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Theoretical framework

Feudalism refers to a system of land management and authority based on a vassal's relationship with his superior, such as the Hari and the Zamindar. The latter receives a substantial percentage of the earnings generated by the cultivation of the crops. For us, feudalism is defined by the connection between a vassal and his master. The system of giving land in exchange for military service, territorial expansion, control of restive masses, and revenue management was well established long before the British arrived on the subcontinent. The Mughals established the system, which lasted until the advent of the British. The undivided Punjab was the greatest benefactor of the initiative when the British created the world's largest canal system in 1931 to irrigate the barren terrain that just needed irrigation to become productive. The British controlled just 9.7% of the entire land area of Punjab. It did, however, have 9.9 million acres of canal-irrigated land. By the end of British administration in 1947, the canal-irrigated land had grown to 14 million acres. Large swaths of land, amounting to tens of thousands of acres, were given to British lackeys who served in the military and assisted them in suppressing the rebellious masses, particularly during the events of 1857. They gave their factotums another favour in addition to vast swaths of land. Their agricultural revenue was free from income tax. Huge amounts of untaxed income provided landlords unrivalled control over all aspects of life, notably over the lives of their tenants. However, political domination was closest to their hearts' yearning. With rare exceptions, landowners, their descendants, and relatives were prominent participants in national politics. Pakistan's narrow-minded yet powerful feudal elite is hesitant to allow the country evolve into a modern state. In most regions of the nation, the feudal lord culture is a barrier to modernisation, viable social transformation, and the contemporary world. The mindset and attitude of the governing elites, who are largely feudal landlords, are incompatible with reform that is consistent with a rapidly changing world. The sin of feudalism will never allow the country to reach the level of other countries such as Japan, Germany, Australia, the United States, and Canada. Feudalism has a stronghold on Pakistan's economy and politics. At least 75% of the Pakistani government's legislative body is made up of landowners, if not more. Because of their control over the police, bureaucracy, and court, feudal landlords have formed states inside states. According to historical evidence, it was the British colonisers of the subcontinent who left us with this parasitic affliction, not Akbar. Slavery is still practised unofficially in regions where feudal classes predominate, thanks to the ex-imperial colonists of the subcontinent who blessed the region with one of its most persistent annoyances. The feudal system in Sindh and other areas of Pakistan was born out of tribal loyalty and custom in the 19th century, when British colonial officials bestowed judicial and administrative powers on important Muslim landlords. Since independence, however, successive military and civilian governments have attempted, but failed, to correct the land imbalance. As a result, feudal lords exercise more authority than governmental authorities in some rural regions, where they are known as waderas, sardars, or khans, depending on their position in the tribe and landholding system. Farmers, also known as Hari in Sindh and Muzara in Punjab, who work for landowners throughout the year in feudal lords' property and live off the land, are akin to mediaeval Europe, when landowners used to rule the town and enslave local people via debt bondage, generation after generation. The powerful, who are frequently politicians who control property, are opposed to any development or educational programmes. They believe that developmental changes will have an impact on their hegemonic power, absolute authority, and the society's current structural hierarchy. The feudal lords are held responsible for defining right and evil, for pressuring and repressing, for enslaving and torturing, and for the scourge of bonded and child labour. The landowner is a looming plague for the poor tenants; the farmers' family's honour is sometimes jeopardised in front of the great land lords. A few sad instances that have lately appeared as a result of the lively function of electronic media are a wake-up call for rational individuals and the civilised world. This unwillingness of local police to press charges against a powerful landowning family is not unusual, and it illustrates the country's longstanding links between feudalism and justice. The interests of feudal lords are often represented by police officers, local administrators, and religious leaders. At the moment, 65 percent of Pakistan's 200 million inhabitants are under the age of 30. Nearly half of the country's population lives in cities, and a growing number of young people are challenging the status quo by seeking more rights. The growing urban middle class is attempting to shatter the old feudal order's grip. The next generation of Pakistanis is more educated and more desirous of change. Cases like Tabassum's might have gone unnoticed in the past, but a young populace empowered by a more open media is now raising human rights concerns. Aside from land changes, feudal lords have mainly secured their tax-free income from agricultural profits. We've had administrations with a variety of political and non-political orientations, but farm income taxes has always been beyond their ability and aim. That is a lot of power in the hands of the feudal, so it's no surprise that it symbolises the attitude of the country's winner. A person's, object's, or issue's mindset is a long-term pattern of assessed reactions. It's a pattern of cognitive (consciously held idea or opinion), affective (emotional tone or feelings), evaluative (negative or positive), and conative (action disposition) notions that's more or less constant. The feudal mindset is defined by a strong belief that the feudal is a higher social class than the common people, and this view is emotionally charged.

