User:Karanacs/Stuart

Chapter 3: Fannin
p 34

"fannin's trademark" was "condescension toward his superiors in military matters, in combination with his constant nagging for goods or services that he knew, or should have known, then could not provide"

On Oct 27, 1835, Austin sent Bowie and Fannin to go find a place for the army to move; wanted whole army there by nightfall

took 90 men rejected several abandoned mission compounds Mexican scouts found them and fired - no real harm

late in the day, neither Bowie nor Fannin wanted to go back

p 35

stopped at Concepcion "horseshoe-shaped bend along the river" which was below the surrounding terrain behind a dry bank room for a man to stand and be mostly hidden

not enough time for Austin and his men to join them before dark at dawn, Austin had his men ready to move to Concepcion Cos knew where they were - just before dawn the Mexican cannon fired at their position

Oct 28, heavy fog

Ugartechea had 275 men to come and get them a few hours of sporadic gunfire until fog lifted

cavalry stationed across the river to cut off retreat

most Mexican fire over the heads of the Texians Mexican soldiers exposed - Texians scrambled up bank, took aim, an dfired and were hidden again

p 36

after several Mexican charges, 1 Texian fatality, lost of Mexicans

Mexicans finally retreated - left bhind the wounded and the cannon; 50 Mexican soldiers died "It was an apalling defeat, especially because it was delivered by an untrained band of numerically inferior irregulars"

According to memoirs of Noah Smithwick, the Mexican wounded thought they were going to be killed outright; those who asked for water got it, but the Texians had no medicine or doctors

p 37

after Concepcion, gunfire almost daily, but small skirmishes

p 38

Austin called council of war on Nov 2

most believed needed more artillery to mount an attack on Bexar

p 40

"Remarkably, in fewer than ten weeks, the relatively disorganized Anglos had driven the Mexican army out of Texas"

paroles common at the time and for the next 30 years Anglos had no way to take care of large numbers of prisoners and didn't want to anyway

Chapter 4: The Volunteers
p 44

Newspapers in the US talked a lot about Texas and the Mexican govt

many papers said that Texas was being settled by Americans who would one day be Americans again

Jackson had strict neutrality policy

p 45

if the US were to offer official assistance, there would likely be international outcry - this might make the conflict worse thought European powers might help Mexico if US intervened, and US thought it best to guard its frontiers instead

Stuart says Jackson likely thought the Texans would do fine without US assistance and would likely win

if Tx was independent, they would be friendly to the US

p 46

Neutrality Act of 1819 specifically forbade Americans from organizing military expedition on US soil, but US couldn't enforce this effectively

also difficult to measure intent - were they going to fight or just to visit

no concerte deffort by US to stop the meetings drumming up recruits and money for Texas

New Orleans Greys were the first organized group from the US - mustered on Oct 13, 1835

pp 46-47 about 30 of the 115 men who enlisted weren't born in the US

p 47

in Macon, GA, about 80 men enlisted in Nov 1835 - this caused issues in the area as laborers, journeymen and apprentices all left

p 48

Jack Shackelford (1790-1857): medical doctor; born Richmond, VA. raised in SC; served in War of 1812 and wounded - scar on his face

was part of Jackson's staff 1818 he moved to Alabama to help settle lands Indians had recently been evicted from he owned slaves and had a cotton plaintation medical practice in Shelby County one term in the AL House of Rep, then 3 (one-year) terms in the Senate (1822+)

had guaranteed a loan for a cousin; when cousin defaulted he had to sell his plantation to pay it

moved to Courtland, AL after that, and ran the local US Land Office was treasurer of the Tuscumbia-Courtland-Decatur RR a doctor again

p 49

1835, he enlisted in AL with 54 other men he was the captain they had uniforms from the ladies in town - fringed shirts with red, green, brown checks and bright red pants - this led them to be called the Red Rovers

he paid for their muskets (from AL state armory)

left courtland Dec 12, 1835 for Texas; his son, Fortunatus came with them, and so did his newphew, William J. Shackelford

p 50

Joseph Henry Barnard lived 1804-1861 graduated from Williams College in Massachusetts medical practice in Chicago Dec 14, 1835, joined a group to go to Texas survived Goliad massacre kept daily journal "They were in arms for a cause that I had always been taught to consider sacred, viz; Republican principles and popular institutions."

2 other men went with him from Chicago to Peoria;

p 51

from St Louis, took the Junius to New Orleans,where they learned that Cos had surrendered

Jan 10, 1836, he boarded the schooner Aurora to go to texas

p 51

in the northern US, some newspapers were against the Texas revolution

p 52

NY city papers editorialized that land speculators were to blame

p 53

New Orleans Greys were first organized group of volunteers to take part in the revolution

p 54

Dec 30, 1835, Mexican government passed the Tornel Decree - pirates

p 55

the Tornel decree was published in the New Orleans Bee in February, in the Telegraph and Texas Register on March 12, 1836 (translated)

Chapter 5: The Matamoros Expedition
p 59

Goliad was important on the route from Copano to San Antonio

The Matamoros Expedition showed "what could happen when too many different interests collided in a setting of near-anarchy. It also showed quite clearly the inability of any person or governing body in Texas at that time in history to resolve an important issue."

