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Drug trafficking in Honduras refers to the illegal production, storage, selling and transporting of controlled substances.

Honduras is located at a strategic location in Central America, between two major drug-producing countries: Colombia and Mexico. With its coastlines on both the Pacific Ocean and Caribbean Sea, along with its borders to Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, Honduras serves as a crucial transit point for drugs being transported from South America to the United States.

Drug trafficking has been a major issue in Honduras since the 1970s when the country became a key transit point for cocaine shipments from Colombia to the United States. The 1980s saw the rise of key traffickers and figures like Ramón Matta Ballesteros, who was eventually captured and sentenced to life in prison in the United States. This led to the rise of other drug cartels in the country, further exacerbating the issue of drug trafficking. The war on drugs and the intervention of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) have played a significant role in attempts to combat drug trafficking in Honduras

The drug trade in Honduras has been aided by political colaboration, which has contributed to the country's ongoing struggles with violence, corruption, and social instability. In recent years, these issues have come to the forefront of international attention with the extradition of former Honduran president, Juan Orlando Hernandez, who has been indicted by the US Government over charges related to drug trafficking.

History
Drug use has been present in Honduras since pre-Columbian times. The ancient Mayan civilization, which inhabited parts of Honduras, is known to have used various substances, including hallucinogenic mushrooms. However, drug use during this period was not commercial, but rather spiritual and ritualistic in nature.

Since colonial times, drug trafficking in Honduras was viewed as a simple act of contraband. During the first half of the twentieth century, smuggling drugs across the border was seen as a relatively low-risk, high-reward endeavor for those willing to partake. However, as drug trafficking began to escalate, traffickers began to take advantage of the country's already rampant corruption. These drug trafficking groups bribed public officials and took advantage of the weak institutions and governance in the public sector to operate with relative impunity.

Drug Trafficking in the Early 20th Century
In the early 1900s, Honduras was a hotspot for American drug contraband thanks to the presence of American Banana and Mining companies. These foreign companies brought with them a culture of corruption and exploitation, which seeped into the Honduran political and economic system. This led to weak institutions and governance, making it easier for drug traffickers to operate in the country. In 1928, the US-Honduras Extradition Treaty was ammended in order to establish the trafficking of narcotics as an extraditable offense. However, this treaty was intended for American smugglers trying to escape American justice in Honduras, and not for Honduran citizens themselves, since at the time, the Honduran constitution banned the extradition of its citizens

The Vélez case
In 1933, the Vélez case became the first documented drug trafficking case in Honduras. José María Guillén Vélez, a politician of the Liberal Party and former Interior minister, attempted to start a rebellion against the conservative dictator Tiburcio Carías Andino, who had recently risen to power. In order to finance the rebellion, Vélez imported 40 kilos of French morphine to sell. It was later discovered that the Ministry of Health had facilitated these imports. The American ambassador to Honduras at the time, Julius Lay, headed the investigation into the Vélez case. This case marked the beginning of drug trafficking as a serious criminal activity in Honduras.

Carías dictatorship: 1933-1949
During the dictatorship of Tiburcio Carías, power was concentrated within the Honduran army, along with strong support from the business sector. Carías enjoyed a close alliance with the United Fruit Company (UFC), a prominent entity at the time. Notably, it is alleged that the UFC had established connections to the Mafia in New Orleans. Reports have even surfaced, accusing the UFC of being involved in facilitating drug shipments within the city with the help of Carías government officials at the port authority. This complex web of alliances and alleged illicit activities created a favorable environment for drug trafficking to thrive in Honduras.

Exploiting his authority, in 1935 Carías awarded the aviation monopoly to Air Transports of the American Continent (TACA), a company founded in 1931 by New Zealand pilot Lowell Yerex. This arrangement further fueled the surge in drug trafficking from Honduras to the United States. Carías granted Yerex the freedom to transport illicit substances such as cocaine and morphine, directly facilitating their delivery to criminal organizations operating within the United States. The collusion between Carías, TACA, and the mafia enabled an alarming expansion of drug smuggling operations during that period.

Carías's facilitating the empowering of the army and his manipulation of its political influence not only enabled drug trafficking during his dictatorship but also set a precedent that would pave the way for future entanglements between the military and illicit drug networks.

The 1950s
Despite the brief return to civilian government after the fall of the Carías and Lozano dictatorships, the armed forces still held strong influence over the country as one of the highest castes in Honduras, By the end of the 1950s, the army absorbed the Civil Police by turning it into a National Guard, this gave the armed forces wider power at the national level, which would later be used to facilitate drug trafficking.

