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Dale F. Eickelman is an american anthropologist expertise on Middle East.

Biography
Dale Eickelman was born at 15 of December on 1942 in Evergreen Park and he is Ralph and Richard Lazarus Professor of Anthropology and Human Relations Emeritus at Dartmouth College in USA. Dale Eickelman studied anthropology and Islamic studies and he earned his Bachelor degree on Dartmouth College, also he earned his Master's degree from McGill University in Montreal. He received his Ph. D. from University of Chicago.Dale Eickelman is a former President of the Middle East Studies Association of North America, also he is Fellow of the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton. For the years 2000-2001 and 2009-2010 he was Fellow of the Wissenschaftskolleg zu Berlin. Professor Eickelman currently serves as senior advisor to Kuwait’s first private liberal arts university, the American University of Kuwait. In 2009, he was named a Carnegie Scholar for a two-year period, and in 2011 he received the Distinguished Scholar Award from the Middle East Section of the American Anthropological Association.

From the introduction: this essay has two complementary goals. The first is to analyze what is known presently of the relation between religious tradition and polity in Oman, a country which remained largley cut off from its neighbours and the outside world until 1970. The second goal is critically to analyze the concept of “traditional” Islam. Islamic tradition is seen concretely as a vessel with specific form and content. The alternate approach advanced in this paper is to consider tradition as an analytic notion which designates an ideological type with specific relations to local social structures. Abstract (p. 30): Oman, as it has been cut off from its neighbours and from western influence unto recent years, seems the right country for studying so-called traditional Islam. But, as soon as it is approached from the ethnographic and social historical point of view, the notion of tradition appears more complex than that can be extracted from religious texts and authorities. It is replaced by that of traditions where political and religious powers interfere. Although many ethnic groups and various religious identities coexist, Oman's religion is mainly the Ibāḍī Islam marked by an egalitarianism convenient to the “tribe” organization and by the imamate leadership. The social organization and the religious rule were, however, influenced by involvement in maritime trade and dominions in East Africa. Sociological comparisons with Morocco enlight the complex relations which exist and have existed between religion, social organization, economic and political power. Eickelman discusses religious discours in Oman, starting with a conflict between the Saudi chief Muftī ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. Bāz and the Omani chief Muftī Aḥm. b. Ḥamad al-Khalīlī, that started with b. Bāz's opinion on the Ibāḍī view on the vision of Allāh.

Works
Eickelman, Dale F.: (1976) Moroccan Islam Tradition and Society in a Pilgrimage Center.

Eickelman, Dale F.: (1981)

Eickelman, Dale F.: (1985)

Eickelman, Dale F., James P. Piscatori: (1996)

Eickelman, Dale F., Jon W. Anderson: (1999)

Papers and Lectures Related on Ibadism

 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1980) Religious tradition, economic domination and political legitimacy: Morocco and Oman. Revue de l'Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée (Aix-en-Provence), nr. 29 (1980), 17-30.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1983) Religious knowledge in Inner-Oman. Journal of Oman Studies (Muscat), vol. 6, part 1 (1983), 163-172.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1984) Kings and people: Oman's State Consultative Council. Middle East Journal (Washington, D.C.), vol. 38 nr. 1 (Winter 1984), 61-71.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1985) From theocracy to monarchy: authority and legitimacy in inner Oman, 1935-1957. International Journal of Middle East Studies (Cambridge/New York), 17 (1985), 3-24.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1987) Ibaḍism and the sectarian perspective. In: Pridham (ed.) 1987, 31- 50.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1989) National identity and religious discourse in contemporary Oman. International Journal of Islamic and Arabic Studies (Bloomington), vol. 6 nr. 1 (1989), 1-20.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1990) Identité nationale et discours religieux en Oman. In: Gilles Kepel and Yann Richard: (eds.) Intellectuels et militants de l'Islam contemporain. Paris: Seuil, 1990, 103-128.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1991) Counting and surveying an « inner » Omani community: Hamra al-ʿAbriyin. In: E.G.H. Joffé and J.R. Pennell: (eds.) Tribe and state. Essays in honour of David Montgomery Hart.Wisbech: MENAS Press, 1991, 253-277.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1991) Traditional Islamic learning and the ideas of the person in the twentieth century. In: Martin Kramer: (ed.) Middle Eastern lives. The practice of biography and self-narrative. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1991, 35-59, 148-150.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (1998) Being bedouin: nomads and tribes in the Arab social imagination. In: J. Ginat and A.M. Khazanov: (eds.) Changing nomads in a changing world. Brighton: Sussex University Press, 1998, 38-49.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (2002) Savoir religieux et éducation dans l'Oman intérieur d'hier à aujourd'hui. In: Lavergne and Dumortier (eds.) 2002, 231-244.
 * Eickelman, Dale F.: (2014) The modern face of Ibadism in Oman. In Ziaka (ed.) 2014a, 151- 164.
 * Eickelman, Dale: (2014b) The American perspective (in Ibāḍī historical studies). A lecture delivered at: International Conference: today's perspectives on Ibāḍī history and the historical sources.

Josef Van Ess113/226

Ess, Josef van: (1976) Untersuchungen zu einigen ibāḍitischen Handschriften. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft (Stuttgart), vol. 126 (1976), 25-63.

Ess, Josef van: (1977) Nachträge: Wissenschaftliche Nachrichten. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft (Stuttgart), vol. 127 (1977), part 1, 1-4.

Ess, Josef van: (1982) Early development of Kalām. In: Juynboll (ed.) 1982, 109-123, notes 230- 241.

Ess, Josef van: (1984) Une lecture à rebours de l'histoire de muctazilisme. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1984, (139 pp.). Revue des Études Islamiques, hors série 14.

Ess, Josef van: (1984) Yazīd b. Unaisa und Abū ʿĪsà al-Isfahānī: zur Konvergenz zweier sektierischer Bewegungen. In: Studi in onore di Francesco Gabrieli nel suo ottantesimo compleanno. Ed. R. Traini. Rome: Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, Dipartimento. di Studi Orientali, 1984, 301-313.

Ess, Josef van: (1986) Un manuscrit ibādite de Jerba: les Aqwāl Qatāda. In: Aʿmāl al-Multaqà ḥawla Tārīkh Jarba, (Afrīl 1982)/Actes du colloque sur l'histoire de Jerba, (Avril 1982). Tunis 1986, 93-103.

