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East Sumatra Revolution

Background
The East Sumatra social revolution happened on 3rd March 1946 where several royal families in the region were murdered and the various sultanates were overthrown. It was an event that shook the social and political traditions of the region where it was formerly governed and ruled by the various Malay-Muslim sultanates. The main actors in the revolution were those who were pro-republican forces who were the leaders of Pesindo (Pemuda Socialis Indonesia, Socialist Youth of Indonesia), PNI (Partai Nasional Indonesia, Indonesian Nationalist Party), and PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia, Communist Party of Indonesia). These actors had three prime objectives which were: to get rid of the Sultans who were seen as Dutch allies, seize the Sultans’ wealth to be channelled to fund the Indonesian independence campaign, and getting rid of the feudal social structure of the region.

Factors Leading To The Social Revolution
Several factors have been attributed to the outbreak of violence, namely; the widespread belief that the various sultans were collaborators with the Dutch colonial forces to further exploit the people; the resentment towards the aristocratic classes; and the tension among the different ethnic groups vis-à-vis the “Malays’. In sum, the revolution was a demonstration of the class, ideological and ethnic tensions that had accumulated since the intense economic and transformation of the region from the start of the century.

East Sumatra under the Dutch
There were four main sultanates in the region- Langkat, Serdang, Deli and Asahan. There was a local ruling class under each Sultan, which was known as kerajaan. Feudalistic style of government was the most distinguishing trait of the sultanates before and after the arrival of the Dutch.

Political Changes
Under Dutch rule, the many different kingdoms and principalities were absorbed into a centralized political structure. By 1942, much of the administrative power was in the hands of the Dutch, which was responsible to the Netherlands East Indies government in Batavia. However, local indigenous elites were not excluded in the daily administration of the region, which they shared with the Dutch, which augmented the power of the aristocrats.

Economic Impact
The Dutch colonial period resulted in significant changes to the region in terms of social demographics, political structures and also economic systems. These changes were mostly due to the plantation economy of East Sumatra where the plantation-based export agriculture formed the bulk of the economy that amounted to 64 percent. In order to sustain the economy, large numbers of foreign labourers were brought in from China and Java. “In the case of the plantation economy in this region, the foreign labour was predominantly from the relatively overcrowded Java: by the 1930s, 43 per cent of the population was ‘Javanese’. Besides the Chinese and Javanese, who numbered around 192,000 and 590,000 respectively by 1930s, the lucrative economy drew migrants from other parts of Dutch East Indies which decreased the percentage of the three main ‘indigenous’ communities of the region- the Malays, Karo Bataks, and Simalungun Bataks. Malays comprised of only 18 per cent in Deli and 14 per cent in Serdang in 1939.

Class and Society
The changed economic landscape of the region also resulted in stark class differences between the elite and the masses, where the Malay sultans and the Simalungun and Karo rajas attained significant wealth and lived extravagantly without having to work hard. These royal subjects were not motivated and required to possess entrepreneurial spirit and knowledge to amass that immense wealth. “They were now able to grow their rice on the… fallow land that the foreign estates regularly made available as a result of the rhythm of tobacco planting… there was no need to experiment with new forms of cash cropping…”

The aristocrats had misused their power at the expense of the peasantry where the former had “…leased wide tracts of land, the disposal rights over which frequently had lain traditionally with the village, to foreign companies…”, and taking most of the profits, which had far-reaching consequences to the aristocrats and East Sumatra’s political landscape. []

Anti-Sultanate sentiments
The Malay language newspapers had been the main vehicle in expressing anti-Sultanate sentiments of East Sumatra. At the turn of the 20th century, a newspaper report that depicted the ruler of Langkat as despotic was circulated in Singapore, indicating the widespread unpopularity of Malay feudalistic culture in the region where several modern Malay writers expressed dissatisfaction and resentment.It was also widely believed that not only the Langkat Sultan was cruel to the people but also other sultanates like Deli and Asahan who were not intent on sharing power with other Malay associations.