1960s and 1970s: Military involvement in drug trafficking
In 1963, Honduras new elections were scheduled in Honduras to determine Ramón Villeda Morales' successor, with the Liberal Party expected to emerge victorious. However, General Oswaldo Lopez Arellano seized power through a military coup, overthrowing Villeda. The Military Government was quick in taking over various political and administrative institutions, including the National Agrarian Institute, Customs, Border Security and Airports. Controling these institutions guaranteed the military elites access to key resources in drug trafficking.

The Military Government also strengthened its connections with the political elite by indirectly supporting the conservative National Party, they did this by giving important political positions to key party figures, like Ramón Lobo Sosa (brother of future president Porfirio Lobo Sosa). The military government was strongly anti-communist and it held a stable relation with the United States in the context of the Cold War. This alliance was founded on mutual interests, as the United States sought to prevent a domino effect following the recent Cuban Revolution, while the military government in Honduras aimed to quell the rise of left-wing guerrilla movements and revolutions in Central America. Guatemalan Historian, Edgar Gutierrez, reports that in the 1960s Anti-Castro Cubans arrived in Central America and assisted in drug trafficking in order to finance an offensive against the Castro Regime, Gutierrez affirms that the Cuban actors facilitated the introduction of Colombian Cartels to the Central American Isthmus.

Juan Alberto Melgar Castro (1975-1978)
General Juan Alberto Melgar Castro took over the Military Government in 1975 after deposing Oswaldo Lopez Arellano, because it was revealed he recieved bribes from United Companies officials, this scandal was known as "Banana-Gate".

Under Melgar Castro, Honduras experienced a drastic surge in drug trafficking activities, due to a deeper entanglement between military and government officials with the drug trade. Throughout his tenure, Honduras emerged as a transit point for narcotics flowing from Colombia to Mexico and onward to the United States, facilitated in large part by individuals like Ramón Matta and their extensive connections to corrupt officials.

During his tenure, the military government enjoyed close ties with the national economic elites and prominent business families, sometiemes these ties were used for illegal purposes. This was exemplified by the relationship between Military Intelligence Chief Leonidas Torres Arias and couple Mario and Mary Ferrari. The Ferrari couple held businesses in Tegucigalpa, such as a car dealership and a disco, the Ferrari couple wielded considerable influence and maintained strong connections with the government. Exploiting these relationships, they facilitated corrupt government officials in engaging in drug trafficking and emerald contraband, also using their businesses to launder money. Furthermore, they helped foster connections between military officials and drug traffickers like Ramón Matta

The rise of Ramón Matta Ballesteros (1970-1977)
Ramón Matta Ballesteros has an obscure past and he was a relatively unknown figure before the 1970s. In 1969, he was residing in the United States when he was apprehended, though the exact reasons for his arrest remain unclear—whether it was due to drug-related charges or falsifying his passport. However, Matta Ballesteros managed to flee to Mexico in 1970, where he established influential connections with Miguel Angel Felix Gallardo as he tried to form the Guadalajara Cartel and other known traffickers. His involvement in the drug trade led to his arrest in 1974 by Mexican authorities on cocaine-related charges, ultimately resulting in his deportation back to Honduras. Back in Honduras, Matta formed strong connections with local elites, starting with the Ferrari couple, who assisted him with their connections to the Military Government. Matta eventually made strong connections with Pablo Escobar, using his networks in Honduras to transport Cocaine from Colombia to Mexico, where it was recieved by the Guadalajara Cartel, and later trafficked to the United States

Matta's rise as the prominent drug lord in Honduras was solidified with the murder of the Ferrari couple in 1977. During this time, Matta collaborated with members of the Public Security Force (FUSEP) and other military officials to orchestrate the assasination of the Ferrari couple. The solid cause of the assasination is still unknown, it is suspected that it was due to a disagreement over a payment, while others say Matta simply wanted to get rid of potential competition , regardless, this event established Matta as the most important drug lord in Honduras.

In an attempt to cover up the murder, the Military Government denied any involvement, trying to make it seem as an isolated issue between the couple and Cartels. However, investigative journalists found compelling evidence that police and military agents, under the direction of Intelligence Chief Leonidas Torres Arias, were present at the Ferrari household on the night of the assasination. This caused a national scandal, pushing drug trafficking into the public sphere for the first time. At the time, the US Government and the CIA turned a blind eye on the scandal, as the Honduran Government was a strategic ally against the Sandinista Insurgency in Nicaragua.