Ess, Josef van: (1991-1997) ''Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra. Eine Geschichte des religiösen Denkens im frühen Islam''. 6 vols. Berlin/New York: De Gruyter, 1991-1997.

Ess, Josef van: (2000) Islam kelami'nin başlangıcı. Transl. Şaban Ali Düzgün. Ankara Üniversitesi Ilâhiyat Fakültesi Dergisi (Ankara), vol. 41 (2000), 399-423.

On www.dergiler.ankara.edu.tr (Febr. 2010).*

Ess, Josef van: (2011) ''Der eine und das Andere. Beobachtungen an islamischen haerisographischen Texten''. 2 vols. Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2011, (xxviii+xvi, 1511 pp.; 23x15,5 cm.). ISBN 978.3.11.021577.9.

-/227

Ess, Josef van: (2012) Ibāḍī identity and imperial policy in the early Abbasid period. A lecture delivered at: ''International conference: Ibāḍī theology. Rereading sources and scholarly works.''

The author's abstract: Part One: The relationship between Empire and Caliphate. The caliphate arose as a political necessity, without any explicit religious obligation. Oppositional tendencies were likewise not religiously conditioned but of tribal origin; only later heresiographical literature emphasized the religious roots (using terms like Sabā'iyya, Khawārij etc.). Under the Umayyads the basis of the caliphate was primarily tribal; the Abbasids rather chose an autocratic model based on Iranian ideas.

Part two: The Ibāḍiyya as part of the Islamic Empire.

The Ibāḍī community seems to have been almost exclusively Arab and tribally oriented. Moreover, its perspective was maritime rather than continental. Oman, though being part of the Arabian peninsula, was the center of a "thalassocracy" squatting the shores of the Gulf, with mercantile outposts in Iran and in Basra. With its floating borders and its "republican" ideology which was taken over into Ibāḍī religious thinking the area did not fit well into Abbasid autocratic rule. Under the Umayyads the conflict with the caliphate had not yet been perceived, but under the Abbasids it broke out where both concepts came closest to each other: in Basra. When a compromise turned out to be impossible the Ibāḍī community left Iraq and retreated to the periphery, i. e. Oman and the Maghrib.

See Ess 2015.

Ess, Josef van: (2014) Introduction. The beginning of Ibadi studies. In Ziaka (ed.) 2014a, 35-42.

Ess, Josef van: (2014) Documents of early Islamic thought: the Ibāḍiyya in context. A lecture delivered at: International Conference: today's perspectives on Ibāḍī history and the historical sources.

Ess, Josef van: (2015) Ibāḍī identity and imperial politics in early Islam. In Francesca (ed.) 2015b, 37-46.

Adam Gaiser is an academic scholar on Islamic studies expertise on the development of early Kharijites and Ibadiyya.

Works

 * Gaiser, Adam: (2005) The origin and development of the Ibadi Imamate ideal. Charlottesville, VA, 2005. Ph.D. thesis, University of Virginia, History of Religions.See Gaiser 2010.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2010b) Muslims, scholars, soldiers: the origin and elaboration of the Ibāḍī Imamate. Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press, 2010 ISBN 978.0.19.973893.9.

Papers and lecturers related to Ibadism

 * Gaiser, Adam: (2008) Satan's seven specious arguments: al-Shahrastani's Kitab al-Milal wal- Nihal in an Ismaili context. Journal of Islamic Studies (Oxford), vol. 19 nr. 2 (2008), 178- 195.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2009) Source-critical methodologies in recent scholarship on the Khārijites. History Compass (Blackwell Publishing ), vol. 7 issue 5 (2009), 1376-1390.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2009) The Ibāḍī version of the Munāẓara with the Khārijites at Ḥarūrā'.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2010) The Ibāḍī “stages of religion” re-examined: tracing the history of the Masālik al-Dīn. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (London), 73, 207-222.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2010) What do we learn about the Khawārij and Ibāḍiyya from their coins? Journal of the American Oriental Society (New Haven), vol. 130 nr. 2 (Apr.-June 2010), 167- 187.


 * Gaiser, Adam: (2010) The ascetic life and very special death of Abū Bilāl: Shurāt narratives and Ibāḍī identity.


 * Gaiser, Adam: (2011) al-Qalhātī's al-Kashf wa'l-Bayān and the construction of a medieval Ibāḍī identity.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2012) North African and Omani Ibāḍī accounts of the Munāẓāra: a preliminary comparison. Revue des Mondes Musulmans et de la Méditerranée (REMMM) (Lyon), vol. 132, 63-73.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2012) Kharijism and Ibadism: identifying a complex movement.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2013) Slaves and silver across the Strait of Gibraltar: politics and trade between Umayyad Iberia and Khārijite North Africa. Medieval Encounters (Leiden: Brill), vol. 19 nrs. 1-2 (2013), 41-70.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2013) ‟You are a sinner, not an unbelieverˮ: themes in early Khārijite poetry.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2013) Takfīr re-examined: ambiguity and polemic in the sources on the Muḥakkima.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2014) Tracing the ascetic life and very special death of Abū Bilāl. Martyrdom and early Ibadi identity. In Ziaka (ed) 2014, 59-72.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2014) Ascetism in context among the early Kharijites and Ibadiyya.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2014) In them are good models: Ibāḍī depictions of the Muḥakkima.
 * Gaiser, Adam: (2015) Teacher lines in al-Qalhātī's al-Kashf wa'l-Bayān: the accumulation of a medieval Ibāḍī identity. Muslim World (Hartford), vol. 105 nr. 2 (April 2015), 157-162.

Pessah Shinar's life and work[edit]
Pessah Shinar was born at 6th February of 1914 and he died at 24th March of 2013. He was a researcher of Islamic culture and Arabic language and an Israeli composer. Until his death, he was professor emeritus at the Institute for Asian and African Studies at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. For more than forty years, Professor Pessah Shinar has been engaged in the study of Islam in the Maghrib. Pessah Shinar's work, related with the Ibadism and he contributed a lot in the history of research on Ibāḍī studies.

