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Vaeako-Taumako displays negation in prohibitions (prohibitive, irrealis, imperfective, admonitive), statements (verbal and non verbal) polar questions and noun phrases. Negation morphemes behave similarly to verbs in many respects although they do not take tense-aspect-mood markers or form independent predicates. However there are instances of their taking complement clauses and for this reason negation morphemes might be considered a sub-class of verb.

Prohibition
Prohibitive clauses may be divided into two. Prohibitive auā, (equal to the English 'don’t') and Admonitive na. Prohibitives pattern themselves in similar ways and are most frequently positioned cause initially. Admonitives behave and distribute slightly differently as will be illustrated below.

Negated clauses appear with only a small range of tense-aspect-mood markers. Prohibitive clauses often display no tense-aspect-mood marker at all, if they do, the markers are either na irrealis or me prescriptive. Negated declarative clauses typically occur with either perfective ne or imperfective no, with other options only marginally represented in collected data.

Prohibitive auā
auā appears clause-initially, however discourse particles such as nahilā (’take care, make sure’) may precede it. Other grammatical morphemes such as articles or markers of tense, aspect or mood may not precede it which excludes auā from the verb category of Vaeakao-Taumako.

1.1

Auā tau hano!

‘Don’t go.’

However, auā behaves like a verb in that it may take clausal complements, which are then often either nominalised or the irrealis marker na is present (see table 1.1.3). A correlation exists between singular 2nd person subject and a nominalised clause although this correlation is not absolute.

1.1 a

Auā ko no hualonga!

‘Don’t make noise!’

Contrasting this, the 2nd person dual or plural subjects attract the irrealis marker na to create a prohibitive clause.

1.1 b

Auā kholuna ō!

‘Don’t you (two) go!’

Within data sets of Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011), as implied by the imperative nature of the morpheme, auā will tend to appear with 2nd person subjects as above, although both 1st and 3rd subjects are also found.

1st Person

1.1 c

Tatu noho themu, auā hatno folongā

‘We should all sit still and not be noisy.’

3rd Person

1.1 d O ia auā no kutea mai tuku mata, ia a iau auā  taku kuteange ona mata.

‘She is not allowed to look at my face, ‘and I cannot look at her face.’

Auā is also found in conjunction with modifiers such as ala which marks a hypothetical or oki, ‘back, again’. (

auā-ala
1.1.1

Auā ala tau faia e anga e tapeo i taha

‘You should not do bad things outside.’

auā - oki
1.1.2

Auoki tō haiange oki la manei oki la

‘Don’t ever do that anymore here.’

Irrealis na and Imperfective no
Irrealis na and imperfective no adheres to a common pattern of appearing in 2nd person in dual or plural within prohibitive clause structure.

1.1.3

Auā kholuna  !

‘Don’t you (two) go!’

Instances of 3rd person are less frequent and tend to include the imperfective no in postposition to morpheme auā.

1.1.3 a

A heinga auā no hū  ite koe.

‘Nothing shall be hidden from you.’

Admonitive na
na behaves similarly to aluā only in that it is clause initial, it is otherwise classified as a clause initial particle and it must be accompanied by the tense-aspect-mood marker me  which acts as a prescriptive.

1.1.4

Na me teia te tangara!

‘Don’t kill the man!’

However na also has a second function, it acts to point out the consequences of disobeying the order. In this role the na often appears without me, creating a clause without tense-aspect-mood marking.

1.1.4 a

Meri noho lavoi, na me sepe.

‘Mary, sit properly, do not expose yourself.’

Verbal Clause Negation
Verbal negation is made up of three morphemes which act independently and may be understood as the English equivalents to siai ‘not’, sikiai ‘not yet’,and hiekh ‘not at all’.

siai ‘not, no’
According to Næss, A., & Hovdhaugen, E. (2011) the colloquial pronunciation of siai is hiai, however the standard written form is siai. Siai comes after preverbal arguments but is placed before the tense-aspect-mood particle and following clitic pronoun.

2.1.1

Ko ia siai ne longo ange ki a sinana.

‘She did not listen to her mother.’

As in the case of auā modifying particles, which are traditionally found after verbs, may appear following siai. An example of this is loa which is an emphatic marker.

For example siai loa.

2.1.1 a

E mae loa te kai ia siai oki nei fuia ona mata.

'He refused to eat, and he didn’t wash his face either.’

A further example is the addition of po which generally serves to connect a complement clause.

2.1.1 b

Siai po ke ileila sika.

‘She did not feel safe.’

sikiai, hikiai ‘not yet’
sikiai, hikiai (where sikiai is the formal written expression of spoken hikiai) appears in the same formation as above siai except it proceeds the preverbal argument and precedes any tense-aspect-mood markers. It appears less frequently and is often accompanied by the perfective marker ne.

2.1.2

A Osil hikiai ne ala.

‘Åshild is not yet up.’

hiekhī/hiekhiē ‘not at all’
This is the emphatic form of the negator. It follows the same distribution as both sia and sikiai and is often accompanied by the post-nuclear modifier loa.

2.1.3

Hiekhī loa nei kutea te ali na.

‘He couldn’t find the flatfish at all.’

As with siai hiekhī appears in conjunction with complementiser po, although with lower frequency.

2.1.3 a

A thatou hiekhiē po no kutea i mui thatuno utuutu ai na.

‘We had no idea where to draw water.’

Non-verbal Clause Negation
The same negators are used as in the verbal clauses above.

2.1.4

A Malani na siai e vai ai.

‘And Malani, there was no water there.’

Polar Questions
Polar questions are commonly formed in three ways. A declarative clause with a rise in intonation to mark the interrogative which requires the binary, ‘yes’ or ‘no’ response, much as they are in English may be used. The second alternative is the addition of the verbal negator (o) siai ‘(or) not’  and the third is the addition of verbal negator sikiai (not yet) if the the interrogative has a temporal element.

Simple interrogative formed with declarative clause:

3.1

Thaka ō mua?

‘Shall we go?’

3.1 a

(o) siai

''E ai mua etai ne au o siai? (NUP)''

‘Has anyone come here?’

3.1 b

sikiai

A hinana koi takuange po ke hano moa oi kutea moa a haupƝ po ko lanu e hikiai? ‘His mother told him to go and see if the tide was rising yet.’

Negated Existence
Non-specific article e can be used to express 'negated existence' unless the noun has a possessive marker in which case e is absent.

3.1.1

Hiai loa e mahila ku kapakapai i hale.

‘There is no knife for me to use in the house.’