Matta also used his earnings to gain the trust of the local population, he financed various social programs including free housing and medical supplies for residents of the poorest areas of Tegucigalpa.

1980s: Ramón Matta and the Central American crisis
Following the Ferrari murders, which sent shockwaves throughout the nation and exposed the government's involvement in drug trafficking, the Melgar Castro administration faced a severe crisis of public perception. In the midst of this turmoil, the "Cocaine Coup" of 1978 unfolded, a term coined by journalists Alexander Cockburn and Jeffrey St Clair. Policarpo Paz García orchestrated the coup, ousting Castro and establishing a Triunvirate, however, the true motives behind the coup remain unclear, with claims suggesting that the Medellin Cartel and Ramón Matta provided financial backing due to the fact that the Castro government mishandled the crisis and brought Matta and his associates into the public.

The Triunvirate eventually stepped down and opened the way for new elections in 1982, where Liberal Roberto Suazo Córdova won, marking the return to democracy. Despite the return to democracy, the military still worked as an autonomous body, and Córdova backed and gave power to Gustavo Alvarez Martinez, head of the Armed Forces, who played an important role in Operation Charly and coordinated activities of Nicaraguan Contras in Honduras.

During the 1980s, Matta remained strong as the biggest drug trafficker in Honduras, strengthening key alliances with the military sector and offering bribes to the government in exchange for protection. Honduran officials also took advantage of instability in the Central American region in order to expand trafficking operations. José Blandón, a former Panama government official testified that Manuel Noriega worked with Leonidas Torres Arias in trafficking weapons and drugs during the Salvadoran Civil War

With the presidency of Ronald Reagan and his anticommunist doctrine, Central America became a key area of interest to the US Government due to the growing Socialist insurgencies in El Salvador and Nicaragua. Even though Reagan was an ardent supporter of the War on Drugs, he prioritized fighting Socialism, even if it implied working with drug traffickers indirectly. During the Nicaraguan Revolution, the CIA provided support to the Nicaraguan Contras. In the 1980s, a revelation by the Kerry Committee shed light on Honduras' pivotal role as a strategic base for the Contras, with the Honduran Army hosting clandestine airstrips used by the CIA to deliver weapons to the Contras, allegations arose suggesting that these airstrips were utilized for drug trafficking purposes. Notably, Honduran journalist Oscar Estrada claims a scheme worked like this: South American planes carrying cocaine would make stops at Honduran airstrips. From there, some of these aircraft would proceed to Mexico and others made it to the United States, returning to Honduras loaded with dollars and weapons destined for the Contras. Matta Ballesteros played a pivotal role within this operation. According to the Kerry Report, in 1984, he established SETCO, an airline that the US government (through the State Department), financed and utilized for supplying the Contras, despite the DEA categorizing Matta as a class 1 offender. Exploiting this arrangement, Matta Ballesteros capitalized on his airline to transport drugs both to the Guadalajara Cartel and sometimes directly to the United States. This association provided Matta with a shield of protection.

In 1984, Honduran General and CIA collaborator during the Nicaraguan Revolution, José Bueso Rosa planned the assasination of Honduran President Roberto Suazo Córdova. Bueso tried to finance the assasination attempt with a $40 million cocaine shipment destined to the United States. The FBI found out about the plot and arrested Bueso. Oliver North and other officials interceded on his behalf, getting him a short sentence in a Club Fed Prison.

Instances like these demonstrate that in their pursuit of strategic support from Honduran military generals to train and finance the Contras, US government officials indirectly allowed state and military sponsored drug trafficking activities in Honduras to persist.

Drug Scandals during the Azcona Presidency
The Azcona Presidency (1986-1990) was marked by various scandals that demonstrated the involvment of Honduran authorities in drug trafficking and other illicit businesses.

In November of 1987, DEA agents stationes in Florida siezed a large cocaine shipment traced back to Honduras. The shipment was discovered aboard the Steed Mariner vessel, which had arrived from Puerto Cortés. It was found hidden within Mahogany Slats that had been dispatched from the Puertas de Castilla Factory and destined for the Valencia Import Export company in Miami. Both entities were owned by Alfredo López Rodríguez, a former official of the Somoza Government and a supporter of the Contras. López Rodríguez took advantage of the Cortés Free Zone, a liberalized economic zone established during Honduras' neoliberalization process. The Free Zone's relaxed supervision and limited government oversight facilitated drug trafficking activities. The scandal gained such magnitude that the DEA investigated the incident with Honduran authorities. Initially, the investigation was fruitless as López Rodríguez and his South American associates, managed to flee Honduras, covering their tracks and emptying their warehouses of any incriminating evidence. Eventually, a Honduran Court found the workshops were the cocaine was hidden and uncovered a large scheme involving relevant businessmen and foreign investors.

