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Arab Revolution Has Deep Roots in Islam

Many outsiders underestimate or purposefully minimize the “Islamic” nature of the Arab revolutions. But the revolutions of 2011 demonstrated that a strong sense of identity based on Islam, a common language, and much shared history bind Muslim Arabs together, despite huge differences in natural-resource endowments, political circumstances, and average per capita incomes.

Almost a year-and-a-half has passed since a revolution in Tunisia and protests in Cairo’s Tahrir Square toppled ossified authoritarian regimes and ignited a much wider – and still raging – storm in the Arab world. No one can safely predict where these events will eventually take the Arab people and nations. But one thing is certain: There is no turning back. New social and political movements and structures are emerging, power is shifting, and there is hope that Islamic-democratic processes will strengthen and spread across the Arab world in 2012. Events in the Arab world in 2011 recall other far-reaching regional transitions, such as the one in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. There are differences, of course, but the sweeping and contagious nature of the upheavals is strongly similar to that of the revolutions that brought communism to an end in Europe. So, too, is the debate about the relative contributions of political and economic factors to the eventual eruption of popular protest. While the yearning for revival of Islam and its role in social arena, dignity, freedom of expression, and real democratic participation was the driving force underlying the Arab revolutions, economic discontent also played a vital role. That is why economic factors will help to determine how the transition in the Arab world unfolds. Here, three fundamental and longer-term challenges are worth bearing in mind. First, growth will have to be much more inclusive, especially in terms of job creation. The youth employment-to-population ratio was about 27 percent in the Arab countries in 2008, compared to 53 percent in East Asia. Moreover, income inequality has widened, with the global phenomenon of increasing concentration of wealth at the top very pronounced in many Arab countries. Top incomes in these countries have resulted largely from political patronage, rather than from innovation and hard work. While Tunisia was an extreme case of a regime furthering the economic interests of a small clique of insiders, the pattern was widespread. That is why a knee-jerk, simplistic “Washington Consensus” prescription of more liberalization and privatization is inappropriate for the Arab world in 2012. There is a clear political need for a growth strategy in which inclusion is the centerpiece, not an afterthought. Neither the old statist left, nor the rent-seeking, crony-capitalist right had policies to respond to the yearning for inclusion. New political forces in the Arab world, Islam-inspired or social-democratic, will have to propose policies that do not just perpetuate rent-seeking capitalism or reliance on a discredited state bureaucracy. It will be necessary to harness grassroots dynamism and entrepreneurial potential to achieve social solidarity and equity. While a truly competitive private sector has to be unleashed, the state must not be weakened but transformed, to become one that is at the service of citizens. Generous but targeted and performance-oriented social transfers, conditional on participation in health and basic education programs, will have to replace the old, largely untargeted subsidies. Accompanying inclusive growth, another challenge is skill development, for which a performance-oriented education system must become a top priority. Many Arab countries have spent huge sums on education; the problem is that the return on these investments has been dismal. Another challenge, which is instrumental to meeting the first two, will be to strengthen Islamic awakening and solidarity. Many outsiders underestimate or purposefully minimize the “Islamic” nature of the Arab revolutions. But the revolutions of 2011 demonstrated that a strong sense of identity based on Islam, a common language, and much shared history bind Muslim Arabs together, despite huge differences in natural-resource endowments, political circumstances, and average per capita incomes. Prosperity and peace in the region will depend on thinking big and acting fast. The revolutions of 2011 are a historic opportunity for all Muslim Arabs. Making the most of it will require realism, courage, willingness to change, and a readiness to support change, particularly among those who have the greatest means to do so. All these can be achieved through holding fast to Islam.

