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= Silent Protest = Silent Protest is an organized effort where the participants stay quiet to demonstrate disapproval. It is used as a form of civil disobedience and nonviolent resistance that encourages voicing out different opinions through certain acts such as not showing support to a certain product, attending mass parade, having symbolism, and educating and encouraging other people to join the protest. This aims to support and resolve different matters related to inequality, peace making, and nation leadership problems. The Salt March in 1930, which was led by Mohandas Gandhi, ignited protests in India and various parts of the world. Various acts of silent protest have been conducted in different times and parts of the world. The forms of silent protest can be categorized into objection and persuasion, and non-cooperation

Background
Mohandas Gandhi, who is a known activist and spiritual leader, is a great executor of silent protest as he has always believed that it is better than committing brutal acts. He used it in numerous campaigns for India’s freedom against the British administration which then influenced more silent protests done in the upcoming years.

In 1930 when the British still ruled India, they enforced a law which only allowed people to get overtaxed salt from them, thus not allowing people to sell or collect salt on their own. Gandhi persuaded people of his country to ignore the law and do the opposite to voice out their concern regarding this law. This is known as the Salt March which helped India to be independent from the ruling administration of the British.

1917 NAACP Silent Protest Parade, Fifth Avenue, New York City
The Silent Protest Parade on Fifth Avenue in New York City on July 28, 1917, was one of the first significant large-scale black protests. James Weldon Johnson came up with the idea, and the NAACP, along with church and community leaders, organized the protest parade, which brought together about 10,000 African Americans. They marched silently down Fifth Avenue, gathered at 55th and 59th Streets, and then made their way to Madison Square while carrying banners denouncing racial violence and discrimination. After horrifying episodes of widespread anti-Black violence in East St. Louis, where between 50 and 200 African Americans were killed and 6,000 were left homeless because of arson attacks, they provided a powerful witness. The protesters accused the United States and President Woodrow Wilson, who had just vowed to create a safe environment for democracy.

Racial tension and violence had risen to alarming heights across the United States. The Great Migration—a large-scale movement of African Americans from the rural south to northern urban centers—was already well underway. Competition for housing and jobs exacerbated the resulting tensions.

The incidents in East St. Louis served as a prelude to the terrible summer of 1919, which saw outbreaks of white supremacist violence in cities across the nation, including Chicago, Washington, D.C., Omaha, Nebraska, and Knoxville, Tennessee. "Red Summer" is the moniker Johnson gave to the spookiest time of year. Despite this turnabout, the Silent Protest Parade had made it clear that organizing a large-scale protest was feasible.

“I Can’t Breathe”
According to CBS Sports, on December 8, 2014, LeBron James, Kyrie Irving, Jarrett Jack, and Kevin Garnett of the Brooklyn Nets all wore the shirts during warm-ups for their respective teams. The phrase was chanted by protesters outside the Barclays Center in Brooklyn, where Prince William and Kate were attending the same game. This was the city's sixth night of demonstrations following the grand jury's decision not to indict the officer responsible for Garner's death.

In July, after being put in a chokehold by an NYPD officer during a confrontation on Staten Island, Garner said, "I can't breathe." The phrase has since evolved into a rallying cry for protesters outraged by police brutality, particularly when it involves white officers and unarmed black men. This was especially true after the unrest in Ferguson, Missouri that erupted after Michael Brown was shot by police in August. A night of violence in the St. Louis suburb was recently started by the grand jury's recent decision not to indict officer Darren Wilson in the teen's shooting.

The Delano Grape Strike
Over 800 Filipino farmworkers who were a part of the Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC) went on strike at ten grapevines near Delano on September 8, 1965. They demanded an increase in their piece rate as well as their hourly pay, from $1.25 to $1.40. (Pay earned by an employee for each box of grapes packed). The strikers demanded a 25-cent increase in the piece rate from the current ten cents per box. The strike was led by two seasoned organizers, Larry Itliong and Ben Gines.

The Delano strike had greater urgency as AWOC had recently secured comparable concessions for grape workers in the Coachella Valley. Both actions were related to the wave of farmworker strikes that began in 1964 after the Bracero Program was ended. Members of the AWOC local gathered at Filipino Hall and voted in favor of a strike, hoping to carry the union's victory from Coachella to the Delano vineyards. Cesar Chavez and other NFWA leaders did not believe they were prepared for the strike. The young organization, which was only three years old, was still establishing itself, both financially and socially. They did not know if they had the means to commit to a strike because they were still forming a movement. They were aware that the Association would not undermine the AWOC action, though. On September 16, 1965, Mexican Independence Day, the NFWA membership gathered at Our Lady of Guadalupe church in Delano to conduct a strike vote despite Cháaez's reservations.