In 1987, a significant development unfolded when Jorge Luis Ochoa Vásquez, a Colombian drug lord, was apprehended near the Cauca Valley while driving a Porsche. It was revealed that the Porsche belonged to Colonel William Thomas Said Speer, the Honduran Military Attaché in Colombia. The Honduran government initially attempted to dismiss the issue by claiming that the drug lord had stolen the car while it was undergoing repairs. However, the Honduran press delved deeper into the matter and uncovered a remarkable connection. Colombian authorities had already accused Said Speer of involvement in fraudulent activities. Utilizing his diplomatic privileges, Said Speer would import vehicles at reduced prices and subsequently sell them to dealerships. These dealerships, in turn, would employ fraudulent methods to sell cars to drug lords, ensuring that the vehicles couldn't be easily traced back to them.

In 1988, a scandal erupted when Colonel Rigoberto Regalado Lara, the Honduran ambassador to Panama, was apprehended in Miami attempting to smuggle cocaine. Regalado tried exploit his diplomatic privilege, knowing that diplomats were exempt from luggage checks. However, the cocaine was found by drug sniffing dogs. This caused a large controversy, as Regalado was the brother of General Humberto Regalado Hernández, a prominent figure within the Honduran Armed Forces, and a staunch political ally of Manuel Noriega. Regalado, invoking diplomatic immunity,however, the magnitude of the scandal caused for the government to strip him of his ambassadorial and military titles. Subsequently, Regalado was convicted and sentenced to ten years in federal prison.

All the scandals eventually pressured the Azcona government to name a Special Investigative Commision Against Drug Trafficking (CEIN) in 1989. The Commission found many accusations of drug trafficking against the military to be true and it revealed that the government failed in dealing with these incidents in a timely manner.

The fall and deportation of Matta Ballesteros
In 1985, the Guadalajara Cartel kidnapped and killed DEA agent Enrique Camarena after Rafael Caro Quintero found he was behind a raid on a Marijuana plantation controlled by the Guadalajara Cartel. After Camarenas death, the US launched "Operación Leyenda" in order to detain and capture any trafficker or cartel member behind the murder of Camarena. The United States accused Matta of orchestrating the murder of Camarena with the Guadalajara Cartel, in 1986 he was detained in Colombia, but escaped to Honduras, where he was detained, but Honduran courts found no evidence of wrongdoing, so he was set free.

In the morning of April 5, 1988, about one hundred officials of the Public Security Force (FUSEP) raided Mattas house and detained Matta while he took his morning run. Matta was eventually surrendered to DEA agents, who took him on a plane to the Dominican Republic, where they took an Eastern Air Lines plane to New York. The US charged him with the murder of Enrique Camarena and drug trafficking, the trial lasted months and Matta was sentenced to life in prison (the murder charge was dropped in 2012). The extradition of Matta Ballesteros sparked a contentious debate, as it was unconstitutional. The College of Law at the National Autonomous University of Honduras (UNAH) issued a document asserting the illegality of the extradition. Prominent Honduran congressman and future president, Manuel Zelaya Rosales, criticized the extradition and called upon the Supreme Court to take legal action. President Azcona, who approved the extradition, acknowledged its unconstitutional nature but argued that, it was necessary for the common good. This triggered protests by student and social associations in front of the US embassy. The demonstration escalated into violence, culminating in the burning of the embassy's entrance. The army and the National Intelligence Direction intervened, resulting in the deaths of fuvr students and the subsequent arrest of others.

The 1990s
With the Bill Clinton presidency in 1992 and the end of the Cold War, a shift in the US foreign policy approach was imminent. The repercussions of the Iran-Contra scandal and the Matta arrest, along with the weakening of Pablo Escobar's drug empire and the capture of Manuel Noriega, marked a turning point for the US government's stance on drug trafficking in Central America. No longer bound by the previous "blind eye" policy of tolerating Contra drug activity, the US started strategies to actively fight Drug Trafficking in Central America, as defeating socialism no longer took precedence over combating the drug trade.