Also, Pessah Shinar wrote about the relationships between Ibāḍīs and Jews in his article Réflexions sur la symbiose judéo-ibāḍite en Afrique du Nord. This work is a kind of anthropological comparison between Jews and Ibāḍīs in Mīzāb. About this subject Pessah Shinar concludes that Mīzāb offers us an example of a rare coexistence of two ethnic-socio-cultural isolated groups of people, in equal in numbers and status, which have purely functional contacts. Living closely together, they present notable similarities, but also numerous and profound differences. The Ibāḍīs base their way of life on the Quran, the Tradition, and the Ibāḍī theology, jurisprudence and ethics, with a Berber-Zenati substrate; the Jews base theirs on the Talmudic and mystical biblical tradition, as well as on their ancient Mālikite, especially Moroccon, environment. Both groups, looking outwardly fossilised, have in them the germs of renewal, that orientate the Ibāḍīs towards an oriental renaissance, al- Nahḍa, and the reformism of the orthodox Salafiyya, while the other group, in their exodus, are directed towards Israel and France.

Works related to Ibadism[edit]

 * Shinar, Pessah: (1961) Ibāḍiyya and orthodox reformism in modern Algeria. In: Heyd (ed.) 1961, 97-120.
 * Shinar, Pessah et al.: (eds.) (1980) Les relations entre Juifs et Musulmans en Afrique du Nord: XIXe-XX siècles. Actes du colloque international de l'Institut d'Histoire des Pays d'Outre-Mer, Abbaye de Semanque, octobre 1978. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1980.
 * Shinar, Pessah: (1982) Réflexions sur la symbiose judéo-ibāḍite en Afrique du Nord. In:Abitbol (ed.) 1982, 81-114.
 * Shinar, Pessah: (1983) L'islam maghrébin contemporain. Essai de bibliographie selective annotée: Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie, Libye, 1830-1978. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS), 1983.
 * Shinar, Pessah: (2004) Modern Islam in the Maghrib. Jerusalem: The Max Schloessinger Memorial Foundation, The Hebrew University of Jersusalem, 2004.

References[edit]

 * 1) ^ Jump up to:a b Custers, Martin H. (2016). Al-Ibāḍiyya: A Bibliography. 3 (Second revised and enlarged ed.). Hildesheim-London-N.Y.: Olms Publishing. pp. 641-642. ISBN 9783487153544.

History of research on Ibadism.

Ibadism was marginalized in the study of Islam by the Oriental Studies that begin their systematization mainly after the 19th century. Furthermore, Ibadism suffered from being misunderstood by other Islamic schools. Early Islamic works on heresiography, due to their nature, considered Ibadism to be one of the extremist divisions of the Kharijite (Khawarije) movement. These approaches affected both Muslims and non-Muslims researchers who tried to understand Ibadism, because several researchers considered heresiographic literature as the main source for understanding Islam. With the reproduction of stereotypical ideas about Ibadism, it became difficult to distinguish between the Ibadi doctrine and the constructed opinions and especially to see Ibadism and Ibadis independent of  the Kharijites.

Eminent on the field of Islamic history were primarily the works of Noeldeke and Goldzieher. Both focused their studies on the emergence of Islam and early Islamic history. Despite these developments, Ibadi studies attracted very little attention. One other reason, in a certain degree also responsible for the marginalization of Ibadism, was also the fact that most Ibadi manuscripts were kept in remote Ibadi settlements and towns far away from the coastal areas and capitals, especially in North Africa. This relative isolation leads to a few observations in the development of Ibadi studies in western Orientalism.

Two primary approaches about Ibadis that dominated Western Oriental studies have appeared during the mid-19th century. The first was an attempt to understand Ibadism through the translated texts, and the second involved the compilation of bibliographic lists of Ibadi literature, most of which focused on historical works. Scholars interested in Omani sources were mostly from Great Britain. This is apparent from George Badger’s “The Imams and Seyyid in Oman,” the translation of the “K. al-Fath al-Mubiyn fī sīrat al-Sadah al-Bus’īdiyīn” by Ibn Ruzayq, published in 1871. In 1874, Edward Ross published “Annals of Oman from early times to the year 1728,” and the translation of parts of chapters of the “K. Kashf al-Ghuma” by al-Sarhanī. As far as North African Ibadi literature is concerned, translations started in 1878 by the French Orientalist, Emile Masqueray, who translated part of the “K. al-Siyar wa Akhbār al-Immah” by Abū Zakariyā Yahīya b. Abī Bakr al-Warjālanī, which was followed by studies about the Ibadis of Mzab.

In 1885, A. Motylinski (1854–1907) translated parts of the “K. al-Jawāhir al-Muntaqāh” by Abū al Qāsim al-Barrādī. Al-Barrādī’s work presented different images of early Islamic history after the battle of Siffīn and the development of Ibadism in North Africa. Certainly, Motylinski’s broad interests have promoted North African studies in the European academic disciplines of linguistics, history and theology. In addition, several publications by the Italian orientalist Roberto Rubinacci (1949,52,53,60,89) are remarkable contributions to the study of Ibadi theology and religious history. Within the circle of French Orientalists, the Polish Orientalist Tadeusz Lewicki made distinguishable achievements. His studies started with the translation and commentary of some parts of the “K. al-Siyar” by Ahmad b. Sa‘īd al-Shammākhī in 1934. Furthermore, in 1935, Lewicki translated the “K. al-Tabqāt” by al-Darjīnī with unique for the research comments on historical Ibadi sources from North Africa. Lewicki must be considered to have been the most important specialized researcher on Ibadism during the middle of the 20th century. With regard to bibliographical works, A. Motylinski produced the first list in 1885 containing the manuscripts of the Wadi Mzab in Algeria, after he had the chance to visit some private Ibadi libraries. Later on, Motylinski verified the authenticity of the work and introduced the “Tārikh” of Ibn al-Saghir and a short monograph dealing with the Rustumid state. Next, Z. Smogorzewski (1919) published a list of Ibadi works in Oman and North Africa, which were also mentioned by both Strothmann (1927), and Rubinacci (1952). Finally, there was the famous article by German-English Orientalist Schacht in 1956 after his visit to Wadi Mzab, which was a substantial development in publishing the philological works of Ibadi libraries. Schacht had a different perspective. Rather than focusing on historical works, he presented the importance of Ibadi jurisprudence and theological works, in addition to searching for the early formation of Islam. Significantly, after Schacht’s visit, some German scholars followed his initiative. The first step in this direction was taken by Hans Schluter in 1972 and 1975,  then J. van Ess (1975)  and, finally, the Libyan Ibadi scholar ‘Amr al-Nami (1971). Many works continued to be published drawing from the libraries of North Africa.

