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Et ta soeur?
„Et ta soeur?“ is an independent, Belgian feminist periodical (magazine) which was published in between September 1971 and May 1974 by the „Front de libération des Femmes“ (F.L.F.). Until October 1973 the editing was done by Danielle Colardyn. The position was then taken over by E. Rubenstein.

Content
The content of the singular issues can be separated into a theoretical part and an organizational part. The theoretical content focuses on different forms of oppression that women are exposed to in the society of 1970's Belgium. Emphasizing different topics with each issue. The organizational part is either a summary of the last meeting of the F.L.F., a call for people to submit their thoughts and ideas to the magazine or information on the next meeting.

No. 1. September 1971
The issue opens with a statement of intent by the F.L.F. The magazine wants to collect everyday experiences by women to make them visible and enable women to connect with each other in order to combine their efforts for the liberation of women. The theoretical part is concerned with the representation of women in institutions that govern or represent women's interests. The example given is the „League for the legalization of abortion“, which is a lobby group for a liberalization of the abortion laws and whose leaders are all male. The author argues that this is representative for female political interests which are exclusively handled by men. Even though it would be more reasonable to let issues such as abortion which only concern women be represented by women. This is mirrored in the uneven nature of legal authority in marriage and leads to problems like inadequate access to contraceptives.

No. 2. October 1971
The issue opens with the organizational part. Recounting the attendants, summarizing the discussion and formulating the results of the last meeting. Specifically the creation of work groups around the topics of contraception, abortion, unemployment and nurseries. These work groups will be divided into specific subgroups for the different oppressed groups. Such as: Proletariat, Blacks, Vietnamese and Women.

The theoretical part is concerned with the goal of a perpetual revolutionary state, how to achieve this and what obstacles need to be overcome. The text identifies public ignorance born from habitual oppression throughout the centuries as the main reason for the lack of progress towards a revolution. An expressed goal is therefore the raising of awareness through public action. The Black Panthers from the USA are given as an example. Partly because of their public appearance and partly because they demonstrate how the issues of women and the issues of blacks overlap. Both groups are easily discriminated in public due to their appearance which makes them natural allies. Furthermore it is suggested that women need an organisation like the „Black Panthers“ for themselves so they can construct a female identity independent from men.

No. 3. November 1971
The issue opens with the theoretical part. It rebuffs several derogatory comments that are made against the feminist revolution. Such as „Who will do the cleaning?“, „We just try to make sure that you don't mess up.“.

Afterwards the text addresses the way in which revolutions in the past have failed to take the interests of women into account. In context with the authors own revolutionary goals this is framed as an incomplete or failed revolution. The reason given for this is the way in which these revolutions have created organizations and institutions to enact the will of the masses. Whereas the author proclaims that any revolution that creates organizations and institutions to carry itself forward will alienate itself from the people that made it. Organizations are unable to substitute the will of the masses in the political process. Which will inevitably lead to a hierarchy and new inequality and oppression. As such any revolution needs to avoid becoming an institution by aiming to be a movement.

Thereafter comes the organizational part which summarizes the last meeting of the F.L.F.. The topic of discussion was how girls seem to have very little confidence in other girls. The conclusion to which the group came was that the education system and society train girls to be overly competitive with and jealous off each other. This is seen as a problem since it keeps girls from organizing themselves out of distrust. Which benefits the oppressor. The suggested countermeasure is education.

No. 4. January 1972
This issue opens with short excerpts from women's everyday life. The first is about a cookbook which advertises itself as „Cooking without tears“. For men without women and women without experience. For the author this illustrates how even everyday chores serve to put women in a lower place than men. Cooking in the household is clearly labeled as women's work whereas all famous and prestigious cooks are men. Because it's not about nature but about relegating women to the menial and boring tasks. The second is about a friend who married and was then barred from withdrawing money from her own bank account without her husbands permission. Even though she had a separation of property contract it still took the bank eight days to give her the access to her account back. This excerpt is given to underline how, according to the author, a woman's rights are at risk as soon as she marries.

The beginning of the theoretical part is furthering this focus on marriage and family with an analysis of the patriarchal family by Wilhelm Reich. The text claims that, from a political viewpoint, the modern family only exists to produce loyal and obedient subjects to the state. It accomplishes that by subjecting children to the limitless authority of the father so that they will not object to a state with limitless authority. Copying the father-child relationship and voluntarily remaining in a permanent state of infantilisation. As such all revolution aiming to overthrow the patriarchal family is inevitably aiming to overthrow the capitalist system.

The second half of the theoretical part is concerned with the state of women in the workplace. Specifically the institution of part time work is condemned as a compromise which does not really benefit women but benefits the capitalist system. Part time workers supply the industry with cheap laborers that can be employed to fulfill menial tasks. Avoiding the need to hire expensive professionals. This arrangement also doesn't liberate women from the expectations already placed on them. Part time work only serves to exploit them as cheap workers and gives them just enough time so they can still be mothers and housewives.

The organisational part is concerned with the reach of feminist and women's magazines. The issue at hand is that most feminist literature only has channels of distribution to women who are already feminists.

No. 5. February 1972
This issue opens with a text by Friedrich Engels and a short comment by Karl Marx. The text compares pre-industrial ways of family life with the modern family. It draws the conclusion that in pre-industrial societies the role of the woman as head of the household was a very public and fundamentally necessary arrangement since housework was very intertwined with working the fields and much more labour intensive. The modern family, in contrast, is completely supported by the man and as such the housework provided by the woman is demoted in relevance. Closing with the point that this turned the woman into a domestic servant for the man.

From this point the text focuses on problems with the amount of working time that industrial societies demand from people. The 8 hour work day when added up with housework results in an effective workload of 16 hours for women. The expectation for men to support their whole family usually means that they will work overtime to assure that the material needs of their families are met. As such the 8 hour work day takes up so much time that there is no space for leisure activities or other personal interests. The declared goal is not for women to be admitted to the same position in the workplace as men since that position is not desirable in the first place. A revolution must aim to completly change the amount of time the individual is supposed to spend working. Creating equal opportunity for women to be exploited is not enough. The author then goes on to argue that a true revolution can not uphold these institutions of society and be regarded as revolutionary. Only a system that gives equal opportunity for men and women and reduces the overall workload can truly be considered revolutionary.

Expanding on the topic of reducing the workload is the following demand for more public nurseries. Workplace nurseries are not seen as a good solution since parents would still need to bring the children to their workplace. This would be good for families with a car but families without cars will be left out. Ideally there should be enough nurseries so that every family has one within walking distance.