Following the arrest of Matta Ballesteros, drug trafficking in Honduras was taken back by corrupt military officials. The military took on a more secretive and cautious approach, as they could no longer rely on the protection and "blind eye" previously afforded by the United States, which was now focused on implementing the aggressive Plan Colombia against drug activities. Despite this, when Colombian cartels saw themselves threatened by the plan, they moved their operations to Central America and expanded their influence in Mexico.

The first cartels were also formed in Honduran territory, including the "Cartel de los Licenciados" that operated in the Atlantic Region and "Cartel de los Ganaderos" that operated in the western parts of Honduras

The reign of Wilfredo Leva Cabrera (1995-2000)
Wilferdo Leva Cabrera used to be a Lieutenant, who started criminal activities in 1989, when he led a gang specializing in car theft. However, his criminal career came to a halt in 1993 when he was caught, but he got a plea deal and was released in 1995. Following his release, he was reinstated into the Armed Forces and assumed the second-in-command position at a La Ceiba Battalion. It was during this time that Leva Cabrera forged a connection with Juan Ramón Hernández, a criminal businessman associated with the "Cartel de los Licenciados." Leveraging his military status, Leva Cabrera facilitated drug transportation across the Atlantic Region, turning into an important cartel leader. The Cartel de los Licenciados found themselves locked in a bitter rivalry with the "Cartel de los Ganaderos" for control over the national drug trafficking scene.

A significant event unfolded in 1998 when a group of businessmen traveled from Copan to Tocoa with the purpose of purchasing cocaine from the Ganaderos Cartel. The businessmen were kidnapped and murdered near a rural road, by a soldier under Leva Cabrera's command at the Batallion. The incident took an unexpected turn as the money held by the Copan businessmen in their car went missing. In response, Leva Cabrera formed an alliance with the Valle Valle family and started a violent conflict against the Ganaderos Cartel, leading to the elimination of several key leaders. Unknown to Leva Cabrera, the money was actually inside the car driven by the businessmen, which had been impounded by authorities for investigation. Exploiting his military influence, Leva Cabrera exerted pressure on Maria Luisa Borjas, the head of the Police Delegation responsible for the seized vehicle, in an attempt to secure its release. However, Borjas refused and alerted the Forensics Department of the Public Prosecutor's Office, leading to the discovery of the money hidden within the car. Consequently, an investigation into Leva Cabrera was launched. The investigation found that Leva Cabrera was behind the killings, so an arrest warrant was issued, but Leva Cabrera disappeared for a year.

In 1999, during President Carlos Roberto Reina's trip to Nicaragua for a conference, authorities on the plane recognized Wilfredo Leva Cabrera among the passengers, promptly notifying the Nicaraguan police. Leva Cabrera had entered the country using a counterfeit passport, but eventually, he was apprehended in his hotel room in Granada. Following his capture, Leva Cabrera was extradited to Honduras, where he faced charges related to drug trafficking and the murder of seven individuals.

The 2000s: The Mérida Plan and the violent years
During the 2000s, the global context surrounding the drug war underwent significant shifts. The implementation of Plan Colombia laid the groundwork for new anti-drug strategies across Latin America. The Bush administration, in collaboration with the governments of Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón in Mexico, expanded drug war initiatives. This period witnessed a surge in drug cartels' power in Mexico, with figures like El Chapo and the Sinaloa Cartel gaining prominence following El Chapo's escape. Additionally, new cartels such as the Zetas and the Familia Michoacana emerged.

The signing of free trade agreements by Honduras, such as Central America Free Trade Agreement facilitated drug trafficking. The Atlantic Cartel, led by figures like Freddy Marmol and Wilter Blanco, took advantage of lower security and exportation requirements under these agreements to conceal cocaine in shellfish and coffee shipments destined to Europe, Mexico, the United States and other markets.

In 2006, Calderón signed the Mérida Initiative, which increased military operations against drug cartels. The Mérida Initiative mirrored the effects observed during the implementation of Plan Colombia, as violence escalated and drug traffickers adopted more clandestine and sophisticated methods. As part of these operations, drug trafficking activities shifted towards the Northern Triangle region encompassing Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala. Mexican cartels formed stronger alliances with Honduran counterparts, while also engaging in conflicts with local and Colombian cartels that had established a presence during the Plan Colombia era.

Adding to the violence, the Honduran government, under Ricardo Maduro's leadership, chose to support the Mérida Initiative and initiated violent campaigns against gangs and local cartels. This intensified the security situation in Honduras, resulting in alarmingly high homicide rates. By 2006, Honduras reported 42.3 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants, a number that continued to rise, reaching its peak of 86.5 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2011.