The geographical and political isolation of Oman during the beginning of the 20th century has deprived scholars to access Omani works and early Ibadi writings. The exploration of Omani literature has started only during the mid-1970s, when John Wilkinson and G. Rex Smith published a number of writings on Ibadism in Oman.

Orientalist works on the history of Ibadi society.

The middle of the nineteenth century witnessed the expansion of European colonization in the Near East, which produced explorers’ accounts of the places they visited. During this period, travelers’ reports, politician’s writings and scholars’ works about geographical areas, politics and social life spread and flourished. The literature dealing with Ibadi history was enriched in its general historical context. Works of French and Italian scholars focused mainly on North Africa where the Ibadi communities spread over fragmented places in the Sahara. The French Orientalists had more interest in Algeria and Tunisia, while the Italians focused their attention on Libya. In contrast, the scholars who focused on Oman were mostly either British or American. This is of particular interest to those who apply Edward Said’s thesis on the relation between power and knowledge in post-Orientalism. More precisely, this shows clearly the relationship during the colonial period before World War II between the regional colonists and colonialism. For example, the French and Italian Orientalists were Insabato, Nègre and Pessah Shinar. Additionally, the scholars who devoted some works to East Africa were from different European countries for example: the French, A. Imbert (1903) and Gabriel Ferrand (1928), the German Albert Friedemann (1930), the British, W. Ingrams (1967) and the American, Michael Lofchie (1965). As far as Oman is concerned, most of the scholars were British, starting with S.B. Miles (1871) up to John Kelly (1956, 1964, 1968). Certainly, the highest scholarship was reached by John Wilkinson, who continues to make academic contributions today. With regard to the study of religious, social and political structures of the Sultanate of Oman, Wilkinson’s writings are considered the most important among modern historians. Later on, the works by American researchers connected with anthropological studies, and Oman’s politics and economy began to appear in 1967 with Robert Landen and in 1978 with John Peterson, who is known for his extensive writing on the modern history and politics of Oman. Since 1980, Dale Eickelman has published many texts about Oman. In his anthropological writings, he compares Oman with different areas of the Muslim world. Due to his work, a new generation of American researchers has appeared in the field of Oman and Ibadi Studies, such as Valerie Hofmann, Mandana Limbert and Adam Gaiser. Russian Orientalists have also shown interest in Ibadi studies, beginning with V.R. Rosen and then in modern times with the Ukrainian Daniil Radivilov.

In the beginning of the 20th century, the development of inter-disciplinary, historical and philological studies promoted the study of Islamic theology and jurisprudence. The comparisons between different Islamic groups led researchers to write books and articles on heresiography and Islamic theological history. In 1902, the German Orientalist, Wellhausen, published his work on the religio-political groups in Islam, focusing on the Kharijites and Shiites. The remarkable shift to new studies about Ibadism and its history was introduced by the Italian researcher Laura Veccia Vaglieri. A number of her papers deal specifically with Ibadism. However, the most significant study was by the Italian Orientalist, Nallino (1916), who tried to understand the doctrinal relationships between Ibadism and the Mutaziltes. Indeed, Nallino, understood the Mu‘taziltes to be Islamic rationalists; however, Nallino was able to shift the Oriental scholars’ link between Islamic theology and classical philosophy. This in turn influenced the historical-political perspective on Ibadism, leading to a deeper study of Ibadi theology. Subsequently, Nallino was followed by his student, the Italian scholar Roberto Rubiccini, who continued Nallino’s efforts and studied texts of Ibadi doctrines (creeds and epistles) which were published between 1949 and 1989. During the 1960s, the British scholar Montgomery Watt published several papers on Islamic theological history which deal with Wāsil b. Atta’ and the Kharijites, and with the Kharijites and their rebellions during Umayyad and Abbasid times. Unfortunately, he was unable to complete his studies. Perhaps this was due to the limited materials that were available for his research. Afterward, in the 1980s – 90s, the French researcher, Pierre Cuperly, published remarkable works focusing on the methodology for studying the early Ibadi theological epistles. Cuperly’s main work provides an introduction to Ibadi Theology, where he selected three creeds from the early Ibadi epistles and tried to explore the development of Ibadi beliefs up to the 6th/12th century. Over all, the best achievement on Ibadi theology was by the German Scholars Wilferd Madelung and Josef van Ess, who are the primary modern contributors to fostering the understanding of Islamic theology. They re-examined the classical Islamic theological history and directed other scholars to explore how the early Islamic theology emerged. Their numerous publications have opened a new dimension in the study of Islamic theology. Their knowledge of various Islamic theological groups have made them the foremost Orientalists in classical Islamic theological history. Their contribution had an immediate impact on modern scholars, and since the 1980s, scholars have conducted extensive research on Ibadi theology and jurisprudence because of their work. They proved that the study of the emergence and formation of Islam has been reflected significantly in the Ibadi literature which, as a consequence has become a premier source for this field of study.

This new generation on Islamic studies was started by John Wansbrough, Michael Cook, Martin Hinds, Patricia Crone, Gerald Hawting, and Andrew Rippin. On the other hand, the branch of Oriental studies dealing with Ibadi jurisprudence is rather fragmented in its approach to chronological literature on Ibadi jurisprudence. Thus, it is difficult to make a comprehensive analysis reviewing the contribution of this literature. We cannot deny that this was because of the limited availability of Ibadi works in print. Moreover, this deficiency might have been caused by the fact that, in the first half of 20th century, most Orientalists focused on classical Islamic philosophy and theology. To illustrate the contribution by the Orientalists, we should begin with the early articles published by E. Sachau in 1894, e.g., his paper on Abu al-Hasan al-Bisiyawi. Later, Sachau published a paper dealing with Ibadis in the eastern coast of Africa. Schacht’s theories on “The origin of Muhammadian jurisprudence” have greatly influenced the study of Islamic jurisprudence and have drawn researchers to examine his views. Undoubtedly, Schacht had a great impact on the reconstruction of the development of Islamic jurisprudence after Ignaz Goldziher’s work “Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law”. Since 1987, the best work on Ibadi jurisprudence has been contributed by Ersilia Francesca in both books or articles. New developments in the field of Ibadi studies were connected with – and were also a result of – the publication of Ibadi books from Zanzibar, Egypt, Oman, Algeria, etc., since the end of the 19th century. These developments changed many previous concepts and introduced the intellectual reformation process in Ibadism and the contributions of the scholars of Ibadism, such as, Nur al-Din Al-Salmi, and Muhammad b. Yusuf Atfiyish, the author of “Sharh al Nail”, and Sulayman al- Baruni, all of whom advanced the field of Ibadi studies in the recent period. Within this context, Ibadism entered deeper and more profound stages, thus becoming more attractive to researchers and specialists in their studies.