Data analysis

Feudal mindset is a prime barricade in social mobility of Pakistan:

Local police's unwillingness to press charges against a powerful landowning family is not unusual, and it illustrates the strong links between feudalism and justice in rural Pakistani culture. “By creating dependence for peasants, the landlord secures a system of very harsh slavery,” writes Pakistani novelist Shaukat Qadir. “The system subjugates [farm labourers] and their families.” By establishing a society dominated by feudal authority, the landowner utilises his local clout to promote his political goals. Rural cops, local administrators, and religious leaders all support the feudal lord's interests in this way. “In Pakistan, political office is inherited,” says Manzur Ejaz, a political economist and author. “Feudal landowners dominate the provincial and national assemblies.” Landowners make up at least 75% of the legislative branch of Pakistan's government. The feudal system isn't only limited to politics. Feudal lords are linked to Pakistan's different patronage networks through land ownership. Landlords, such as Pakistan's former Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, serve as religious patron saints to thousands of peasant followers who vote for their feudal lord with fervour during election season. Pakistan's narrow-minded yet powerful feudal elite is hesitant to allow the country evolve into a modern state. In most regions of the nation, the feudal lord culture is a barrier to modernisation, viable social transformation, and the contemporary world. The mindset and attitude of the governing elites, who are largely feudal landlords, are incompatible with reform that is consistent with a rapidly changing world. However, the Pakistani capitalist elite has failed to eradicate any traces of feudalism and the conservative attitude that accompanied it in the previous sixty-five years. All indications suggest that the current ruling classes and this crisis-ridden capitalism will never be able to eliminate what they refer to as "feudal relations." Defining Pakistan as a feudal society, on the other hand, is simple and inaccurate when considering the socio-economic foundations of the country. The society's decrepit feudal structures have been deeply infiltrated by the patchy and emaciated capitalism interactions. The ruling classes of Pakistani capitalism have failed to eradicate the remains of feudalism precisely because of its historical tardiness, economic and technological inferiority, and fragile character. On the contrary, they have assimilated semi-feudal landlords into the elite, resulting in a political economy that is a mix of semi-capitalist and semi-feudal. This has skewed the social and economic infrastructure and exacerbated the inconsistencies, resulting in a devastated culture that is causing havoc on the people of this nation. However, the historical reality is that on the South-Asian subcontinent, classical feudalism, which was part of Europe's historical history, never became a totally dominating social structure. The Asiatic Mode of Production, also known as Asiatic despotism, was prevalent in the past. This system, which lasted thousands of years – until the arrival of the British – was free of personal ownership of huge landed estates, as was the case with the emergence of European feudal aristocracies. The irony was that the commune's self-sufficient structure separated it from the rest of the world's fast progress, and its tools and ways of production remained outdated. While the commune offered some egalitarianism in this Asiatic dictatorship, its isolation was the source of its primitiveness, making it ready for the numerous foreign conquests. For a long time in history, however, most invading tribes and invaders were of a lesser cultural level, and were therefore incorporated into the indigenous culture, which was a product of the subcontinent's lush terrain, flowing rivers, and agricultural riches. The first invaders, the British, were unable to assimilate this civilization since they had undergone an industrial revolution and renaissance that provided them with not just a technological and military edge but also a superior level of culture. The British raj grafted feudalism atop the earlier system in the subcontinent, primarily to solidify colonial control through a policy of divide and rule and to establish an obedient local elite.