The murder of "Coque" and the rise of the Cachiros Cartel
In the early 2000s, following the capture of Wilfredo Leva Cabrera, a new influential figure emerged in Honduran drug trafficking circles. Aníbal Echeverría Ramos, widely known as "Coque" established himself as a key player operating in the area of Colón, Honduras. Coque had close ties to both business and political elites, including the influential family of future President Porfirio Lobo Sosa. He collaborated with the Rivera Maradiaga family, the founders of the "Los Cachiros" cartel, which eventually became the second-largest cartel in Honduras. The Cachiros were initially engaged in marijuana and cattle trafficking along the Aguan River region, the Cachiros forged alliances with prominent landowners in western Honduras and Guatemala. Through these connections, they became involved in the transportation of drugs. However, tensions arose between Coque and the Cachiros as the latter aspired to become the dominant cartel in Honduras. This conflict reached a critical point in 2003 when Coque engaged in a fatal altercation, resulting in the death of Isidro Rivera, the youngest member of the Cachiros. In retaliation, the Cachiros pursued Coque in an attempt to kill him, prompting his escape to Cuba and subsequently to Costa Rica. While in exile, Coque's involvement in drug trafficking came to the attention of Interpol, who notified Costa Rican authorities leading to his capture near the Panama border in 2004. Coque was extradited to Honduras and imprisoned in Tamara Prison, where a Cachiro associate assassinated him during the night. This marked the end of Coque's reign and solidified the Cachiros' control over the drug trafficking landscape in Honduras, as well as their alliances with Colombian and Mexican cartels.

The fragmentation of Honduran Cartels
Following the influx of Mexican cartels into Honduras and the fragmentation of power resulting from the downfall of single drug lords, various Honduran drug lords and cartels emerged throughout the country. In the Atlantic region, the Cachiros Cartel consolidated its power following the murder of "Coque." In Copan and the western region, the Valle Valle cartel thrived with the support of the Sinaloa Cartel. Drug lords such as Freddy Marmol, Carlos Arnoldo Lobo, Wilter Blanco, and Sergio Neftali Mejia gained control over different sectors of the country and established interconnected networks with Mexican, Honduran and Colombian cartels.

These networks facilitated the transportation and production of drugs, marking the emergence of drug laboratories in Honduran mountainous areas. New air, land, and water networks were established to facilitate the drug trade. However, despite these developments, violence continued to prevail as conflicts erupted over power, control of supply chains, routes, and territorial disputes, resulting in various acts of violence.

In 2009, the Los Grillos cartel emerged in La Ceiba, directly challenging former allies within the Los Cachiros cartel. This sparked a violent drug war in the region, with the Cachiros cartel joining forces with powerful drug lords to reclaim control over La Ceiba. The struggle for dominance among these rival factions contributed to the perpetuation of violence and instability in the Honduran drug trade landscape.

Instability and the 2009 Coup
In 2009, Honduras experienced a political crisis when President Manuel Zelaya Rosales was ousted by the Honduran military in a coup. This event triggered a period of significant instability, which led to a surge in cartel activity. With government focus shifting towards stabilizing the political situation and rebuilding institutions, combating drug trafficking became a secondary concern. Moreover, Honduras faced international sanctions, leading to the reduction of security programs and efforts to combat drug trafficking. As a result, drug traffickers found themselves with more freedom to operate, as the military's attention was diverted elsewhere. Consequently, Honduras became an increasingly attractive hotspot for drug trafficking.

The social landscape also played a role in facilitating the activities of drug traffickers. Following the coup and the subsequent decline in international aid, poverty levels soared, leading to heightened desperation among the Honduran population in search of employment, and more Hondurans left for the US through irregular means. Exploiting this vulnerable situation, drug traffickers found more willing collaborators and support within the impoverished communities, and they could easily use immigrants as "mules", facilitating the transportation of drugs to Mexico and the United States. Moreover, U.S. prosecutors involved in cases against figures such as Juan Orlando Hernandez and Juan Antonio Hernandez assert that the coup created favorable conditions for the rise of political figures with links to drug trafficking.

The 2010s: Extradition
The government of Porfirio Lobo Sosa in Honduras approved a constitutional reform in 2011 through legislative decree 269-2011. This decree aimed to modify Article 102 of the Honduran constitution, which previously prohibited the extradition of Honduran citizens. The revised version of Article 102 stated that "No Honduran shall be expatriated or turned over to the authorities of a foreign state, except in cases related to drug trafficking, terrorism, and any other organized crime offense, when there is an extradition treaty or agreement with the requesting country."