Associations in East Sumatra before Japanese occupation
The influx of immigrants into the region gave rise to the establishment of several associations in the 1930s by those who were connected to the royalty or court officials. The associations’ objectives were to preserve the identity and culture of the Malay ethnic community. These associations were all ethnic and religious based, and although the indigenous population were not exclusively Malay, and the Karo and Simalungun communities were native to the land, the associations mostly emphasized both the Malay identity and traditional syncretic form of Islam. Moreover, the associations indicated Malay insecurities for they had become a minority in the land they regarded as rightfully theirs.

One important association that was created in Medan in 1938 by Malays who were Dutch-educated East Sumatra Association which was later led by Dr Tengku Mansur who was linked to the Asahan royal family. The objectives of the association were to champion the rights of the East Sumatran Natives including the Simalungun and Karo, specifically to improve their social status.

Ethnic tensions and divisions
Although the Karo, Malays, and the Simalungun were recognized as the indigenous communities in the region, there was tension and division among them, specifically between the Malays vis-à-vis the Karos and Simalungun. The division stemmed from various factors, of which the most obvious was religion, where the Malays were Muslims and the other were either Christians or Animists. Apart from the religious differences, the Malays were resented by the other indigenous communities for having special privileges because the former had contractual agreements with the Dutch where the Malay peasantry were given land plantation.

The third largest group during the period, the Javanese, were often discriminated as they were perceived to be of a lower social status than the Malays. In addition, they were also widely perceived to be of ‘lesser’ Muslims as they belonged to the abangan Muslim category- which was described to be nominal Muslims. Hence, in the East Sumatra region, Malays had political and cultural dominance which led to tension and resentment towards the Malay aristocratic class and Malays in general.

The economic changes in the region led to the creation of urban centres which engendered a distinct non-Malay Indonesian culture where there were organized anti-Dutch oppositional forces. Among these organizations were the Sumatran branch of Budi Utomo, and the Sarekat Islam. In the 1920s, there was an increasing radical movement that voiced defiant bearing towards the Dutch, of which was operated by PKI. However, the radical movement as articulated by PKI waned after the Dutch banned the communist party that led to the imprisonment of its leaders.

However, in the late 1930s, a new organization was formed, Gerindo (Indonesian People’s Movement) which revived radical activity. The leaders of the group had associations with the earlier radical organizations- PKI, PNI, Partindo, and the modernist Islamic movement of Sumatra Thawalib. Gerindo was staunchly anticolonial, anti-European, and called for total national independence, elimination of feudalism and land rights for the indigenes. In addition, the movement also called for the redistribution of plantation land to peasant farmers that was welcomed by the Javanese, Karo and Toba communities.

Japanese occupation and its impact on the nationalist movement
The Japanese occupation precipitated the dissemination of nationalist ideas which also spawned the emergence of a revolutionary force called the pemuda or Youth. The Japanese provided the locals with the experience and knowledge for self-rule. In addition, thousands of young men were also given military training which was guided by Japanese ethics and values. The training further fanned their nationalistic sentiments which also motivated them to defend their lands.

Political activities
Leaders and Actors of the Social Revolution There were four main groups of leaders that played prominent roles in the Social Revolution which can be distinguished by differences of class, social mobility, nationalist seniority and ideological inclinations. An important feature in the leadership of the revolution was ethnicity which many Republican leaders depended on where they could capitalize whenever there was conflict among the elites. Types of leaders

The first group comprised of those who were given Dutch tertiary education, and adopted Western values and practices. They had connections with the traditional aristocratic families, but were sympathetic to nationalist. Several known figures that belonged to this category were first local governors and deputy governors of the region, Mr Teuku Mohammad Hassan and Dr Mohammad Amir.

Another category of leaders were those who collaborated with the Japanese occupiers where they worked as administrative personnel etc. These men were also involved in the nationalist movement before the Pacific War and continued their leadership in the post-war period.

There were also leaders who rose to prominence during Japanese occupation through Japanese military organisations. The experience in the military organizations imbued them with deeper commitment to the nationalist struggle and radicalism.