Of extreme and unique interest  for the history of Ibāḍī theology are the critical text editions by Abulrahman al-Salimi and Wilferd Madelung, as well as a recent annotated translation of two theological primers by Ibāḍī theologians of the late thirteenth/nineteenth century, namely the ʿAqīda al-wahbiyya by Nāṣir b. Sālim b. ʿUdayyam al-Rawahī and the Kitāb Maʿālim al-dīn by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Thamīmī (d. 1223/1808), with an introduction to the history of Ibāḍī doctrinal thought (Valerie Hoffman 2012).

History of Research

During the stage of the systematization f Oriental Studies starting in the 19th c., Ibadism became marginalized. Furthermore, Ibadism suffered from being misunderstood by other Islamic schools. Early Islamic heresiographical works, due to their nature, considered Ibadism to be one of the extremist divisions of the Kharijite (Khawarije) movement. These approaches influenced both Muslim and non-Muslim researchers who tried to understand Ibadism, because several researchers considered heresiographic literature as the main source for understanding Islam. Due to the reproduction of stereotypical ideas about Ibadism, it became difficult to distinguish between actual Ibadi doctrine and the and the superstructure of opinion and especially to see Ibadism and Ibadis independent of  the Kharijites.

The works Noeldeke and Goldzieher gained pre-eminence in the field of Islamic history. Both focused their studies on the emergence of Islam and early Islamic history. Despite these developments, Ibadi studies attracted very little attention. Another reason that may, to a certain degree, be held responsible for the marginalization of Ibadism, was the fact that most Ibadi manuscripts were kept in remote Ibadi settlements and towns far away from the coastal areas and capitals, especially in North Africa. This relative isolation has led me to a few observations on the development of Ibadi studies in western Orientalism.

The two primary approaches to Ibadis that dominated Western Oriental studies appeared in the mid-19th century. The first consisted in an attempt to understand Ibadism through the translated texts, whilst the second involved the compilation of bibliographic lists of Ibadi literature, most of which focused on historical works. Scholars interested in Omani sources were mostly from Great Britain. This is apparent from George Badger’s “The Imams and Seyyid in Oman,” the translation of the “K. al-Fath al-Mubiyn fī sīrat al-Sadah al-Bus’īdiyīn” by Ibn Ruzayq, published in 1871. In 1874, Edward Ross published “Annals of Oman from early times to the year 1728,” and the translation of excerpts from the “K. Kashf al-Ghuma” by al-Sarhanī.4 Translations of North African Ibadi literature started in 1878 by the French Orientalist, Emile Masqueray, who translated part of the “K. al-Siyar wa Akhbār al-Immah” by Abū Zakariyā Yahīya b. Abī Bakr al-Warjālanī, which was followed by studies on the Ibadis of Mzab.

In 1885, A. Motylinski (1854–1907) translated parts of the “K. al-Jawāhir al-Muntaqāh” by Abū al Qāsim al-Barrādī. Al-Barrādī’s work presented a different view of early Islamic history after the battle of Siffīn and the development of Ibadism in North Africa. Certainly, Motylinski’s broad interests have promoted North African studies in the European academic disciplines of linguistics, history and theology. In addition, several publications by the Italian orientalist Roberto Rubinacci (1949,52,53,60,89) are remarkable contributions to the study of Ibadi theology and religious history. Within the circle of French Orientalists, the Polish Orientalist Tadeusz Lewicki accomplished distinguished achievements. His studies started with the translation and commentary on some parts of the “K. al-Siyar” by Ahmad b. Sa‘īd al-Shammākhī in 1934.9 Furthermore, in 1935, Lewicki translated the “K. al-Tabqāt” by al-Darjīnī and his comments on Ibadi historical sources from North Africa are unique and uniquely important in the field. Lewicki must be considered as the most eminent expert on Ibadism in the mid- 20th century. In the field of bibliography, A. Motylinski produced the first list in 1885, containing the manuscripts of the Wadi Mzab in Algeria, after he had the chance to visit some private Ibadi libraries. Later on, Motylinski, having verified the authenticity of the work, introduced the “Tārikh” of Ibn al-Saghir and produced a short monograph on the Rustumid state. Next, Z. Smogorzewski (1919) published a list of Ibadi works in Oman and North Africa, which were also mentioned by both Strothmann (1927), and Rubinacci (1952). Finally, there was the famous article by German-English Orientalist Schacht in 1956 after his visit to Wadi Mzab, which provided further impetus to the publication of philological works in Ibadi libraries. Schacht had a different perspective. Rather than focusing on historical works, he outlined the importance of Ibadi jurisprudence and theological works, in addition to conducting research in the early formation of Islam. Significantly, after Schacht’s visit, some German scholars followed in his footsteps. The first step in this direction was taken by Hans Schluter in 1972 and 1975, then J. van Ess (1975) and, finally, the Libyan Ibadi scholar ‘Amr al-Nami (1971). Many works continued to be published drawing on the libraries of North Africa.

The geographical and political isolation of Oman at the beginning of the 20th century deprived scholars of access to Omani works and early Ibadi writings. The exploration of Omani literature started only in the mid-1970s, when John Wilkinson and G. Rex Smith published a number of writings on Ibadism in Oman.

Orientalist works on the history of Ibadi society.

The middle of the nineteenth century witnessed the expansion of European colonization in the Near East, which produced explorers’ accounts of the places they visited. During this period, travelers’ reports, politician’s writings and scholars’ works on geography, politics and social life spread and  proliferated. The general historical framework of the literature on Ibadi history was expanded and enriched. Works of French and Italian scholars focused mainly on North Africa, where the Ibadi communities spread over scattered locations in the Sahara. The French Orientalists had a keener interest in Algeria and Tunisia, while the Italians focused their attention on Libya. In contrast, the scholars who focused on Oman were mostly British or American. This is of particular interest to those who apply Edward Said’s thesis on the relation between power and knowledge in post-Orientalism. For example, the French and Italian Orientalists were Insabato, Nègre and Pessah Shinar. Additionally, the scholars who devoted some works to East Africa were from a variety of European countries for example: the French, A. Imbert (1903) and Gabriel Ferrand (1928), the German Albert Friedemann (1930), the British, W. Ingrams (1967) and the American, Michael Lofchie (1965). As far as Oman is concerned, most of the scholars were British, starting with S.B. Miles (1871) up to John Kelly (1956, 1964, 1968).27 Certainly, the highest level of scholarship was reached by John Wilkinson, who continues his academic work to this day. Modern historians hold that Winkinson’s writings on the religious, social and political structures of the Sultanate of Oman are the most important in this field.