In 2012, the U.S. embassy sent an extradition request to the Honduran Supreme Court seeking the extradition of drug trafficker Carlos Arnoldo Lobo. While extradition for drug trafficking had become constitutional, numerous legal issues complicated the process. Firstly, Honduras lacked an extradition law to govern the procedure, so the procedure was governed by an Agreed Resolution ("Auto Acordado") of the Supreme Court, constitutional scholars still debate whether this is correct or not. Secondly, concerns arose regarding the role of national authorities since Lobo had pending criminal cases in Honduras that had not been processed due to his extradition.

Nevertheless, in 2014, the Supreme Court approved his extradition, making Carlos Arnoldo Lobo the first Honduran citizen to be legally extradited to the United States. This landmark decision established a precedent for the future extraditions of key figures in Honduran drug trafficking, including heads of the Los Cachiros and Valle Valle cartel.

The "Narco-state" and political involvement
In the 2010s, the depth of drug traffickers' involvement in Honduran politics became increasingly apparent. The BBC even labeled Honduras as a "Narco-State" due to the involvement of relevant Honduran politicians in drug trafficking. The period of extraditions demonstrated many of these connections, as drug lords brought forth confessions and evidence linking their illicit activities to political elites in Honduras. In 2015, US authorities indicted prominent businessman and Liberal politician Yani Rosenthal under the Kingpin Act for his participation in money laundering for the Cachiros cartel.

Devis Rivera Maradiaga, the extradited leader of the Los Cachiros cartel, revealed in 2017 that Tony Hernandez, a former congressman and the brother of President Juan Orlando Hernandez, had been involved in managing bribes and facilitating illicit activities between drug traffickers and politicians. In the same year, Fabio Lobo, the son of former president Porfirio Lobo, pleaded guilty to drug trafficking charges after his arrest in Haiti.

In 2022, former President Juan Orlando Hernandez himself was extradited on drug trafficking charges following revelations from traffickers like Victor Diaz, also known as "el rojo," and Geovanny Fuentes who alleged that Hernandez collaborated with Mexican and Honduran cartels to transport drugs. It was alleged that he exploited the protection of the military and actively engaged in bribery and accepting campaign donations from druglords.

Current state
Honduras has been labeled as the "cocaine epicenter" of Central America in recent years, in 2019 the US State Department estimated that approximately 120 Metric Tons of cocaine shipments from South America passed through Honduras. Despite experiencing a slowdown during the pandemic, drug trafficking in Honduras has recently resurged. This is reflected in the recent inclusion of Honduras in the major drug transit countries list by US President Joe Biden in 2022.

According to the 2023 Global Cocaine Report released by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, Honduras continues to serve as a crucial transportation hub for cocaine trafficking. While increased military presence along the Mosquito Coast has led to a reduction in maritime routes, land and air routes have expanded. Clandestine airstrips are used to receive cocaine shipments from Colombia and Ecuador. In 2022, Honduran authorities made significant drug seizures, confiscating 7,134 kilos of cocaine and dismantling 12 drug laboratories. Maritime drug trafficking constitutes the biggest drug trafficking route in Honduras, with the Gulf of Fonseca serving as the main entry hub for South American drug shipments. Cocaine and marijuana remain the primary drugs transported and produced within Honduras, additionally, there have been reported instances of Honduran traffickers operating in the United States, involved in the distribution of fentanyl and heroin.

In 2023, Honduras saw a resurgence in drug related gang violence, especially with growing massacres caused by conflicts between the 18th Street Gang and the MS 13 Gang over the drug business. Even though the precise causes of this surge remain unknown, it is suggested that growing demand for drugs and power struggles caused by the rise and fall of notable drug lords, have set the grounds for this rise. Some local journalists, like Wendy Funes, blame the rise on the Armed Forces, claiming that they purposely allow the interference of these cartels in prisons, leading to incidents like the 2023 Tamara Prison Riot. As many key figures in Honduran drug trafficking await trial, there have been incidents in which whitnesses and subjects of interest have been killed, including Ericka Julissa Bandy García, wife of Magdaleno Meza, a drug trafficker who US prosecutors accused of being associated to former President Juan Orlando Hernández. Magdaleno Meza was killed in 2019 by unknown hitmen at the "El Pozo" Prison.