Another group that was instrumental were those who only became important in the revolution where they became leaders of militias from the initial stages of the revolution. A significant number of them were heavily involved in the military organisations during the Japanese period and were radical in their outlook.

Pemuda
The ‘Pemuda’ was an equally important element in the social revolution which was comprised of young men who were socially displaced, aggressive, highly-politicized, and they were the tangible manifestations of the independence struggle. The Pemuda had had paramilitary training under the Japanese and they “…were very nationalistic, eager to resist the return of the Dutch, and unsympathetic to the various kerajaan.”  The Pemudas had a motto of Merdeka atau Mati, or Independence or Death and believed in the spirit of people’s sovereignty, fairness and equality, 100 percent democracy, and the notion of the identity of one people- Indonesians. They symbolized the essence of the Republic’s sprit and ethos, where they personified the nascent nation’s perseverance, resilience, optimism for the future.

Islamic Organizations
There had been tension between the Muslim reformist forces who advocated for a brand of Islam that departed from the Malay orientation, which threatened the prestige and authority of the Sultans, who were regarded as the traditional protectors of the religion. A letter was even given to the British in Penang by the Sultan of Deli who lamented about the Islamic reformers who had gained more influence among the masses.

The Islamic doctrines between the Islamic reformers and those who supported the Malay royalty had a long history, where the former was widely known as the Kaum Muda, and the latter the Kaum Tua. The kaum Muda advocated a more liberal that “…sought to free the Islamic communities from superstitious beliefs.” List of Modernist Islamic Movements

The Muhammdiah Movement
The Muhammadiah movement was one of the formidable opponents to the Malay aristocracies, where its members had opened schools and propagated reformist ideas in the region. However, there is an ethnic element to the conflict as the members of Muhammadiah were mostly from the Minangkabau community. The members of the aristocratic class saw the opposition as a conflict the pits the Minangkabaus against the Malays. In addition, the Muhammadiyahs were inclined towards the nationalist causes, a point that would accentuate the animosity between them.

Jamiatul Wasjliah
Another modernist Islamic movement that is also pertinent in the discussion of the split between the Kaum Muda and Kaum Tua in East Sumatra region was the Jamiatul Waslijah that developed from a debating club in Medan. Although the organization was not perceived to be challenging the authority of the traditional rulers in an avowed manner, Jamiatul Wasjliah was indeed pro-nationalist and anti-colonial. Due to the fact that the Malay aristocratic classes were thought to be pro-colonial, there lies an implicit threat to the Sultans. Masjumi

The nationalist causes received a moral boost as Jamiatul Wasjliah and Muhammadiah lent their support to the nationalist groups. MIT, or the Majlis Islam Tinggi, or Higher Islamic Council merged with Masjumi (Council of Indonesian Muslim Association) during the social revolution of 1946. With the fall of the Sultans, Islam became the dominant purview of Masjumi, which affected the cultural authority of the Sultans over the Malay populace as Islam was an integral part of the Malay identity and culture.

The Social Revolution Violence
The beginning of the violence happened on 3 March in Deli and Asahan and thousands of men from many different ethnic communities attacked the royal palace in Asahan. Although the Sultan escaped, most of the aristocratic families were killed, and those who had survived “… were interned, and their houses plundered by the pemuda”

The trigger was the dissemination of reports that the traditional rulers wanted the Dutch to return and restore the formers’ powers. The violence of the revolution was so severe that the Republican authorities were unable to control it because of several ‘opportunistic political leaders- of whom two PKI Communists, Karim Marah Sutan and Luat Siregar, were the most important- apparently saw the movement as a means to political power.” These irresponsible leaders provoked the participants which led armed men to kill many aristocrat leaders and attacked houses that seemed impressive and indiscriminately killing its occupants.

The most violent instance occurred in Langkat where the Palace Guards “…were withdrawn after the negotiations between the sultan and the Pemuda of the … (PKI) and… (Pesindo). On 9th March, the palace was attacked and the occupants were taken away. Seven of the princes were beheaded, and the Sultan’s daughters were raped by Pemuda leaders.” In total, almost ninety important members of the aristocratic class were killed, along with many officials of the native states.