Later on, works by American researchers with an anthropological background on Oman’s politics and economy began to appear in 1967 with Robert Landen and in 1978 with John Peterson, who is known for his extensive writings on the modern history and politics of Oman. Since 1980, Dale Eickelman has published many texts about Oman. In his anthropological writings, he compares Oman with different areas of the Muslim world. His work triggered the emergence of  a new generation of American researchers in the field of Oman and Ibadi Studies, such as Valerie Hofmann, Mandana Limbert and Adam Gaiser. Russian Orientalists have also shown interest in Ibadi studies, beginning with V.R. Rosen. In more recent years, the Ukrainian Daniil Radivilov left his imprint on the field.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the development of interdisciplinary, historical and philological studies promoted the study of Islamic theology and jurisprudence. The comparisons between different Islamic groups led researchers to write books and articles on heresiography and the history of Islamic theology. In 1902, the German Orientalist, Wellhausen, published his work on the religio-political groups in Islam, concentrating on the Kharijites and Shiites. This remarkable change of paradigm in the study of Ibadism and its history was introduced by the Italian researcher Laura Veccia Vaglieri. A number of her papers deal specifically with Ibadism. However, the most significant study was by the Italian Orientalist, Nallino (1916), who tried to understand the doctrinal affinities between Ibadism and the Mutaziltes. Indeed, Nallino, understood the Mu‘taziltes to be Islamic rationalists; however, Nallino was able to alter the way in which Oriental scholars’ related Islamic theology with classical philosophy. This, in turn, influenced the historical-political perspective on Ibadism, leading to a deeper study of Ibadi theology. Nallino was followed by his student, the Italian scholar Roberto Rubiccini, who continued Nallino’s efforts and studied Ibadi doctrinal texts (creeds and epistles) which were published between 1949 and 1989. During the 1960s, the British scholar Watt Montgomery published several papers on Islamic theological history which treat of Wāsil b. Atta’ and the Kharijites, and of the Kharijites and their rebellions during Umayyad and Abbasid times. Unfortunately, he was unable to complete his studies. Perhaps this was due to the limited availability of materials for his research. In the 1980s – 90s, the French scholar, Pierre Cuperly, published remarkable works focusing on the methodology for studying the early Ibadi theological epistles. Cuperly’s main work provides an introduction to Ibadi Theology. He selected three creeds from early Ibadi epistles and tried to explore the development of Ibadi beliefs up to the 6th/12th century. Overall, German Scholars Wilferd Madelung and Josef van Ess reached the pinnacle of achievement in expounding Ibadi Theology, as they are the primary modern contributors to fostering the understanding of Islamic theology. They re-examined classical Islamic theological history and induced other scholars to explore how early Islamic theology emerged. Their numerous publications have opened a new dimension in the study of Islamic theology. Their knowledge of various Islamic theological groups has made them the foremost Orientalists in the study of classical Islamic theological history. Their contribution had an immediate impact on modern scholars, and, since the 1980s, scholars have conducted extensive research on Ibadi theology and jurisprudence inspired by their work. They proved that the study of the emergence and formation of Islam has been reflected significantly in the Ibadi literature which, as a consequence, has become a premier source for this field of study of Islam was inaugurated by John Wansbrough, Michael Cook, Martin Hinds, Patricia Crone, Gerald Hawting, and Andrew Rippin. In contrast, the branch of Oriental studies dealing with Ibadi jurisprudence is rather fragmented in its approach to the history and background of Ibadi jurisprudence. Thus, it is difficult to make a comprehensive survey of its contribution. We cannot deny that this was because of the limited availability of Ibadi works in print. Moreover, this deficiency might have been caused by the fact that, in the first half of 20th century, most Orientalists concentrated on classical Islamic philosophy and theology. To illustrate the contribution of the Orientalists, we should begin with the early articles published by E. Sachau in 1894, e.g., his paper on Abu al-Hasan al-Bisiyawi. Later, Sachau published a paper on Ibadis on the eastern coast of Africa. Schacht’s theories on “The origin of Muhammadian jurisprudence” have greatly influenced the study of Islamic jurisprudence and have induced researchers to examine his views. Undoubtedly, Schacht had a great impact on the reconstruction of the development of Islamic jurisprudence after Ignaz Goldziher’s work “Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law”. Since 1987, the finest work on Ibadi jurisprudence has been produced by Ersilia Francesca in the form of both books and articles. New developments in the field of Ibadi studies were connected with – and also a result of – the publication of Ibadi books from Zanzibar, Egypt, Oman, Algeria, etc., since the end of the 19th century. These developments changed many previous concepts and introduced the notion of intellectual reformation process in the scholarship on Ibadism and the contributions of the scholars of Ibadism, such as, Nur al-Din Al-Salmi, and Muhammad b. Yusuf Atfiyish, the author of “Sharh al Nail”, and Sulayman al- Baruni, all of whom advanced the field of Ibadi studies in recent years. Within this context, the study of  Ibadism entered a stage of greater profundity and sophistication, thus becoming a more attractive subject of study to researchers and specialists.

The critical text editions by Abulrahman al-Salimi and Wilferd Madelung, as well as a recent annotated translation of two theological primers by Ibāḍī theologians of the late thirteenth and the early nineteenth century respectively, namely the ʿAqīda al-wahbiyya by Nāṣir b. Sālim b. ʿUdayyam al-Rawahī and the Kitāb Maʿālim al-dīn by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Thamīmī (d. 1223/1808), with an introduction to the history of Ibāḍī doctrinal thought (Valerie Hoffman 2012) hold exceptional and unique interest for the history of Ibāḍī theology.