Matamoros at mouth of the Rio Grande and was important port in Mexico

p 60

lots of income from tarriffs on the port

if you came through Matamoros, would be relatively easy to go inland to Mexico City

keep fighting in Mexico and not the frontier

also, new US volunteers had nothing to do, and the Texians didn't want them to go home

Anglos believed that threatening Matamoros would mean Mexico City would divert troops and supplies there to protect it, so fewer to go against Texas

SFA, in US, said that "even a rumor of such a thing would keep troops from being sent to Texas"

Mexican federalists wanted to take Matamoros too Mexia had led an expedition against centralists there in 1832 (successfully) hoped that if MAtamoros was captured, federalists across the country would rise up too

also, Viesca had sold 1500 leagues of land in Texas to raise money for the fight against the centralists, and by keeping Texas tied to Mexico, more likely those speculators could see their titles become validates

p 61

Dimmitt wanted the Matamoros Expedition, but thought it should be led by a Mexican federalist and not an Anglo - less criticism then, that this was Anglos versus Mexicans

Austin agreed with Dimmitt

p 62

Oct 1835, Mexia and 150 men, mostly Anglos, attempted to seize Tampico, 300 mi south of Matamoros attacked Nov 15, 1835, defeated, retreat, 31 men remained as prisoners 3 died of wounds and 28 were shot a month later

Tampico raid did not have a lot of Federalists up in arms to help, which made Dimmitt believe that a Matamoros raid also wouldn't have a lot of support

p 63

also beginning to look like Matamoros Expedition would take resources from Texas defense

Dec 17 Smith ordered Houston to do the Matamoros Expedition; council then ordered a separate one, to be led by Burleson

and Johnson and Grant had the volunteers worked up to go

a lot of people thought Johnson and Grant wanted a new nation that wasn't Mexico or Texas

p 64

Council authorized Johnson's plan on Jan 14, 1836 - so now 3 different men had been ordered to matamoros

Grant brought the men from San Antonio to Goliad and tried to get provisions from Dimmitt, who said no

Dimmitt got disgusted with grant and quit his post

rumors reaching Texas that SA was preparing an army for Texas Centralists also reinforcing Matamoros

Houston arrived in Goliad on Jan 14 Houston said he was in charge and said supplies should be divided between the two groups

p 65

Houston decided to go with Grant to Refugio to try to dissuade some of them from going

Grant left Goliad with 200 men and Houston at Refugio, there were a few other groups of men waiting; Johnson arrived on Jan 20th

Houston unhappy with Johnson's orders Matamoros a city of 12k; Texians had only a few hundred men Matamoros 150 mi from San Patricio - about a 22 day march

p 66

Houtson gave a speech saying better to wait until Mexican army came here and is tired and hungry said Mexia hadbeen defeated, federalists not rising up as promised

most men saw his POV and agreed to wait and defend Texas

70 men and Johnson and Grant determined to keep going and marched for San Pat

p 68

Fannin arrived at Refugio on Feb 4 with William Ward's GA volunteers and some others

Fannin was the 2nd highest ranking officer in the regular army in early 1836, and with Houston absent dealing with the Cherokee, he was essentially in charge

p 69

Placido Benavaides, alcalde of Victoria, said he had heard from the alcalde at Matamoros that over 1000 Mexican soldiers had just arrived to reinforce the city, and that SA moving thousands more towards Texas

Benavides shared this with Capt Robert C Morris, a NO Gray wh ohad been planning to go with Johnson and Grant to Maatamoros

Benavides said Santa Anna wanted to lure Anglos to Matamoros, then have another group trap them at the rear to get them then go into the interior of Texas

Morris sent this info on to Fannin, with a note that SA was letting his soldiers loose to plunder and rape

p 70

Fannin sent a letter to the council, emphasizing that the women in Texas were in danger

Fannin ended by saying he wasn't going to Matamoros, he and his men going to Goliad

to pay for Texas army, SA got a loan for 400k pesos at 48% interest

p 71

over 100 of the Army of Operations members died before the group made it to the Rio Grande (from the weather)

Urrea was the one spoken of who was reinforcing Matamoros; Feb 18, he crossed into Texas with 650 men

Chapter 6: Fannin at Goliad
p 72

Fannin left Refugio Feb 12, 1836 with about 250 men, on to Goliad, 25 mi north

he took charge also of the men who had remained behind (formerly under Dimmitt) and those who joined over the next few weeks

mid-Feb, Shackelford's men arrived in Goliad

p 74

Goliad was about 30 mi from the coast high ground chapel along the north wall had a bell tower - used for lookout posts

walls 8-ft high 3 acres inside the walls, had barracks, blockhouses

walls were 3 ft thick

in Feb 1836, Fannin had them reinforced with dirt, stone, pilings ditch excavated around interior perimeters, and the dirt used to shore it up

p 75

built a covered trench to the San Antonio River, so they could get water if there was a siege