Pakistan still suffers from feudalism:

Feudalism, a scourge that has plagued Pakistan since its independence in 1947, is often regarded as the greatest impediment to the country's progress. In the past, zamindars (landowners) lorded over vast swaths of land, sheltering serfs and frequently abusing them in exchange for sharecropping and other types of menial labour. While independent India was able to eliminate most of the feudal elite, Pakistan's weak attempts at land reform were deemed un-Islamic by the country's Supreme Court in 1990. The landowners used their economic influence to compel their tenants to vote for them in elections. In 1970, feudal landowners owned 42% of the seats in the national legislature. Modern feudalism likes to present itself as kindly paternalists, but this only goes so far. In Pakistan, feudal regions have the lowest literacy rates. The village children's teeth are black and rotting on the estate of one family, many of whose members were educated in the West. Families like the Lalekas, as well as 101 others documented in one catalogue, continue to appear as villains in soap operas on a regular basis. Their power, however, is dwindling. According to one estimate, feudal participation in parliament has decreased to approximately a quarter, with members primarily recruited from rural districts of south Punjab and Sindh province. Mr Laleka shakes his head as he walks through his family stables, pondering the cost of maintaining hundreds of bulls and horses on which little more than prestige rides. He sighs, “You can buy cheaper milk at the markets.” “And you're not responsible for cleaning up their messes.” This demonstrates how the economy is evolving. Agriculture's contribution of GDP has dropped from 53% in 1947 to 20% now. Rapid urbanisation is displacing millions of people from places like Punjab's south. Meanwhile, as Islamic inheritance laws demanding an equal share among male heirs fracture properties, fighting has become a hobby of the feudal elite. One landowner, himself in debt, laments, "80% of my acquaintances have taken out loans to sustain themselves in the finery to which they are accustomed." Farms of less than five acres accounted for 19% of all farms in 1960. By 2010, the percentage had risen to 65 percent. Regarding to social mobility of Pakistan and feudal system:

The influence of landowners over labourers is also decreasing. The previous informal system of payment in kind is being phased out in favour of cash. At harvest season, former serfs are now paid about $170 per month. It's becoming more difficult to get away with violence towards them. The uproar on social media when a feudal lord pushed a ten-year-old child into a thresher in 2013, severing both of his arms, led to his arrest, but not his conviction. Allahdad, a colossal landlord, vividly remembers the days when he beat up lorry drivers and shaved their moustaches as a form of punishment. He laughs as he continues, “If you can't defeat them, they steal.” However, a neighbour claims that Allahdad can no longer keep a chef or a guard since the employees he used to smack may now use their cash payments to go. Feudal politicians must likewise work harder for the votes of their subjects. A young politician from a wealthy family expresses his dissatisfaction with his position. He laments, "Poli means numerous, and tics implies bloodsuckers." He must badger local authorities on behalf of his constituents when he is not glad-handing the crowds at weddings or funerals. Despite this, the feudal rump in parliament has been managed to block, among other things, the extension of the minimum wage to farm labourers. Opposition leader Imran Khan criticises feudalism for the country's "grossly unjust socioeconomic structure," yet is courting feudal barons in his campaign for power next year. Even the slow collapse of feudalism may not result in significant change. Despite the fact that landowners' authority is waning, more than half of Punjab's assembly members have inherited seats from family, which is more than twice the percentage in India's parliament. According to Badar Alam, publisher of a current-affairs magazine, the most cunning "feudals" have long since transformed or married into the burgeoning industrial class. These new wealthy families may have nothing in common with their landed forefathers. Mr Laleka refers to them as "pseudo-feudals" since they seek to imitate the ancient feudal culture with large vehicles, browbeaten servants, and blatant tax evasion. Pakistan has already experienced the first chapter of tyranny shortly after its foundation. Under the oligarchic and authoritarian traditions, it was first ruled by civil, military, and bureaucrats. Then came the 1970s, which cleared the ground for the state to adopt a democratic government. Individualism, tyranny, bondage, and slavery are the guiding ideals of feudalism. Democracy, on the other hand, is based on the values of participation, peace, equality, plurality, and freedom. However, it has been noted that the country's legislative structure is non-democratic in nature. For example, feudal lords such as the Zamindars, Jagirdars, Nawabs, Nawabzadas, Mansabdars, Arbabs, Makhdooms, and Sardars controlled the Pakistan Muslim League, which established the foundations of Pakistan. Qauid-e-Azam, on the other hand, was an outlier since he came from a family of merchants and lawyers, as opposed to the Sharifs, who are now industrialists and have a majority of party members with a feudal background. This implies that the major political parties in Pakistan are feudal in nature. In Pakistan, democracy has become an exploitation slogan since there are landless and uneducated peasants, as well as people whose social position is no higher than that of a slave. Because democracy and feudalism cannot coexist, constitutional reforms are required for a successful democratic society. Following partition, while Ayoub Khan was President and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was Prime Minister, both sought unsuccessfully to enact land reforms to weaken feudalism's grip. Gul told DNA that “large property holdings do not always cause hindrance in democracy.” “The voting system in Punjab is based on ‘Biradaris,' and has nothing to do with large land holdings.” In Pakistan, the feudal system has created non-democratic political trends, impeding the growth of participation culture. Furthermore, because the people is still uninformed about democracy, it has been impeding free and autonomous public choice in elections. “In principle, feudal lords are an impediment to democracy, but in fact, this may be reduced as people get access to education.” In light of this, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif exemplifies how feudalism is not the main cause of Pakistan's poor democracy. Despite the fact that Nawaz Sharif hails from an industrial background and is not a feudal ruler, he is nevertheless viewed as a democratic impediment. If the same feudals are elected every five years, democracy cannot survive in spirit. In our political-economic structure, feudalism or capitalism has been at the core of the bulk of the country's issues.