Given the growing interest of international scholars in Ibāḍī studies,

Ibāḍī theology will certainly play a prominent role in future

scholarship. Conferences regularly held since 2009 on Ibadism are a major factr in this direction, attracting a number of experts in this field. On November 9–10, 2009, the first international

conference in Europe on Ibadism (al-Ibadiyya), entitled “Ibadism,

Ibadi Studies, and the Sultanate of Oman,” was held at Aristotle

University of Thessaloniki (Greece). Since then, eight international

conferences have been dedicated to Ibadism and all proceedings were

published in the Series entitled Studies on Ibadism  and Oman,

ed. by Abdulrahman al Salimi  and Heinz Gaube, Olms Publisher. (Εδώ θα

μπουν όλες οι εκδόσεις)

Ibadi theology
Ibāḍī theology has a common path with the naissance of Islamic Theology. With its main centre Basra sought refuge in Oman, Yemen and Hadramawt in the southeast peninsula of Arabia, as well as in North Africa. There is a continuous tradition of Ibāḍī scholarship through the centuries until today, largely ignored by the mainstream of Arab or Muslim scholarship and scarcely tapped by Orientalist research.

Τhe Philosophy of Ibāḍī Kalām (8th -12th century)
The development of Ibāḍī theology happened thanks to the works of scholars and imams of the Ibāḍī community, whose histories, lives, and personalities are part of the Islamic history. Ibāḍī theology can be understood on the basis of their works Ibn Ibāḍ, Jābir bin Zayd, Abū ‘Ubaida, Rabī‘ b. Ḥabīb and Abū Sufyān among others. Basra is the foundation of the Ibāḍī community. Even though Ibāḍīsm was extinguished in Basra in the late 2nd century Hijrah, it never ceased to serve as the ideal Ibāḍī cradle, and the great teachers of Basra and their works continue to constitute sources of inspiration for the life and teaching of the Ibāḍī community. This why Ibāḍī teaching cannot be properly understood without awareness of the life, history, and personalities of the Basra community and then to survey the spread and grow of the various Ibāḍī communities that were established in southern Arabia, with bases in Oman, North Africa, and East Africa mainly.

The Ibāḍīs today prefer to use the term Muḥakkima and to consider themselves descendants of the Muḥakkima, but exclude their extreme Khawārij, a term that placed them between the insurgents and extremists. This position is expressed explicitly by the “most prominent Ibāḍī Kalām theologian” of the 2nd/8th century, ‘Abd Allāh b. Yazīd al-Fazārī, in his brief work K. al-Futyā, of which survives only the first folio, and which Wilferd Madelung examines in his recent article  ‘'Abd Allāh b. Yazīd al-Fazārī on the Abode of Islam’.

The basic principles of Ibāḍī theology, of course, do not differ from those of the other Islamic schools, madhāhib, but it has its own identity which, for Ibāḍīs, is the true Islamic identity.Ibāḍīs accept the Qur’ān as the fundamental source of Islamic faith and life. They also value the aḥādīth of the Prophet and his companions (Ṣaḥāba), who preached and interpreted the Qur’ān in the Muslim community. The way they treat the theological, legal, and social problems that develop in various Qur’ānic verses was based from the beginning on the words and traditions of the Prophet or the traditions of the Prophet's companions and their students.

The imamate of Basra
Following the example of their first imam, Jabir ibn. Zayd, they find support for their views in a large number of companions of the Prophet (Ṣaḥāba) and in particular ʻAbdullāh b. Al-‘Abbās, the distinguished interpreter of the Qur’ān and the Prophet's cousin. ʻAbdullāh b. Al-‘Abbās was one of the first Muslims to undertake the interpretation (Tafsīr) of the Qur’an. It is also interesting that ʻAbdullāh b. Al-‘Abbās applied the raʼy method to his interpretation of the Qur’ān, which would be subsequently adopted by Ibāḍī and Muʻtazila scholars to metaphorically interpret the various Qur’ānic names for God and to avoid tashbīh (anthropomorphisms).

Important is the contribution of the Ibāḍīs’ third Imam, Al-Rabīʻ b. Ḥabīb b. ʻAmr al Farāhīdī, who incorporated the aḥādīth into the āthār of the Ibāḍī community. From the beginning, the learned men and spiritual leaders of the Ibāḍī community developed a spiritual and intellectual movement, which closely followed the religious, political, and social things of Islam, and elaborated religious and theological teachings on all matters related to Islamic society. The Ibāḍī movement sees itself as the guardian of Islam against the secularisation of power (Muhakkima). As such, it developed—together with the Muʻtazila movement—a rich theology that transformed Classical and Late Antiquity to the demands of the prophetic word. Ibāḍī theology embraces the fundamental principles of Islam and, as such, is based on the Qur’ān, the Prophet, and his companions (Ṣaḥāba, tābiʻūn wa tābiʻūn at-tābiʻūn), the life and works of which were incorporated into the āthār of the Ibāḍī community. The major theological and philosophical issues facing the community relate to God, the world, and man, and were negotiated in the Ibāḍī community by its leaders and teachers. Belief in one God is the foundation of Ibāḍīsm. Faith means confession that God is absolutely one, i.e., confession of absolute monotheism (tawḥīd). Ibāḍī theology, therefore, includes teachings about God, His creation, and humans, and discusses the essence and existence of God on one hand and, on the other, His relationship to His creation and creatures, especially his rational creature, the human being. These fundamental teachings of faith constitute the “roots” (uṣūl) or the “principles” of Ibāḍī theology, which are called uṣūl (singular, aṣl) or ʻaqāʼid (ʻaqīda).

The Ibāḍīs, according to their narratives, were one of the first to approach the Qur‘ānic passages and formulate the basic theological principles of Islam. They gave great weight to the 112th sura of the Qur‘an entitled “Surat al-Ikhlās” or “Surat at-Tawhīd” which declares the believer’s sincerity with all purity of heart for his faith in the one God. The chapter is called “Surat at-tawhīd” because it declares the oneness of God, i.e., true monotheism.