Joseph M Chadwick was Fannin's adjutant general (1812-1836); topogrpahical engineer; grew up in NH, two years only at West Point came to Texas with William Ward's GA volunteers as a sergeant major

p 76

men unhappy with the work -0 same kind of labor they could do on farms at home wanted to fight

many men had no shoes - they had fallen apart and nothing new to replace them; clothes also turning into rags by now

not a lot of food, especially flour and corn meal not a lot of ammo - Grant's men had a lot of it

had about a dozen cannon, but not a lot of gunpowder

volunteers were supposed to supply their own guns and 100 rounds of ammo...they used up the ammo hunting

p 77

the volunteers expected to be paid about $20/month. Not a lot of cash, so they didn't get paid

Fannin's men not impressed with him; they didn't know him (knew the people they had volunteered with)

p 78

many volunteers upset that not a lot of Texians in the group; Fannin also upset about this; a sense of betrayal, that the volunteers from the US doing the job for the settlers

many settlers didn't see a need - Mexican army already gone, they had won many didn't feel strongly enough to fight many were trying to get ready for the harvest

p 79

many feared Indian attacks and wanted to defend their own homes

when Texians took the presidio in Oct 1835, they renamed it Fort Goliad when Fannin got there, he decided it needed a new name again: they considered Ft Independence, Ft Defiance, Ft Milam

lottery, Ft Defiance chosen; not popular, the men still called it Ft Goliad

p 80

Travis and Bowie sent msg to Goliad asking for help on Feb 23 when the Mexican army arrived Fannin got the message on Feb 25 and said they would go the next day; 90 mi away unlikely they could make it there without SA knowing (centralist Tejanos lived between Goliad and Bexar) and likely that SA would counterattack abt 400 men set out on Feb 26; volunteers excited - NO Greys had been divided between Goliad and Bexar and wanted to be reunited; the rest just wanted a fight

p 81

after crossing the SA River, wagons were damaged, so they made camp to mend them spent the night outside in the morning, the oxen had wandered because no one tied them down not enough food for the journey council of war at the request of the men, and they decided to go home

"this grotesquely pitiable effort underscores Fannin's lack of leadership and the absolute paucity of discipline exercised by his men."

should have inspected everything before they left should have been easy to go back and get the food and keep going

p 82

by Feb 21, Fannin writing to Robinson that he wanted out of the army

Chapter 7: Urrea's Invasion
p 84

Johnson returned to San Pat on Feb 26 with a herd of horses Grant and 20 men stayed to get more

San Pat, Johnson sent 12 men to guard the horrises (corralled 4 mi south of town at ranch of Julian de la Garza); the rest, abt 18 men, in town

Urrea had lots of intelligence from locals came to San Pat from the south

Capt Rafael Pretalia with 30 men to go to the Garza ranch; Urrea took the rest to San Pat

Pretalia killed 4 Anglos and captured the rest

Urrea offered the ones in San Pat their lives if they surrendered they refused, kept fighting, overwhelmed in the morning (Feb 27)

Johnson and 5 men escaped

Urrea said 16 men killed and 24 prisoners

Anglo accounts say fewer

p 87

Agua Dulce ambush on March 2 - same day as independence declared Agua Dulce Creek 25 mi south of San Pat 12 killed, 4 captured, 6 escaped

Robert C. Morris and Grant both killed

p 88

Urrea had been told by SA to kill the men captured at Agua Dulce and San Pat; he did not

Father Thomas Molloy, the Irish priest in San Pat, intervened Urrea was criticized by SA for this decision

"The only men of the Matamors expedition ever to reach Matamoros arrived not as conquerors, but as Urrea's prisoners"

on the whole, Mexican soldiers in SA's army did not molest civilians many San Pat pioneers - Catholic Irish - fled south instead of north, thinking in Mexico would be less likely to be fighting

property was plundered though - Mexicans not a lot of supplies

Anglo thieves also plundered

p 89

March 3, David Moses, who survived Agua Dulce, came to the ranch of Lewis T. Ayers; Ayers, who had been subject of raids by loyalist Tejanos and Indians, went with Moses to Goliad to talk to Fannin

asked Fannin for help in evacuating his family and others in the Refugio area Fannin said yes, but right now oxen and wagons busy getting supplies from Pt Lavaca

p 91

Texian supplies arrived on March 10 and 11 - corn, cattle, ammo, more food and even clothes

on March 11, as promised, Fannin sent the wagons to help evacuate people from Refugio

p 92

Capt Amon B. King was to help bring back Ayers family and any others who wanted to leave

left at 9 am and reached Refugio that evneing

Anglo families had gone to Mission Nuestra Senora del Refugio

the troops camped at the msision that night, hoping the Mexican troops would arrive so there could be a fight; nope

