release by the UN, 13.8% of women under the age of 24 were married under some form of coercion. It goes on to state that ala kachuu, or bride kidnapping, is not a longstanding Kyrgyz cultural practice and is a violation of human rights. There is an active discussion among scholars of Central Asia and Kyrgyzstan concerning the origins, significance, and ethics of bride kidnapping. Some argue that the rise in bride kidnapping is linked with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the formation of a Kyrgyz male ethnic identity. Others argue that bride kidnapping does not necessarily constitute a crime and can be a form of performance that resolves intergenerational tensions around love and marriage. While multiple motivations may exist for a kidnapped woman to accept a marriage, traditional values surrounding marriage and virginity put her in danger of losing her reputation and future marriage partners should she refuse. According to a study of birth weight and marriages resulting from bride kidnapping, babies born from kidnap-based marriages weigh between 2% and 6% below those from arranged marriages with no coercion. While ala kachuu is technically illegal and punishable by up to ten years in prison if the kidnapped woman is underage, it is rarely reported or prosecuted.

Gender in Kyrgyzstan Final Draft
In the Soviet period, Kyrgyz women experienced a shift toward the public sphere, with three quarters of women women undertaking labor outside the home. Kyrgyzstan has seen a return to more traditional gender roles in the post-Soviet period, though women continue to be influential in Kyrgyz culture and society. With the transition away from collective farming and and state-controlled enterprises, women lost both formal employment and accompanying support services, many of which were run by a majority female staff. In many rural areas men will migrate out their villages and towns in order to find work, which results in a higher concentration of women, children, and elderly, who still adhere to a strong patrilineal descent system. Women regulate this patriarchal descent system through storytelling and family history, naming, selecting marriage partners for their sons, and remaining in the household of their parents-in-law, even while their male relatives are away. The current context for gender relations in Kyrgyzstan reflects a combination of Soviet and post-soviet influence, moderate Islam, and nomadic heritage, in which women play a significant role. Though Kyrgyzstan has made significant advancements in education and health in relation to other nations, gender-based violence and maternal healthcare pose challenges to development in the country.

Gender Statistics
In the World Economic Forum' s Global Gender Gap Report, Kyrgyzstan is number eighty-five in a list of 144 countries ranked based on four categories of indicators: Economic Participation and Opportunity, Educational Attainment, Health and Survival, and Political Empowerment. According to its country scorecard in the same report, Kyrgyzstan has reached or nearly reached parity in the broad categories of Education Attainment and Health and Survival. However, in Economic Participation and Political Empowerment, Kyrgyzstan has yet to near parity. There are no laws in place mandating non-discrimination or equal pay, and women make on average 11,700 in local currency compared to men's 15,600. According to the UN Development Programme Comparative Gender Profile, Kyrgyzstan has a rate of 39.6 adolescent births to every 1,000 births in the country, higher than only Azerbaijan among the CIS countries. 49.4% of women participate in the labor market, compared with men's 77.1%. As of 2017, women held 19.2% of seats in the national parliament.

Gender-based Violence
Despite progress in education and health, Kyrgyzstan struggles with gender-based violence against women and members of the LGBTQ+ community. Domestic violence is prevalent in the country, with one study finding that 23% of all women aged 15-49 years have experienced physical violence at least once, 1 in 4 married women has been physically abused, and more than 50% of all women surveyed had suffered physical injury or other persistent health issue from domestic violence. The study suggests that cultural notions of marriage, divorce, and in-law relationship prevent victims of abuse from seeking help. The recent devaluation of women in families and social value linked with shame and honor enables domestic violence, a phenomena experienced globally, not only in Kyrgyzstan. A recent Human Rights Watch report uncovered a lack of action on behalf of women reporting abuse and assault by the Kyrgyz government and police. Despite a law passed against family violence and subsequent praise from the UN, women rarely come forward to report domestic violence, facing an unsympathetic culture. Police are reticent to respond to emergency calls reporting abuse and judges tend to emphasize maintaining a family over separating an abuser from a victim of domestic violence. Oppositional arguments and expenses have prevented the passage of an additional domestic violence bill. According to According to the UN Development Programme Comparative Gender Profile, 60% of rural marriages in mono-ethnic regions are conducted through bride kidnapping, or 'ala kachuu.' Furthermore, roughly 2/3 of those marriages lack consent from the bride and 24% of marriages are of under-age individuals.