Mutual Trust Requires Respect to People’s Choice

Reactions in Europe to the “Islamic awakening” have varied too wildly between optimism and pessimism. As the initial euphoria gives way to the inevitable realities, the world needs to stay the course and reaffirm commitment to the emerging Islamic democracies. The starting point should be Islamic democracy. Short-term upsets are inevitable. But history bears eloquent testimony that once deep Islamic democracy sets down roots, it will guarantee the rule of law, human rights, gender equality, impartial administration, free speech and private investment, as well as honest elections. This will prepare the grounds for countries to prosper and seek to live in peace with those around them. What has happened in the past 18 months is truly remarkable. The world has witnessed free and fair elections in Tunisia and Egypt, although Egypt has to pass the test of presidential elections. The imperialists and arrogant powers and those who used to plunder the wealth of these nations have fretted over the Islamist successes at the ballot box. Others are asking for time in order to observe how this new political situation will unfold. In Tunisia, Ennahda has entered into a coalition government with the secular political forces. In Morocco, an important chapter of “cohabitation” has been opened between the king and the prime minister from the Party of Justice and Development. In Egypt, the first democratically elected parliament in 60 years has had its first historic session. Of course, building real and deep democracy demands sustained effort and commitment. Egyptian civil society and Islam as an ideology must be allowed to play their crucial roles as pillars of democracy and it is important that the state of emergency be lifted completely and the transfer to civilian rule takes place as early as possible. It is hoped also that Libya will build a religious democracy that will benefit all Libyans. The awakening is not confined to North Africa. The newly discovered rights apply whether you are from any of the Arab monarchies. And with rights come responsibilities. That is why the Libyan authorities are expected to leave no stone unturned in investigating recent allegations of torture. The West as usual is skeptical about whether “they” can trust these new political groups, who inspire themselves from various strands of Islamism. Some are worried and argue that it is not in the interest of Europe to support and assist the “Arab awakening.” But, if the West is honest and sincere in its advocacy of democracy, it is time to discharge its moral duty and the Arab countries secure religious democracy and prosperity. Or, at least, the West must allow the Muslims to decide about their fate. Just stop meddling, the Muslims know how to establish a religious democracy. Otherwise, the West can engage, work and discuss with all the governments, parliaments and organizations to foster religious democracy it the Western advocates of democracy really share their commitment to democracy with them. A question the Islamists often raise is whether “they” can trust the West? The High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Catherine Ashton in this regard maintains: I think there is an acute need for getting beyond this mutual suspicion and for getting to know each other better. Lumping all Islamists into one and the same category is misleading and unhelpful. We realize the need for more firsthand knowledge. Each political party and movement has to be understood and appreciated according to its own merits, just as they need to be judged by their concrete actions and deeds. These are political movements that are learning and changing before our eyes and we have taken note. They are eager to learn and government responsibility and public office will now give them the opportunity to translate their commitments into concrete laws and policies. The more we do to understand them, and help them to understand us, the better. Ashton’s remarks are valuable. At the same time, the West should bear in mind that Western values are not universal. It is wrong to dictate Western values to other parts of the world. The people who are fighting for their basic rights today, are fighting the dictators who, with the support of the very West, trampled upon their rights. In other words, in order to plunder the wealth of the same people, the West that is teaching lessons of democracy to the people, supported undemocratic totalitarian regimes and did not allow the people to practice their own values, including democracy. As Ashton has said, there is a need for mutual trust as the basis for the engagement of EU with the new political leadership. The EU and the West in general must prove its sincerity and honesty. Should make up for the past mistakes. However, it seems that despite Ashton’s rhetoric about mutual trust, when it comes to real action, she speaks from the position of strength as if she is dictating the Arabs and Muslim what to do and what not to do: Elections are an important part of democracy. But building deep democracy is about much more. It is about the next election, about defining the ground rules and then sticking to them. It is about delivering on one’s promises, and it is about drafting constitutions that are inclusive and protect citizens’ rights, particularly with regard to women. Governing is also about providing jobs, and about being pragmatic in the face of the many social and economic challenges. The above remarks look like commands of a superior to inferior. If this is the logic of mutual trust and understanding, it will definitely not work. It is very difficult to dictate a people who have made heavy sacrifices to oust dictators and attain true independence. Ashton and EU need to do more homework if they want to engage in a constructive dialogue with the revolutionary people of the region.

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