Geography of Honduran Drug Trafficking
Drug trafficking activities take different forms along the Honduran territory, with drug traffickers taking advantage of different terrain features to transport, produce, hide and facilitate the distribution of narcotics. In the northern part of the country, bordering the Caribbean Sea, maritime routes have historically served as crucial pathways for drug trafficking, although increased military presence has prompted traffickers to adapt and explore alternative avenues. In the southern region, which provides access to ports in the pacific ocean like those around the Gulf of Fonseca, maritime routes are frequently used by traffickers, while the western region, neighboring Guatemala and El Salvador, is characterized by its proximity to Mexico and the presence of well-established hidden land networks, taking advantage of mountainous terrain. The western region also hosts multiple drug laboratories, hidden on isolated mountain chains. Finally, the eastern region, encompassing the Miskito Coast and bordering the Atlantic Ocean, is known for its rugged terrain and remote areas, which have historically facilitated drug smuggling activities.

The North Coast
The Honduran North Coast is made up of the departments of Atlántida, the Bay Islands, Cortés and parts of Gracias a Dios and Colón, the region stretches along the Caribbean Sea and hosts various ports, including the biggest port in Honduras, Puerto Cortés. The North Coast used to be the epicenter of Honduran drug trafficking, constituting a base of operations for drug traffickers to recieve shipments from South America and easily move them to the eastern coasts of Mexico or directly to Miami and New Orleans. The North Coast also counts with various uninhabited and isolated islands, which drug traffickers use as loading stations and docking areas for drug shipments that move to the Gulf of Mexico, these islands are known as "Narcoislas". Drug traffickers also use the assistance of fishermen in the region, paying them to move small drug shipments in their boats so they can avoid suspicion from port authorities, fishermen are also on the lookout for naval operations, informing these to drug lords so they can coordinate clandestine activities. Many relevant figures in Honduran drug trafficking, including Wilter Blanco and Carlos Arnoldo Lobo used to be fishermen before turning to drug trafficking. In recent years, the Honduran Government has targeted drug trafficking by increasing naval activity along the north coast and arresting key figures of drug trafficking in the area.

The Southern Coast
The South Coast of Honduras is made up by the departments of Choluteca and Valle, host to the main Honduran ports in the Pacific Ocean and the Gulf of Fonseca. In recent years, the Gulf of Fonseca has turned into one of the most important port areas for Honduran drug traffickers thanks to its proximity to Nicaragua and easy access to the Pacific Ocean, Honduran Journalist Oscar Estrada even labeled the region as the "new center of cocaine trafficking to the USA". The vast mangrove ecosystem in the area has been used by drug traffickers as a hideout and shipment spot. The recent economic growth in the area thanks to the development of renewable energy and aquaculture projects has made it easier for drug groups to engage in money laundering schemes in the area. Drug traffickers also take advantage of fishers and farmers in the area, paying them to hide drug shipments in their products.

The East and the Mosquito Coast The Eastern part of Honduras comprises the departments of Gracias a Dios, Olancho, El Paraíso and parts of Colón. This region is one of the most isolated regions in Honduras, due to the hostile terrains many of these areas encompass, and the low population density it counts with. The Eastern Region has hosted most of the biggest drug cartels in recent history, including the Cachiros Cartel (of Colón), the Atlantic Cartel (in Gracias a Dios) and the Sarmientos Cartel (Olancho). Areas like the Gracias a Dios department are inaccessible by land routes and most of roads are not even paved, this makes it hard for Honduran Law Enforcement to access the region, and the area hosts various clandestine routes. The departments of Gracias a Dios and Olancho host most of the clandestine airways South American drug traffickers use, thanks to this isolation and the vast amounts of uninhabited territory they host. In the Mosquitia Region, drug traffickers have been known to use mountains and river terraces to plant Erythroxylum coca plants, this has led to significant deforestation in the area.

Honduran police report that the Eastern region of the country is the fastest growing drug transportation area, as recent security efforts have weakened other routes, and the region hosts most of the Honduras-Nicaragua border. The area also hosts various rivers and large lagunes that traffickers use to transport through speedboats, the vast forest cover hides these routes from authorities.

The department of Olancho is host to the vast majority of lifestock and agricultural activity in Honduras, thanks to its vast fertile terrain. Drug traffickers take advantage of this industry to launder money, as these industries are hard to track by urban authorities. In recent years, drug cartels have attempted to use this terrain to produce cocaine through laboratories and plantations. Drug traffickers take advantage of the illegal logging industry in the area, by using the illegal timber routes to move drug shipments.