In recent years, Kyrgyzstan, and its capital Bishkek in particular, has become increasingly dangerous for queer individuals. In 2014, the Kyrgyz state began to pass legal reforms that implemented a more conservative agenda concerning gender expression and sexuality. In 2017, legislation that would ban “propaganda of nontraditional sexual relations” was introduced to parliament for a second reading. Young LGBTQ+ people struggle to find safe places to meet and often face extreme violence in retaliation for violating accepted notions of gender and sexuality. Cisgender queer individuals often conceal their sexuality in Kyrgyzstan in order to protect themselves from harassment, limited economic opportunity, and violence. However, people identifying as transgender struggle to remain inconspicuous, being most vulnerable to violence and corrective rape. Transgender Kyrgyz often choose to migrate to Russia where the larger urban spaces offer a higher level of anonymity. Although anti-gay laws, such as the prohibition of promoting ‘non-traditional sexual relations’ to children, have contributed to rise of harassment and violence against the queer community in Russia, Russian police do not target transgender people as they do in Kyrgyzstan.

Maternal Health
In Kyrgyzstan, the under-five mortality rate dropped from 40/1000 live births in 1993 to 23/1000 in 2012. However, as of 2017, Kyrgyzstan still had the highest maternal mortality rate among the Commonwealth of Independent States. As of 2015, Kyrgyzstan was not on schedule to complete its Millennium Development Goal from the UN concerning maternal health. According to data published by the World Bank, maternal mortality had only decreased from from 85/100,000 deaths per live birth in 1990 to 75/100,000 deaths in 2015. Socioeconomic issues are significant factor in maternal health and antenatal health. Poor and rural women far less likely to have access to the minimum amount of care during pregnancy recommended to prevent maternal mortality. A United Nations study concluded that maternal fatalities in Kyrgyzstan were preventable. While the budget for maternal health has increased through donor funding, the proportion of the national health budget for maternal health has decreased from 9.9% to 7.9%. In Kyrgyzstan, a lack of skilled doctors and obstetric specialists combined with a low rate of modern contraception use has made pregnancy a risk for mothers.

Bride kidnapping
According to a press release by the UN, 13.8% of women under the age of 24 were married under some form of coercion. It goes on to state that ala kachuu, or bride kidnapping, is not a longstanding Kyrgyz cultural practice and is a violation of human rights. There is an active discussion among scholars of Central Asia and Kyrgyzstan concerning the origins, significance, and ethics of bride kidnapping. Some argue that the rise in bride kidnapping is linked with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the formation of a Kyrgyz male ethnic identity. Others argue that bride kidnapping does not necessarily constitute a crime and can be a form of performance that resolves intergenerational tensions around love and marriage. While multiple motivations may exist for a kidnapped woman to accept a marriage, traditional values surrounding marriage and virginity put her in danger of losing her reputation and future marriage partners should she refuse. According to a study of birth weight and marriages resulting from bride kidnapping, babies born from kidnap-based marriages weigh between 2% and 6% below those from arranged marriages with no coercion. While ala kachuu is technically illegal and punishable by up to ten years in prison if the kidnapped woman is underage, it is rarely reported or prosecuted.

Source Notes
Academic Articles:

Childress, Saltanat. "'Plates and Dishes Smash; Married Couples Clash': Cultural and Social Barriers to Help-Seeking Among Women Domestic Violence Survivors in Kyrgyzstan." Violence Against Women 24, no. 7 (2018): 775-797.https://doi.org/10.1177%2F1077801217722239


 * results of study suggest that cultural notions of marriage, divorce, and in-law relationships prevent victims of abuse from "help-seeking" (theoretical term). (775).
 * the prevalence of domestic violence has been established in previous scholarship, but self-reported data on women seeking help in the Kyrgyz cultural context was missing.
 * qualitative interview methodology
 * article seeks to illuminate how domestic violence is treated by the Kyrgyz government/authorities and how it perpetuates.
 * stats from the Kyrgyz Republic Demographic and Health Survey (776)
 * 23% of all women aged 15-49 years have experienced physical violence at least once
 * 13% in the last 12 months
 * 1 in 4 married women has been physically abused
 * 4% of married women have experienced sexual violence
 * 14% have experienced emotional violence by their current or most recent partner
 * more than 50% of all women surveyed had suffered physical injury or other persistent health issue from domestic violence
 * 39% of sexual violence victims sought help of any kind
 * context for women's current role in Kyrgyz society
 * moderate Islamic background
 * nomadic heritage (women play important role)
 * Soviet influence
 * post-Soviet return to "traditional" gender norms
 * devaluation of women in families sets the context for domestic violence (789)
 * similar barriers globally
 * shame/honor = strong influence on Kyrygz culture
 * conclusion
 * cultural norms and values must change for progress to be made on domestic violence, reporting/response, and assistance for victims. (792)