After a resounding vote in favor of the strike by the NFWA membership, NFWA soon began picketing ten more vineyards in addition to the ones already targeted by AWOC. The region's growers were adamant that they could defeat this most recent attempt at organization despite the farmworkers' impressive display of unity and they refused to bargain with them while they were on strike. To finish the fall 1965 harvest, they instead hired replacement workers, or "scabs," from other parts of California and as far away as Texas, Oregon, and Mexico. Although the harvest came to an end without the farmworkers achieving their goals, the fight had only just begun.

The Boycott Campaign
The NFWA has never just been a union. In fact, the founders had purposefully refrained from using that term and had offered a wide range of services that went beyond those of a typical labor organization. Chavez established the NFWA on the grounds that the struggle of the farm workers was a component of a broader civil rights movement. The ongoing Black Freedom Struggle served as a source of motivation and allies for the farm workers. Students from the Bay Area and members of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) came to Delano to support the strike by drawing comparisons between the struggle for racial justice in rural California and the Jim Crow South. The boycott was one particularly effective strategy. When it came to boycotting companies or products, labor organizations, including the majority of AFL-CIO unions, faced strict restrictions. A primary, or direct, boycott directed at an employer involved in a labor dispute was generally permissible.

Employees could legally strike or picket their employer, for example, though employers tried to limit even these actions. However, when it came to targeting other related companies, such as a bank that provides financing or a store that sells an employer's goods, the workers were unable to use similar tactics. Secondary boycotts are these types of actions, and workers were prohibited from engaging in them by the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act, an amendment to the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). The Taft-Hartley restrictions did not apply to farmworkers because they were expressly exempt from federal labor laws. As a result, the NFWA declared its first boycott in December 1965. Schenley Industries, Delano's second largest grower, was the target. Schenley was a wellknown national brand, with millions of dollars in annual liquor sales. As a result, the company became an appealing and highly visible target for farm workers.

Picketing businesses that sold Schenley products, such as grocery stores, bars, and liquor stores, organizers and volunteers gathered in cities across the country to generate support. Most importantly, they urged other unions not to purchase or sell Schenley products. Schenley suffered a significant drop in sales by April 1966, despite the support of unions such as the hotel and restaurant workers unions. The boycott's negative publicity also harmed the company's image. This pressure eventually drove Schenley to the bargaining table, where he signed the NFWA's first labor agreement. What began as a fight for higher wages in Delano had evolved into a referendum on farmworkers' right to organize and enjoy basic labor protections. The NFWA specifically targeted farmworker exclusion from the National Labor Relations Act, which had allowed growers to refuse to recognize farmworker unions for decades. However, the 1964 Civil Rights Act established a new framework for farmworker organizing.

Economic justice is social justice, and the NFWA called for federal action based on the citizenship rights of farmworkers. In 1966, Chavez testified before the United States Senate Subcommittee on Migratory Labor, stating, "The entire system of occupational discrimination must be killed, just as discrimination against people of color is being challenged in Washington." Farmworkers want nothing more than this." For Chavez and the NFWA, this meant explicitly granting farm workers the right to form unions and bargain collectively with growers—the same rights as workers in most other professions in the United States.

Objection and Persuasion
This includes methods that go beyond verbal expression of opinion. It is used to express resistance and persuade others to change their actions, opinions, and politicians. These methods include vigils, posters, conferences, demonstrations, and petitions. For example, his February 15, 2003 protest against the invasion of Iraq was the largest anti-war rally in history, gathering up to 10 million people in more than 600 cities around the world. For example, during the war in Iraq, a lawsuit was filed against Sweden`s arms exports to the United States and Great Britain.

Non-Cooperation
"Non-cooperative" means refusing to participate in an unauthorized system by stopping working, behaving normally, or obeying a law or ordinance. Social noncooperation means, for example, suspending or boycotting social and sporting activities and setting up refugee centers for refugees at risk of deportation. Economic non-cooperation includes product boycotts and strikes.

Political noncooperation includes boycotting elections and refusing to accept appointed officials. Boycott means refusing to purchase goods or services to express dissatisfaction with the seller or the nature of the goods. For example, many South African products sold in other countries were boycotted during the apartheid regime's existence. Initially, individuals and organizations boycotted South African products, then the whole country refused to buy South African products or do business with South African companies.

Refusal to cooperate with duty and deportation. War Resisters' International is one of the organizations that helps conscientious objectors whether they qualify in their home country or not. During World War II, Norwegian teachers refused to follow the Nazi curriculum. For example, activists symbolically "disarmed" a Trident nuclear submarine in Scotland.