User:Happyweekdays/sandbox3

Hi, My comments are noted below in italics. Regards, Dr. Haenn

=Chinese in Malaysian=

Culture acculturation
According to Amy Freedman, Chinese immigrants in Malaysia show a lower degree of “acculturation”, or the process of cultural and psychological change, compared to adjacent countries. Research finds that political institutions and educational policies play a crucial role in this situation. After independence in 1957 Malaysia experienced a change with the distribution of rights and social positions and indigenous Malaysians successfully became more dominant on the political, social, and economic fields. The establishment of the United Malays National Organization (UMNO) and Independence Constitution of 1957 guaranteed that Malayans would have absolute regime and also enacted a series of regulations to weaken and restrict Chinese political impact. To avoid potential conflict and compensate, the constitution allows Chinese to retain their own culture and practices, which gives them the choice to not incorporate into the "shared identity" and " shared value" established by Malay government to solid the national unity. Under these circumstances, the legitimization of "cultural characteristics" can also create "ethnic exclusiveness". Chinese in Malaysia have also become less involved in electoral processes. Freedman has argued that the Malayan government has lessened the reliance of electoral funds on the Chinese elite, causing Malay politicians to seek election funds from other sources. Malay leaders then began to decrease the role that socio-economic status play in policy-making and power distribution.

Chinese Education
Gaining access to education has always been a concern for Chinese in Malaysia. In response to this educational disparity, the Chinese community initiated the "Chinese education movement" as a form of protest, resulting in the Razak Report in 1956. In the report, Chinese primary schools are recognized and merged into national education system, while Chinese secondary schools are excluded, followed by Malay becoming the only officially recognized language by legislation on September 1967. Currently the restriction for Chinese secondary schools has been diminishing, with some secondary schools gaining government grants and entering the national education system. Chinese schools in Malaysia fall into two classifications: private school and public school. According to the Education Ministry public schools, such as national-type Chinese primary schools (SJKC) or national-type secondary schools (SMJK), receive either full or partial financial assistance from the government, while private schools and Chinese independent high schools cannot obtain government-aided funds. This requires private schools to maintain its operation from school fees and donations.

Amy Freedman states that the Chinese's education obstacle is associated with political power distribution, as in Malaysia authorities use education to enhance national identity. With less tolerance of "pluralists identities" and other "centers of power", the Malay-dominated government require Chinese schools to offer the 'malay'-centered curriculum to enhance "shared identity", causing the Chinese vernacular school system to be dismissed without government funding and recognition. Some Chinese students in Malaysia have reported that they are treated unfairly and research has suggested that fewer Chinese students are admitted to Malaysian universities than indigenous students. This discrimination can enhance the "Chinese resistance" and a "desire to maintain Chinese culture", which can in turn impede the fulfillment of the goal to educate all Malaysians in English and Bahasa Malayu. The Ministry of Education have also stated that students cannot study abroad without government-enacted certificates. Research has demonstrated that power and policy dynamics need to change from identity-based to interest-based, as otherwise this runs the risk of keeping the Chinese community out of the larger, mainstream Malay populations.

Migration
The number of Chinese in Malaysia changes historically. According to Lee and Tan, the fluctuation of Chinese population is affected by several elements. These elements are comprised of “fertility, mortality, and net migration”. With the enactment of a strict immigration rule after World War II, the determinant factor shifts from international migration to natural increase. Now, the number of Malaysians Chinese is decreasing gradually. Department of Statistics in Malaysia estimated that the Chinese population in Malaysia would drop to 20 per cent by 2040 from 24.5 per cent in 2010. On the contrary, the bumiputera population - Malays, Orang Asli and the ethnic tribes of Sabah and Sarawak - is expected to grow from 67.3 to 72.1 per cent between 2010 and 2040. Researcher Voon Phin Keong explains that low birth rate of ethnic Chinese and increasing populations of other ethnicities are two main factors to decline of Chinese populations. His further study added that immigrants from other countries is also one of the reasons.

Data from World Bank shows that up until 2010, almost one million Malaysian Chinese undertook migration to other countries. Among the destination countries, Singapore ranks the top, attracting 57 percent of Malaysian Chinese. Recent investigations from Department of Statistics and Chinese NGO groups show that nearly half of Chinese in Malaysia report a strong desire to leave. Another study from Oxford University suggests that majority of Malaysians who at least own secondary degree has a stronger tendency to emigrate, regardless of ethnic background. Religion restriction and political exclusion are reported to impact their desire to emigrate.

China-Malaysia relations:
China-Malaysia relations work as a double-sword in terms of politics,education, and economics. At a time when “indigenism” is pervasive in Malaysia. China's position and attitude toward Malaysian Chinese will influence their status in Malaysia. China's donations to Chinese vernacular school in Malaysia can touch the sensitive nerve of Malaysian government and make Malaysian Chinese in a dilemma, given that education has long been a concern of Malaysian leaders. Concerning business relations, Malaysian Chinese has been an important role in connecting economic communication between China and Malaysia since 1980s. Nevertheless, with advent of more and more government-linked companies, local Chinese business might face more fierce competition.

Religion
The number of Chinese Muslim in Malaysia (mainly in west Malaysia) increased in recent time. Christianity was the first choice for most Chinese in Malaysia until late 1960s. The Prime Minister of Malaysia Tunku Abdul Rahman founded a semi-official organization PERKIM (Pertubuhan Kebajikan Islam Malaysia, or Muslim Welfare Association of Malaysia).PERKIM is aimed at promoting ethnic harmony by encouraging intermarriage and spreading Islamic religion. As Hadji Ibrahim promoted the propagation of Islam among Chinese, a general increase of Chinese Muslims in most states of west Malaysia. Up until 1975, Malaysia's Chinese population was the biggest non-Malay Muslim group, making up to 43 percent of Muslim in Malaysia, compared to 35 percent of ‘others’. Siow attributes this change to two factors. other than PERKIM activities, another factor contributing to the increase of Chinese Muslim is the impact of race riots in Kuala Lumpur in 1969. (Siow, 1979:394; 1983:184) At that time, the New Economic Policy was in effect and brought disparity between malay and non-Malay. According to the policy, non-malays was made as inferior with respect to job opportunities and admission to higher education. A survey in Kelang ( city name) find that a great of amount of converted Chinese might take the conversion as a way to avoid discrimination and a path to enter Malay society, particularly for poor Chinese.