Ismailbekova, Aksana. “Migration and patrilineal descent: the role of women in Kyrgyzstan.” Central Asian Survey 33, no. 3 (2014): 375-389. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2014.961305


 * changing demographics of villages and towns results in higher concentration of women, children, and elderly.
 * nevertheless, a strong patrilineal descent system survives, even as the majority of men migrate out of the rural areas for work
 * women regulate this patriarchal descent system through storytelling and family history, naming, selecting marriage partners for their sons, and remaining in the household of their parents-in-law, even while their male relatives are away.
 * most current literature removes the agency of Central Asian women, views women "in terms of suffering and great injustice" (375).
 * Soviet scholarship set this precedent
 * Soviet control of Kyrgyzstan had paradoxical effects on women
 * one the one hand encouraged entering the public sphere, on the other hand limiting mobility (376)
 * 'de-Sovietization' has resulted in a push for women to return to their 'natural' environment, the private sphere
 * discourse of patriarchal descent connected with women's practices
 * the two are not mutually exclusive
 * "patriarchal relationality" (387)
 * how will the society evolve with increasing migration?

News Articles:


 * Arnold, Katie. “Transgender Kyrgyz seeks unlikely refuge in Russia.” BBC, April 10, 2018. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia41437866intlink_from_url=https://www.bbc.com/news/topics/cvenzmgylw1t/kyrgyzstan&link_location=live-reporting-story
 * Cisgender queer individuals often conceal their sexuality in Kyrgyzstan
 * Trans individuals struggle to do this, often choosing rather to migrate to Russia
 * Workplace discrimination often forces transgender people into sex work
 * Things are bad in Russia for the LGBTQ community, but not as bad as in Kyrgyzstan
 * Anti-gay laws (such as not promoting ‘non-traditional sexual relations’ to children) have contributed to rise of harassment and violence against queer community in Russia
 * Difference is that police do not target trans people in Russia. In Kyrgyzstan, they do
 * Reports of police filming trans people and threatening to publish the footage, putting them in danger
 * Arnold, Katie. “’All of us will be victims at some point’: why Bishkek’s only gay club closed.” Guardian, Oct. 19, 2017. https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/oct/19/victims-closure-bishkek-only-lgbt-club-kyrgyzstan
 * Bishkek and Kyrgyzstan were not always as dangerous for queer individuals as they are now.
 * 2014, state began passing legal reforms that implemented a more conservative agenda concerning gender expression and sexuality.
 * Basravi, Zein. “Kyrgyzstan considers anti-gay law.” Al Jazeera, Jul. 25, 2014. https://www.aljazeera.com/video/asia/2014/07/kyrgyzstan-considers-anti-gay-law-20147251440755971.html
 * In 2017, legislation that would ban “propaganda of nontraditional sexual relations” was introduced to parliament for a second reading. At time of article, still awaiting third reading.
 * Young LGBTQ people struggling to find safe places to meet.
 * Last remaining gay club in Bishkek has been harassed, forced to move locations
 * Ford, Liz. “Kyrgyzstan strives to make inroads on poor maternal health record.” Guardian, May 28, 2015. https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2015/may/28/maternal-mortality-kyrgyzstan-poor-record
 * Under-five mortality rate has dropped from 40/1000 live births in 1993 to 23/1000 in 2012.
 * However, Kyrgyzstan still had (as of 2015) the highest maternal mortality rate of Eastern Europe and Central Asia.
 * Off schedule for MDG
 * According to World Bank report (2015), maternal mortality is only down from 75/100,000 deaths in 2015 from 85/100,000 in 1990.
 * MDG target = 15
 * UN study concluded that maternal fatalities were preventable
 * Socioeconomic issues are significant factor in maternal health and antenatal health
 * Poor and rural women far less likely to have
 * While the budget for maternal health has increased through donor funding, the proportion of the national health budget has decreased from 9.9% to 7.9%
 * Lack of skilled doctors and obstetric specialists
 * According to report by Family Planning 2020, only 24% of reproductive age women use modern contraception
 * Leonard, Peter. “’Call me when he tries to kill you’: Kyrgyzstan accused of ignoring domestic violence.” Guardian, Nov. 4, 2015. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/nov/04/kyrgyzstan-domestic-violencewomen
 * Human Rights Watch report uncovers lack of action on behalf of women reporting abuse and assault.
 * Under pressure, Kyrgyzstan passed a law against family violence.
 * UN report in 2003 stated that the passage of this law was significant progress for women’s protection.
 * Women rarely come forward to report, unsympathetic culture
 * Police reticent to respond to calls reporting abuse
 * Judges emphasize maintaining family over separating an abuser from the victim
 * Domestic violence bill under consideration at time of article
 * Oppositional argument that it is too expensive and there are no resources to fund its measures.