بسم الله الرحمن الرحيم

قُلْ هُوَ اللَّهُ أَحَدٌ ١

اللَّهُ الصَّمَدُ ٢

لَمْ يَلِدْ وَلَمْ يُولَدْ ٣

وَلَمْ يَكُن لَّهُ كُفُوًا أَحَدٌ ٤

With this surat, and some other Qur’ānic passages, Ibāḍī theology emphasises that God is the only being that has no resemblance to His creatures. Nevertheless, God is the creator of the world, and He is the One Who reveals the law and the truth in His Qur’ān, and cares for His people. Because: “His is the kingdom of the heavens and the earth, it is He Who gives life and causes death; and He is Able to do all things. He is the First (nothing is before Him) and the Last (nothing is after Him), the Highest (nothing is above Him) and the Nearest (nothing is nearer than Him). And He is the All-Knower of everything. He is Who created the heavens and the earth in six Days and then Istawā (rose over) the Throne (in a manner that suits His Majesty)” (Surat 57, 2-4). This is a passage that describes God’s greatness and omnipotence, and the Ibāḍīs interpreted it allegorically (Taʼwīl) to avoid anthropomorphism. The Ibāḍīs applied the same interpretation to all the Qur’ānic “beautiful names” (al-asmāʼ al-ḥusnā) that refer to the hand of God (al-yad) to express His power, and the eye (ʻayn) to indicate His global supervision. The image of God sitting on His throne (istiwāʼ ʻalā al-ʻarsh) was interpreted as His governance of the universe. They particularly repudiated the idea of the vision of God (ru'ya) at the eschaton.

Ibāḍī theology emphasizes, on the one hand, the unintelligible and impersonal divine essence, and, on the other, God’s being, which is inseparable from His essence. God’s being, however, becomes concrete when it is connected to the divine names and divine properties that are made manifest in the moral and physical order of the world. God therefore has 99 beautiful names, 100 minus one, because He, the “odd” (al-witr=the one), loves these names. The 100th name is dhāt, the essence of God, which cannot be contained in the human mind and is therefore unknown and inconceivable. It constitutes His internal hypostasis. God, however, is made known to the world with the rest of the names that He revealed in the Qur’ān and with which He communicates with His creatures. The names of God are neither identical with God, nor different from Him (hal asmāʼ Allāh hiya huwa am ghayruh). The names are not part of God, nor are they added to the divine essence, since thus God would be divided. God, however, is not portioned, is one and indivisible. In this sense, the attributes of His essence are eternal. The names, however, that we ascribe to God are our own words and, as such, are created concepts. The attributes of God, therefore, are external characteristics created by man and ascribed to God’s essence from outside, and are, therefore, not eternal.

To distinguish between the eternal God and his non-eternal or created attributes, the Ibāḍīs used Aristotelian terms that had entered into Arabic philosophy, viz., the terms jawhar (substance) and ʻaraḍ (accident). The essence of God is single and eternal, and His attributes are created accidents, which are added to it from the outside. So, the question arose whether the Qur’ān is created or uncreated. The Ashʻarite and Sunni teachings profess that the Qur’ān is the word of God and therefore eternal and uncreated. The Ibāḍīs tend toward the Mu‘tazilite position, and believe that the Qur’ān is the created word of God. As with the Christians, the Muslims too adopted the arguments of Greek philosophy, particularly Aristotelian logic, to support their positions. It is indeed important and worth emphasising that, from as early as the 7th century, Islamic theology was familiar not only with the terms “essence” and “accident” from Aristotelian logic, but also its syllogisms generally.

A major, related problem is also God's justice (ʻadl), which was widely discussed by Ibāḍī theologians. The other issue that arose was God’s relationship to the Ibāḍī community, and the faithful’s relationship to God and their fellow men. For the Ibāḍī community, the concepts of walāya and barāʼa were of the greatest importance. Which of the faithful and members of the community are worthy of walāya (friendship/communication) and which of barā'a (excommunication), and why? What is the relationship between faith and unbelief (imām wa kufr)? Who is a muʼmīn and who a munafiq and what is kufr an-niʻma? Another issue discussed was the question of qadar (free will) and good deeds. The question of qadar (divine decision and free will) was one of the main issues within the first Ibāḍī community. Many discussions and arguments were debated between the Ibāḍīs, the Qadariya, and the Mu‘atazila. It seems that some Ibāḍīs (like al-Fazārī, 8th century) were critical of determinism.

The Ibāḍiyya came to consider other Muslims as merely hypocrites (munāfiqūn) and neglecters of the true faith (kuffār), not as mushrikūn. As such they allowed social intercourse, intermarriage, and mutual inheritance, but not religious association (walāya, tawallī) with them. They mostly abstained from armed revolt against the Umayyad government until the ʿAbbasid revolution in 127/746. (Madelung 2016: 318.)

A very interesting topic is the atomic theory, which was adopted by Islamic schools to prove the existence of God. According to this theory, God is one, indivisible, and eternal. He is to be distinguished from every other atom in the universe, with which He has no similarity. In this sense, God is ʻayn, the primordial atom, the subject of God (dhāt), beside which there is no other atom, i.e., a second subject. God constitutes the identity of predicates. For this reason, I will first review some early Ibāḍī texts, which have been edited only recently, and I will detect the variant ways that their authors argue and engage in dialogue or controversy with other Islamic theological schools, and especially with the pre-Bahshamiyya Muʻtazilites and Ashʻarites.

Some of the authors of this period contribute substantially to the formulation of early Islamic thought, and are characterised by a rationalist rapprochement, understanding, and engagement of Islamic theology. Their contribution is very important not only to the systematisation of the Ibāḍī madhhab but also to the renaissance and promotion of dialectics within Islamic theology that would later lead to its systematisation by the several Islamic schools. It is particularly important to note that early Ibāḍī and Mu‘tazilite thought that predates the formative Islamic period (and which often remains opaque to modern researchers), utilised philosophy from the classical period and Early Antiquity, imbuing old notions—such as the aforementioned ones of substance, atoms, essence, attributes, etc.—with new meanings. To this end, I will also look at the works of John the Damascene and Abū Qurra in Eastern Christianity and Islam, as well as the School of Ibn Ḥunayn, and other Baṣrian Christian theologians like al-Kindī, ‘Amār al-Baṣri and Yahyā bin ‘Alī, in order to trace the use of Aristotelian thought in Christianity initially and Islam later, through the transmission of Greek literature to the Arab-Islamic tradition.

What can be understood from the ideas of the early Ibāḍīs and Mu'tazila is that their ideas helped diversify Islamic intellectual and theological discourse. They have had an important impact on the history of the Muslim world; their contribution was the codification of Islam. Ibāḍīs also created a rational discourse that promoted the study and hermeneutics of Islamic texts and scriptures. Some of the thinkers in the Muslim world came out from this movement, either inspired by or opposed to it. Finally, Ibāḍīs are still producing writings and theology in contrast to the Mu‘atazila, who have been lost to Muslim history. Recent research focuses on these issues in all their dimensions from the beginnings of the Ibāḍī community and until the 12th century.