Mar 12, they went to the Esteban Lopez ranch, where Ayers family and others were gathered together there, King arrested 6 Mexicans said to be plundering homes he heard them them there were more Tejanos plundering homes 8 mi south, so he took half the men to pursue them - not his mission

ambushed by Karankaw and rancheros led by Carldo de la Garza managed to get away without losing a man, went back to the Lopez ranch to get the families, and went to the mission in Refugio

soon under siege - Garza and his men, also Urrea's advance cavalry

trapped, but that day and night managed to take a few prisoners

p 93

in Goliad, Fannin and his men upset with no word from King March 12, Fannin got a message from Houston saying to march for Alamo NOW so Fannin started making plans to go to Cibolo Creek to wait for Houston, with about 300 men

p 94

they learned that day the Alamo had fallen and the troops killed late that night, an Irishman from Refugio said King and his men trapped at Refugio mission without a lot of ammo and needed help

"fannin had put his command and, by extension, the revolution at risk by sending his entire transport on a mission to evacuate a scattering of families that may or may not have been in immediate danger." Sent a small group, despite knowing that Mexican troops were in the area

unlikely that his troops would have taken it well if he had decided not to help King's men - possible mutiny could raze the presidio - but again, could make the men mad because they had worked hard to build them up

p 94

also no one really wanted to destroy the supplies they had just received - hard to replace them or the cannon

Fannin decided to split his men - told Wm Ward to take 120 men to help King Ayers said he would go to help guide Ward and his men but couldn't find a horse; Fannin wouldn't back him up to take one from the others

Ward and his men left a few hours before dawn March 13 slow going, but still managed 20 miles

they were larger force than the Mexican troops one volley from the Texians, and the Mexicans left

p 95

Ward disobeyed Fannin's orders - was supposed to gather everyone up and leave immediately, but they didn't his men were tired, families not quite ready to march - but they knew Urrea's men were close by and that they needed to get the wagons back

arguments between Ward and King - King said he should be in charge because he knew the area better; Ward was 2nd in command to Fannin and said he was in charge

delay also likely because the men wanted to fight

Ward gave Isaac Ticknor "permission" to attack a nearby Mexican camp - why, we don't know

Ticknor + 14 men - killed 22 Mexicans; the next morning the Texians took their horses

pp 95-6

the dead included Tejano men who had recently been in Fannin's command and had gotten an honorable discharge because they weren't comfortable fighting for independence

p 96

one of the Texians with Ticknor said that a Mexican spy brought them a message from Urrea, that they would get their lives if they surrendered now, otherwise to expect death

March 14, King and Ward still bickering, still not ready to go back to Goliad King, Ayers, and others went to raid a ranch 6 mi south, to recover proprety taken from Ayers and capture maurauders

Ward sent a few others to reconnoiter around the mission 0 these men were fired upon when getting water from the nearby Mission River - went back to the mission and no harm...but the Mexican army now here

Chapter 8: Clash at Refugio
p 97

March 14, Mexican army preparing to attack

Urrea sent troops to reconnoiter Refugio; realized the Texians had a good defensive spot and that it would be difficult to take it without heavy losses

Urrea had almost 1000 men

Mission not a fort, but was "decent protection" - little cover around 3 sides of it to the rear, a walled yard about 50 yrds back, then ground had a steep slope Ward posted men at the wall to protect it

Mexicans attacked from all 4 sides at the same time with only a single cannon

silent advance from the rear; loud from the sides (hoping to distract) Ward said hold fire until they were close; only 36 rounds each

Texians made their first volley count after 2nd volley, Mexicans retreated on 3 sides

p 98

at the rear, volunteers rose up in a group and fired a round at the Mexican troops - Mexican troops now within 10 yds mostly Yucatan recruits - and now they didn't want to advance officers rallied and they finally moved forward again at the same time, renewed attacks on the other 3 sides

Ward stationed himself in the rear most of the Texians in the back were very young Urrea finally ordered a retreat; he wrote later that "This operation was not carried out with the order that might have been expected from better disciplined troops."

front of the church, continued to advance despite mounting casualties - each advance had fewer Mexican troops willing to go, and finally they all fled

this was March 14 Amon King and his men still not there they ambushed 8 Mexicans at a campfire

p 99

these 8 may not have been combatants - maybe just locals gathered

went back towards refugio in late morning; heard gunfire ran into the rear of Urrea's army < 1 mi from the church took off to a wooded area 1/2 mi away, near the river

