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characteristics of early Greek anarchism. Collaborating with other socialists. Active in the Western Peloponnese (Patras, Pyrgos) and Athens. Irredentism is compatible with anarchism in this period, Mazzini has an influence over the whole socialist movement. No women. Many intellectuals coming from the upper classes. Ties with foreign countries. Popular support was gained through resentment for government taxation (especially coming from the New Party of Trikoupis) and the stafidika.

Ottoman Empire
xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx A veritable flood of anarchists, ranging from the completely unknown characters of the movement to its most intensively studied “leaders” poured into the empire, some even managing to remain for extended periods, with intentions of establishing themselves in the lands of the Sublime Porte. Consequently, the level of anarchist activity in Ottoman lands was certainly comparable to that in Europe, where the actual numbers of anarchists meant little when considered in the context of the impact of their actions.

Perhaps the last real surprise in this survey is the low number of Greek anarchists mentioned. While the early history of Greek anarchism remains a gray area, we do know that significant early anarchists such as Emanouil Dadaoglou (not surprisingly, from Smyrna, and a close contact of Cipriani and Argyriadis) and Plotinos Rodokanatis were active in organizing and publishing, as well as later anarchists in Patra (the city’s geographic location and proximity to Italy and the strength of an early anarchist movement here is probably not a coincidence).29 One possible explanation for the relatively small number of Greek anarchists in Ottoman reports is from an Ottoman “threat assessment” perspective: the Armenians had not yet succeeded in creating a nation-state out of the lands of the empire, thus they were a continuing threat. The Bulgarians were in a similar position until they achieved independence late in the nineteenth century, and the Italians, while in no position, as well as lacking the necessary motivation or numbers, to launch a similar movement within the empire, represented an influential, economically active and politically significant element of Ottoman society. An increase in the number or influence of anarchists among them could inflict considerable damage in all these fields, not to mention the threat of “contamination” of locals and other minorities thanks to the polyglot communities they formed. The unwavering attention of the Sublime Porte on the suspected Muslim/ Turkish anarchists despite their small number and minor influence is an excellent indication of such “contamination.” A “native” anarchist movement in strength would certainly be considered a grave threat to Ottoman sovereignty. By contrast, Greek independence had been achieved a half century earlier: 1821-1829 for the war of Independence, and 1832 Treaty of Constantinople for the official recognition of Greece as an independent nation-state by the Ottoman empire. One may argue that Greek anarchism represented no new separatist threat to Ottoman sovereignty. The problem with this argument is the continuing struggle of Greek-speaking people in the remaining lands of the empire, with a certain degree of success (the previously mentioned conflict in Crete comes to mind). Even when one disqualifies the Ottoman territories bordering on or close to the new Greek state, there were still more than a million Greek-speakers spread throughout the empire, only second in number to the Armenian population among the minorities.

In 1901, the Università Popolare Libera (UPL), reflecting clear anarchist influence and principles, opened its doors to students, an important example of non-violent anarchist activity in Ottoman lands, in this case Egypt.30 By 1901, political activism based on working-class consciousness was certainly not a new revelation in the Egyptian scene; as outlined by scholars such as John Chalcraft, Joel Beinin, and Zachary Lockman, the late nineteenth century saw the rise of a new working class that promptly started working towards improving its predicament by experimenting with a volatile mix of nationalism and nation building, as well as socialism to a lesser extent. Interestingly, the UPL was not based exclusively in the labor movement or the working class, but found support also in the middle and upper classes, including, not surprisingly, many Italians as well as Greeks and French citizens.31

While only a speculation still awaiting the unearthing of new primary sources, it is possible that once a Greek state had been created, most of the efforts of Greek-speaking anarchists throughout the empire were directed first and foremost towards influencing events within, and

the structure of, that state; the Ottoman origins of the prominent early figures of Greek anarchism seems to support this speculation.