On top of that, property and large tracts of plantation lands were appropriated and redistributed to former plantation workers and non-Malay farmers as many Malay farmers were forced out from the plantation lands that they acquired through the special privileges that they enjoyed under the Dutch.

Violence against Malays
The violence that precipitated from the social revolution provided a pretext for the expression of tension and frustration that the non-Malays had against the Malays. The demonstration of frustration towards the Malay ruling families was also felt by the Malay community because of their special privileges. For example, a Malay would be assaulted by the Batak and Javanese Pemuda on the most tenuous accusation that the former were pro-aristocrat or an agent provocateur of the Dutch.

Violence against the local rajas
The aristocrats from the Karo and Simalungun communities were also not spared from the Social Revolution because the aristocrats were seen to be impure by the respective communities because many in the ruling class had intermarried with the Malay royal families, and had thus Malayized themselves.

The reactions of the traditional rulers
The social revolution served to amplify the differences between the moderates and the radicals; deepened the isolation between the Malay aristocrats and the Malay masses from the Republic, which drove the former to seek support from the Dutch colonial authorities. In addition, from the mass violence that arose from the social revolution, the Republican leaders became doubtful of their ability to realize the objectives of their struggle- liberating the masses from injustices that would not be achieved under the Dutch.

Popular support of the revolution
The Republicans received wide support from the local masses, especially from the ‘non-indigenous’ and non-Malay segments of society, who felt that their interests would be effectively met and represented.

When independence was proclaimed in the East Sumatra, it was attended by thousands of supporters. Furthermore, there were shouts of support for the Republican government and avowed calls for the abolishment of the Sultanates, and this support did not wane even when the Dutch occupied the region. On top of that, there was also opposition to the Dutch-supported Negara Sumatera Timur (NST), or the East Sumatran State.

Negara Sumatra Timur- NST
The Dutch had attempted to establish a federal Indonesia that would consist of Negara Sumatera Timur (NST), which was supported by the Malay sultans, as they had hoped that they would be able to recover some form of power and influence in the region. Dr Tengku Mansur, a family member of the Asahan royalty was chosen as the leader based on his leadership of the East Sumatera Association. Mansur had wanted to create an East Sumatera that would be dominated by Malays in its leadership, however, it would be one that was not just a recreation of the former feudal structure of the region. But Mansur’s vision was not met with enthusiastic response from the non-Malay communities, as well as the royal houses. There were suspicions all around regarding the short-lived state where eventually, “Mansur surrendered authority to the Republic in August 1950.” Opposition to the Republic

Apart from the Malay community’s appeal and support of the reinstatement of Dutch rule, other representatives also expressed similar requests, in particular, some Toba leaders and Chinese community, who had also benefitted economically from Dutch rule. For the Chinese community, who were more economically superior to the rest of the region’s inhabitants, were targeted by the Pemuda where the former’s property and goods were seized. In this uncertain milieu, the Chinese community saw the colonial forces, British and Dutch, as protectors of their livelihood and safety. The threat that the Chinese felt also served as a motivation to cooperate and ally with the Malay aristrocrats, most of the Simalungun rajas, some of the Karo chieftains and the Dutch in the creation of the NST.

Post-Revolution Social Order
Drastic changes in all aspects of East Sumatra region were obvious after the revolution where the various native states that existed in the Dutch colonial rule, were annexed and became part of the Indonesian republic. However, of utmost importance was change in the social order where there the predominance of Malay political clout and privilege ceased. In addition, the attachment of the Malay ethnic and aristocratic class interests to the plantation economy that was created by the colonial authorities was severed. In the administration of the region, the military occupied the highest and dominant position and became the successor of the ruling elite. The military commanded almost all aspects of political and economic spheres, for example, “… the supervision of government and public administration, the maintenance of law and order, and extensive involvement in the regional economy… The military functioned as soldiers, politicians…”  From the year 1950, any political organization that wanted to continue to hold power would need the patronage of the military.