Mexican horseman unable to catch them before they got to the woods 6 Texians did not make it to the woods - unknown if they deserted, wounded, or couldn't keep up

took up defensive positions

Mexican attacked soon

Ward's group heard the shot and organized a relief force, which was incercepted by Urrea's men while cavalry tried to cut them off from retreat back to the mission

so Ward brought them back into the mission

Ward hoped Urrea would give up since there were so many casualties but no, Urrea sent a second assault a few hours later this time, 1 Texian died - Thomas Weeks shot in the chest

with the Mexican troops was at least one red-headed local

p 100

3rd attack later, but still unable to breach the walls

during the afternoon, they brought a cannon Texians afraid they'd use hot shot to set the roof on fire, so they concentrated fire on the soldiers at the cannon Texians in the church belfry shot the gunners then Texians stormed out and captured the cannon, with the men in the belfry providing cover didn't lose a Texian

a few more Texians were injured that day, including Ward, who had a musket ball crease his head many, many Mexicans died - Anglos say between 60-400; Mexican records confusing. Franciso Garay said 13 dead and 43 wounded, but was that in one of the attacks or all

p 101

Urrea said only 11 killed on March 14 likely much higher

King's men had advantage of cover of trees - Mexicans attacked as soon as King's men had gotten set after 30 minutes, Mexicans pulled back, leaving 20 casualties (dead and wounded); no casualties among Texians

an hour later, another Mexican advance, from 2 sides; withdrew after an hour, lots more dead and wounded one Texian killed, and 5 others injured (including King)

third attack at dusk, but no harm

Urrea said his men killed 11 and captured 7 of King's men

p 102

Urrea nor Garay said any casualties in fight against King's men

dark and rainy night

King led his men (about 20 now) across the Mission River - water more than chest deep, so powder got wet bank was steep; had to help each other; difficult for the wounded

then they started for Goliad

Mexicans withdrew to their camp 1/4 of a mile away at dusk - out of rifle range of the Texians

pickets 100 yds apart so no escape for Ward and his men

Texians tired, hungry, thirsty, almost out of ammo

Ward sent 2 men to Goliad to ask for help

at about the same time, a messenger from Fannin arrived - an old man Ward was told to leave Refugio and go to Victoria, where Fannin was headed

Ward asked the messenger to help guide the men to Victoria; the man said no

retreat to Victoria would mean that the wounded would be left behind

Victoria 35 mi away on foot - the cavalry would get them in the prairie

p 103

that night Garay sent a messenger to them - Edward Perry, an Irish colonist who had been captured - bringing a message from Fannin to Ward Garay sent the message on to Ward so that he would know that Fannin was going to Victoria and the Mexican army knew it

Perry also gave them a message from Urrea - surrender b/c Mexican heavy artillery would be there the next day and tomorrow there would be no quarter

volunteers decided on no surrender and sent Perry back to tell Urrea that

Ward gave orders to abandon the mission - no water for the wounded they were leaving behind, so they sent some men to a spring within the Mexican lines killed 4 Mexican soldiers guarding the spring left the water with the wounded, and blankets taken from dead Mexican soldiers

they slipped out; 2 men left behind Henry Wood refused to get up when they shook him awake - he thought they wanted him for guard duty William Simpson stayed behind to protect the families - about a dozen women and kids

got through the pickets without notice - it was rainy...or maybe the Mexican soldiers let them go rather than have the group turn on the small groups of sentries

p 104

Urrea thought the sentries fell asleep after an exhausting day with no food

Ward's men went SE toward Copano; Urrea expected them to go N to Victoria not known if this was on purpose or a mistake

after daybreak, they got their bearings and turned toward Victoria

Urrea's men entered the church that morning; 2 of the wounded bayonetted to death not known whether 2 of them escaped or were killed (Wood and Simpson) one man survived "the women hid him between two mattresses"

women carried the two mattresses, with OSborne in them, to a nearby house his wife asked Urrea to come to her house; when he did she begged on her knees for mercy Urrea sent his surgeon to help, and Osborne lived

King and his men lost - morning of March 15 they were attacked by rancheros; surrendered because powder unusable; tied up and marched 8 miles back to Refugio

by the time they got there, 33 captives - other rancheros had brought a few

Mexicans prepared to excute them, but Col Juan Jose Holzinger, the artillery commander, intervened

p 105

He was a German who had gone to Mexico in 1825 he saw a few Germans among the captives and insisted the executions be postponed a day

p 106

for rest of the day, Mexicans buried their dead in a trench that had been dug by a colonist as the boundary to his land

Ayers released after his wife also threw herself on Urrea and begged for mercy (with her 4 children)

Urrea lectured Ayers and then let him go

Holzinger got clemency for the 2 Germans 6 colonists freed 8(at least one other woman begged)

the rest - about 20 - were executed 1 mi north of the mission stripped the dead bodies of their clothes and left them where they fell

Chapter 9: Flight from Goliad
p 107

When Houston realized that Alamo had fallen on March 11, he sent a message to Fannin telling him to abandon Goliad; orders carried by Capt Francis J. Dusanque