Comparison

The system subjugates farm labourers and their families. By establishing a society dominated by feudal authority, the landowner utilises his local clout to promote his political goals. Rural cops, local administration Conclusion

The feudal lords are held responsible for defining right and evil, for pressuring and repressing, for enslaving and torturing, and for the scourge of bonded and child labour. The landowner is a looming plague for the poor tenants; the farmers' family's honour is sometimes jeopardised in front of the great land lords. A few sad instances that have lately appeared as a result of the lively function of electronic media are a wake-up call for rational individuals and the civilised world. This unwillingness of local police to press charges against a powerful landowning family is not unusual, and it illustrates the country's longstanding links between feudalism and justice. The interests of feudal lords are often represented by police officers, local administrators, and religious leaders. The industrial and business classes, on the other hand, are not exempt. The feudal mentality is strongly established in the elite's brains. They have established organisations and wield enormous power while claiming to be victims of government policy. Simultaneously, they like flaunting what they have and never feel compelled to explain this contradiction since no one ever asks them to. We have a wealthy elite and a dwindling government that is enslaved by massive debt. The industrial and business classes, influenced by traits reminiscent of their own mediaeval worldview, are unconcerned about anything beyond their noses. The priesthood, for its part, has claimed celestial power. It has enough clout and sway over the people to be included among the powerful, and it makes agreements with various power centres among the governing class. Is the ordinary guy, finally, untouched by the feudal mindset? Most of us become feudal when we gain even a smidgeon of power. A peon outside the office of a bureaucrat or corporate boss can be, and often is, as arrogant as the boss; a motorcyclist driving on the wrong side of the road, when admonished, can be as insolent as a landlord; a hawker, even a sanitary worker, can be disrespectful if he believes he is in a position of relative strength. Our sexism, which leads to what is erroneously referred to as honour killing, is another example of this worldview. These are all real-life examples from Pakistan, demonstrating that the most, if not all, of us have a feudal attitude. Recommendation

impediment to both economic growth and national consensus: I'm not sure whether Pakistan doesn't require a strong dose of land reform to break up feudal dominance. In Pakistan, the enormous disparities appear to be not just unfair, but also a barrier to both economic progress and national agreement. For those who haven't visited Pakistan, you should be aware that in remote areas, you'll occasionally come across vast estates — comparable to mediaeval Europe — where the landowner runs the town, possibly runs a private prison where enemies are held, and sometimes effectively enslaves local people through debt bondage, generation after generation. feudal structure is replicated: This feudal aristocracy has made its way into politics, where it wields enormous power. And, just as feudal and capitalist lords' heartlessness paved the way for Communists in the nineteenth century, the same lack of sympathy for poor Pakistanis appears to be paving the way for Islamic extremists now. Of course, there are other options, such as education, civic society, and the legal profession. But I'm not sure whether land reform wouldn't help a lot. Land reform and partition in nations like Japan and South Korea after World War II, according to Dwight Perkins, the famous Harvard economist of development, was a significant role in the emergence of East Asia, producing a more equitable society. (This was done under the aegis of the United States in Japan; we were far more socialist outside our nation than we were inside it.) In 1953, India conducted its own land reform, but Pakistan was excluded. I've repeatedly emphasised education as Pakistan's most pressing necessity, yet the feudal system still exists. For the privileged, there are first-rate English schools, second-rate schools for aspirants, and execrable institutions for the rest. Teachers don't even bother to show up at the poor schools. This highly stratified society tends to maintain an ossified economic and social structure, leaving the country with little room to innovate and develop or employ human capital.