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"Everything in Ireland has either taken place before Easter Week or after Easter Week" - Lennox Robinson, 1918

Revisionist nationalism, practiced by the likes of the National Unity and the NDP, existed; John A. Murphy, for example, spoke emphatically of the Rising, considering it not as a "tragedy" nor that celebrations were significant factors in the Troubles.

Ulster Protestants feared Catholic-oriented marginalisation as a result of Home Rule.

Come the Northern Irish civil rights movement, symbols of the Rising were outlawed in the North in tandem with its growing connection to the movement.

Many participants of the Rising would soon assume electoral positions; de Valera would soon "become the preeminent political figure" after the Rising, as leader of both Sinn Fein, a party that saw and the Irish Volunteers, the former seeing particular partcipation from those involved in.

Only a few bombs were created and their weaponry amounted to an assortment of small arms, lacking any automatic variants.

The need for food, ammunition, medical assistance, and refuge from the air pollution begot from the ruins contributed to their eventual surrender.

The republicans rallied around Michael Collins who would become a pivotal leader following the Rising.

The IRB was largely neglected by republicans who increasingly considered it antiquated. The Volunteers' functioned as largely a display of public dissent but done so with an increasingly militant basis.

Contention over the legitimate heir of the proclaimed Republic was in part to obtain the symbolic cachet of the Rising.

Historian and participant Florence O'Donoghue supported this historiography and contended that what was symbolically resurrected was the "historic Irish nation". (for use within note)

Sheehy-Skeffington's death was comporable to the leaders in arising radical sentiment, with nationalists later seeking retribution against Colthurst.

The church's intital position of disapproval garnered ire from the public and they largely recoiled from the matter to retain their standing.

An academic fixture prior, revisionist thought became "hegemonic" during The Troubles, as discernable by the diminishment in what anniversaries of the Rising occured – as one populist piece perceived, many in official positions "would rather honour John Redmond than Patrick Pearse". Anti-revisionist rhetoric, embroiled in controversy, was said to cease come the peace process.

The sixtieth anniversary in Dublin was officially prohibited but still occured impromptuly. Historian Brian Hanley wrote that "The ability of republicans to hold the event illustrated that they had a substantial nationwide organization and also that there was a widespread desire to identify with the Rising."

Such hagiography was informed by the neglect of historians to the Rising.

D. G. Boyce noted that Pearse helped create a continuity between nationalist thinkers, that included the likes of Wolfe Tone and Charles Stewart Parnell.

During this time, Boyce wrote that "The controversy over the revisionist analysis of 1916 has obscured rather than clarified the issues," contending that the Gaelic reivial is more instrumental to understanding the Rising than the focus upon its conspiratorial nature.

The Gaelic Revival engendered imagery that would inspire nationalist thinking tantomount to the Rising.