100 mi from Goliad to Gonzales - hostile Indians in the area

Dusanque arrived Mar 14

told to go to Victoria, help people leave there, blow up presidio beware of Mexican troops and rising floodwaters

p 108

2 days earlier were the orders to take 300 men and prepare to go to the Alamo...but no oxen and wagons for supplies and cannon still had no oxen and wagons, still didn't know what was going on in Refugio

Ward and King should have returned

easiest option was to tell men to pack what they could carry and hotfoot it to Victoria to join Houston; leave cannon andmost of the supplies

on foot, easy to be attacked by Mexican cavalry or centralist rancheros

only ammo they would have would be what they were carrying, which was dangerous

cannons also valuable now that Alamo had fallen - leaving them behind means no heavy cannon for the Texians

p 109

No animals to help move the cannon and ammo had already impressed all the animals in the area that they could

the men wanted to stay - they had fortified the area and were happy with the fort, wanted a fight

by end of March 16, Kin's men mostly dead, Ward's men fleeing

some Mexican soldiers stationed in Goliad, a small party sent to Copano to occupy it, the rest with Urrea towards Goliad

p 110

Urrea got lots of good information - locals told him what they knew, and he captured a lot of couriers

Mexicans were cold and tired and hungry and many troops did not like sharing their meager rations with the captured Texians; several officers on March 16 protested that Urrea needed to follow orders and execute the remaining prsoners

Urrea agreed to execute King's men now - after pardoning those not from the US

p 111

Urrea may have been worried that his troops were in danger - he knew a force assembling at Victoria; Ward's men were somewhere nearby, Fannin had men at Goliad

they could all join up and attack him

From Bexar, Santa Anna sentCol Juan Morales with 500 additional troops to join Urrea; should reach Goliad on Mar 17 March 16 evening, Urrea's men camped about 12 miles from the presidio

p 112

Fannin sent a note to Victoria to send carts and wagons to Goliad

Mar 16, Col Albert Horton and 30 men with 20 yoke of oxen arrived in Goliad

in Victoria, the quartermaster knew Fannin needed what he could get and sent it on

Fannin chose 9 cannon and had the rest buried would take everything the y could instead of marching on foot

some volunteers angry at the retreat, but no "outright insubordination"

Goliad a better fortress than the Alamo

March 16, Capt Hugh M Frazer volunteered to go south to find out what was happening in Refugio; returned March 17 and said King and his men dead, Ward and his on the run

Horton scouted on route to Bexar and dscovered Morales and his men were close

Fannin called a council of war, they agreed to go the next day

p 113

other scouts saw Mexican soldiers in several locations - likely Urrea's scouts

Fannin was worried that the Mexicans would attack before they could escape, so they had the cannons pulled back up and remounted

worked all night getting ready for attack and departure

early on March 18, they hitched up the wagons, burned the provisions did not try to dismantle the fort, in case they'd need it (plus a lack of explosives)

Fannin wanted to leave quietly; he didn't want to be chased all the way to Victoria by letting them know he was leaving

early March 18 Hortn's group (horsemen) found Mexican cavalry scouting around the presidio - gave chase; Mexicans fled; Texians turned back toward the fort, when infantry and Mexican cavalry came back; back-and-forth skirmishing with no casualties for hours

"festive atmosphere" with Texians cheering on their men

Horton's men cornered in old church across river from Goliad Shackelford and others set out to rescue them - waded across river (up to their chins) about to fire, when cannon from the fort sounded and drove the Mexicans away Shackelford and his men disappointed because they wanted a fight

p 114

Urrea did not want to let Fannin get away, as Ward had done

Mexican troops not allowed to rest much all that night

"senseless skirmishing of March 18 cost Fannin and his men an entire day"

the Texian mounts now tired Mexicans got to test the garrison oxen left in harness all day with no food and water

after dark, Fannin decided it was time to finally go

p 115

scouts said all the crossings guarded by the Mexicans now 5 days after Houston's orders for them to retreat

March 19 was very foggy with little visibility great for the Texians, but they didn't get started right away was almost 9 am before they left the fort no accounts tell why so late

p 116

Ehrenberg's account says the men hadn't packed well - trying to take too much provisions and ammo men were told to eat breakfast and THEN fire everything not going - put the provisions in the chapel included burning dried meat from 700 cattle, most of the meal from Port Lavaca

Stuart says possibly some of the men may have been deliberately slow to provoke the Mexicans to attack so they could fight

out of the fort undetected - "incredibly"

the oxen were broken with Mexican methods, and only Anglos wth little experience driving them they were tired and unruly from day before

several accounts said the oxen were not cooperative at all

9 cannon, ammo cart, 2 baggage carts, 300 men

slow going; carts too full, cannon heavy, oxen mad

p 117

men had to help push the cannon across the river

soon, the Texians started discarding heavy and bulky stuff - Urrea admits that the advance guard didn't realize Fannin and his men were leaving that was Urrea's 39th birthday