Article Selection: Kyrgyzstan Critique

 * the Kyrgyzstan article appears to meet most of the wikipedia standards in terms of neutrality, relevance, and sourcing.
 * the talk page is not very vibrant, with only four discussions added. Three concern very detailed issues with etymology, ethnic identity, and a bride-kidnapping tradition. There is no discussion of missing categories that would add to the article.
 * under the section "Human Rights" there is a brief mention of legislations passed recently that limited the mobility of young women without a chaperone and mandated incarceration of gay activists. This is the only mention of gender in the article, including in the education section.
 * at this point, I think that I will select the Gender Equality Sustainable Development Goal to focus on in the Kyrgyztan article because it is the most obvious absence in the relatively lengthy article.
 * because these brief, passing mentions of gender and women are all that exists in the article, it makes it seem like women are not a central part of Kyrgyz society, which of course they must be. I think that a contribution concerning this issue will make the article more accurate and multi-faceted.
 * furthermore, there is no mention of environmental issues in Kyrgyzstan (how Kyrgyzstan is effected by climate change, industrialization, or any other issue) or any environmentally sustainable efforts in the country.
 * two sections that appears to be quite robust are the "Economy" and "Politics" sections.
 * the article explains the economic troubles that Kyrgyzstan underwent after the dissolution of the Soviet Union as well as the failure of IMF assistance to mitigate these troubles.
 * the "Politics" section goes over the struggles between different government factions in recent years, with several leaders being forced out/leaving the country, and states that Kyrgyzstan is 28 of 176 (0 being most corrupt) according to Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index.

Article Evaluation: People-centered development
People-centered development

(Look for "content, tone, and sourcing.")


 * Is everything in the article relevant to the article topic? Is there anything that distracted you?
 * the content of this article is relevant to the topic.
 * if anything, it is too minimal and could use expansion.
 * Is any information out of date? Is anything missing that could be added?
 * all of the sources are from the 1980s/90s
 * the sourcing on this article could be updated to show more recent discussions in the sustainable development discourse.
 * What else could be improved?
 * the article could use a tighter definition of 'sustainability' and its various uses (social, economic, environmental).
 * this addition would bring more depth and clarity to the article.
 * Is the article neutral? Are there any claims that appear heavily biased toward a particular position?
 * this article does not present any significant critiques to people-centered development, or at least any record of the contrast between different strategies
 * It also makes the claim that gender inequality is a "systemic problem in many developing countries." It only provides the OEDC's own repot as a citation. A more nuanced discussion of this point is necessary.
 * Are there viewpoints that are overrepresented, or underrepresented?
 * the article does not present any opposing or contradictory strategies to development. There could be a section added for "Debate" or "Other Developmental Theories"
 * Check a few citations. Do the links work? Does the source support the claims in the article?
 * the citations do work and are relevant.
 * however, the article overly relies on official reports from development organizations. It could diversify the type of sources it cites.
 * Is each fact referenced with an appropriate, reliable reference? Where does the information come from? Are these neutral sources? If biased, is that bias noted?
 * the neutrality of sources is always debatable.
 * however, the references are of entities that have embraced people-based development about people-based development. It might be useful to include a source with more distance between it and the subject matter.
 * What kinds of conversations, if any, are going on behind the scenes about how to represent this topic?
 * one user picked up on the same issue as I did: the overly brief discussion of women in the context of sustainable development.
 * in addition, another student proposed his or her addition to the project with a "Poverty and Disability" article.
 * How is the article rated? Is it a part of any WikiProjects?
 * the article has not yet been rated on the quality or importance scales.
 * it is part of the WikiProject International Development.
 * How does the way Wikipedia discusses this topic differ from the way we've talked about it in class?
 * this article purposefully removes the politicized nature of the development debate, which we embrace and confront in class.