Some historians say Urrea let them escape so they would be out of the fortifications and in open ground - nothing in the records to confirm

"Modesty was not a quality that was ever attributed to Urrea"

by 11 - just 2 hours later - Urrea set off after fannin with 80 cavalry and 360 infantry

p 118

Texians moving at around 2 mi/hr Victoria was 30 mi away - 15 hours of travel

Chapter 10: Battle on the Prairie
p 119

fog gone mid-morning

albert Horton's men on horseback, looking ahead and behind Fannin stopped in middle of prairie for men and oxen to eat Shackelford tried to convince Fannin to go forward to a spot easier to defend Coleto Creek 5 mi away and had trees on the banks was "ideal cavalry terrain" - open ground

Fannine sure Urrea had <500 men and thought Tx could win

p 120

many of staff also thought Shackelford worrying for nothing Fannin thought Mex bad fighters

Burr Duvall and Ura Westover also argued to keep going

oxen unhitched and everyone rested for an house and then kept marching

Urrea's scouts said <500 Tex, so he sent 100 men back to Goliad to take presidio

p 121

most of Horton's men in front - 4 scout behind (incl Hermann Ehrenberg)

Mex approached from 3 sides; Mex cavalry moved fast

p 122

Mex accts say 80 cavalry, tex thought there were several hundred infantry next

4 scouts in rear made it back to Fannin

Fannin ordered men to leave the road and head for Perdido Creek, 1 mi away

Mex soldiers fired and FAnnin said "that's the signal for battle, I won't retreat another foot"

hollow square 3 deep, cannon on the corners (9 of them)

Hrton's men heard the shots and turned around but Mex cavalry intercepted them Horton wanted to fight through them; the men overruled him and they all retreated

300 men, 9 artillery, wagons; the col prob was 1/4 mi long when marching would have been difficult to get all in position but they did

many animals broke loose and fled to Mex lines

p 123

ammos wagon broke down, so Tx stopped to wait for it Coleto 1 mi forward; more timber 6 mi to rear and 4-5 mi on either side

moved, but very slowly, toward cover in that formation fired cannon 3x -> prob not at Fannin's orders; the shots didn't go far enough to reach Mex troops

p 124

that was proof they were ill-disciplined

NO Greys wanted to break formation and dash for tree line but did not - prob b/c cavalry already there

Fannin stopped in a depression - 6-7 ft below ground that Mexicans were on couldn't see over their basin

survivors said 1-2k Mexicans; Mex said much fewer

p 125

Tx likely also counting animal drivers and camp followers

prob, Mex had about 500 men

Urrea did not order an imm. attack, but stopped to plan

Col Juan Morales to attack N, col Mariano Salas front (W), Urrea S, Col Gabriel Nunez rear (E)

1st Mex volley from sev hundred yards out; out of range

Shackelford told his men to sit or kneel and other Anglos followed; now had tall grass to hide them

Shackelford's AL Red Rovers and the NO Greys at front of square

Mobile Greys on N Side, Westover and the regulars on the S Burr Duval's men at the rear w/the Refugio militia under Hugh Frazer

sq was 49-60 ft across

p 126

very close together, shoulder-to-shoulder

concentrated their fire but easy to get hit

early aft, dragoons charged Fannin said to wait 3rd Mex volley wounded a few Tx and 2 shots his Fannin's rifle when Cav. w/in 100 yrds, Fannin said fire - devastating

wounded horses panicked and hit ea other and the Mex infantry Tx kept firing

p 127

Fannin not a coward, and MEx accounts say his men also very brave sev Mex charges turned back More Mexican than Tx casualties

p 128

Sev. Tx killed and dozens wounded, including Fannin (bullet in rt thigh and other wounds) Tx had brought prisoners captured before the retreat; these men in center of the square. They dug holes with bare hands and hid in those Tx thought that was smart of them

1 wagon w/sick in it was stuck outside the square; 5 men tried to defend it

p 129

thick smoke, hard to see some Tx charged forward to see to fire. Ehrenberg found himself behind enemy lines, grabbed weapons from dead Mex and fought his way back to Tx

Mex ammo bad - many musket balls hit soldiers and created bruises but didn't tear flesh

p 130

several mex charges that day cavalry finally dismounted to shoot at range; Tx artillery taking to much toll

p 131

Mex infantry didn't want to charge anymore either - officers forced them at sword point

cannons in this era had still burning remnants after firing and needed to be swabbed out before reloading or next charge might blow you up, but water was limited

artillery ammo running out throughout the day and artillery gunners had been targeted -> many dead/wounded by end of day no water for the men either

p 132

used Mex dead bodies for cover knew Urrea had reinforcements and artillery on the way

Chapter 11: The Weapons
[ 136

Fannin's men did have 500-1000 extra muskets with them

p 138

Fannin's men more effective at shooting than Mex

p 139

Tx and US ppl raised with guns needed for daily life; Mex not

Chapter 12: Overnight Misery
p 141

Indians fought with Urrea up to 100 9although he says that is too high); prob came from Yucatan - Campeachy or Carise Indeans; very effective shots and good at finding concealment

a woman - Ellen Cash (wife of soldier Geo Cash) and her 14-year-od son were with them

p 142

all sides exhausted by nightfall

Urrea cont to get reinforcements all night

p 143

Fannin told the men they needed to run for timber during the dark called for a vote -> men said NO, not leaving the wounded

no oxen left to pull the wagons and they couldn't carry them on stretchers

not sure how Urrea would treat the wounded

fannin did not order it

hoped that Horton's men would reach Victoria and bring reinforcements back - thought up to 600 militia could join them

Vic. 15 mi away to NE, so men could march from there overnight

Houston got to Vic and found town was abandoned and MEx troops near

p 144

so he went to Gonzales to look for more men

Fannin's men also hoped that Ward and his men were on the way to help

Ward being chased by Mex between Refugio and Coleto Creek

overnight Fannin's men dug a trench on all 4 sides and used dirt to creat embankment dead cows and provisions piled on top -> useful against firearms, not artillery

icy rain all night - made them cold, but not hard enough to collect for drinking or cleaning

no fires

wounded begged for water

p 145

some tried to dig a well in their square -> made dehydration worse

on guard most of the night Urrea kept his buglers working all night to psych them out

NO Greys did not want to stay - they thought this was hopeless, but they finally decided to stay with the others

3 Tex tried to break through Mexican lines - their names unknown probably shot by the Mexican troops; not mentioned in Mexican records, so not sure what happened to those men

p 146

Mexican morale high

5-6 hrs of fighting that day

Urrea's hat had had a musket ball go right through it

overnight, Mexicans tightened their circle around TX - fully surrounded

Fannin had been wounded in 3 places

p 147

Fannin would most likely have been left behind with the other wounded because his leg wound was severe, if the men had chosen to go for cover

Chapter 13: Surrender
p 148

overnight, Mexican troops tried to remove all of their dead and wounded, but didn't finish - still dozens of dead bodies and corpses of horses

Texians grabbed 2 wounded Mex and dragged them into the square; the prisoners told them that Urrea had 1900 men with more due the next morning

after daybreak, Urrea assembled his men just out of rifle range to make a good impression

p 149

now had two 4-oounder cannon and a howitzer

then Urrea called the men back and gave them breakfast - they ate the Tex oxen which had been killed the day before

Ellen Cash and her young son walked across the battlefield, found a MExican officer who had once been stationed at Goliad, and asked him for water

officer took her to Urrea he scolded her for putting her son in danger; she said her son was fighting for his rights and prepared to die

unknown if he gave them water

Fannin had called another council of war

p 150

Tx knew that all the Alamo defenders had been killed, even the wounded

not sure who raised the white flag for talks - conflicting accounts on both sides

p 151

most likely, it was Fannin, right after the artillery fire began (over their heads) Mexicans might have then raised their own flag to show it was okay

this issue is "contentious because the white flag carries a stigma of weakness"

pp 151-2 Fannin sent Mjr Ben Wallace, Capt Francis Dusanque, and Capt Ben Holland and maybe 1-2 others

p 152

met halfways between short meeting Morales said that volunteers wanted to surrended Urrea said only unconditional surrender

Mexicans insisted Fannin be part of the negotiation

negotiations difficult mex soldier Holzinger only one to speak English, but not well (he was German) translate into German and then to Spanish

p 153

likely that Urrea said he would do all that he could to help the case of the prisoners and that we would treat them properly as POWs until decision made by his superiors

Fannin wanted surrender to say that their lives and personal property would be protected and the wounded cared for

Urrea said no, and finally went to the Texians himself and said you either surrender now or the artillery starts firing again

p 154

after several minutes of conference, Fannin asked Holzinger if there was any likelihood that Mex govt would spare their lives

Holzinger said that no guarantees, but that "not a single example could be adduced that the MExican Government had ordered a man to be shot who had trusted to their clemency" (per H's writings later)

Fannin then surrendered; Urrea had one copy written in Spanish and one in English

docs signed by Urrea, Morales, Holzinger, Fannin, and Wallace

English copy is now gone

Holland believes that the terms were 1) received and treated as POWs 2) officers paroled at La Bahia, and others sent to Copano within 8 days to be sent back to the US

p 155 3) private property respected and swords returned to officers later 4) should get food

all the survivors said those were the terms

Fannin told them those were the terms; the survivors said they would not have surrendered without them, would have fought to the death

Duval was angry - he didn't want the surrender, said they were being consigned to their deaths

p 156

"the promised treatment was a fair and honorable exchange in recognition of their ferocity during the fight the day before"

did not know if Urrea had lied to Fannin about terms, or if fannin and the other negotiators lied to their men, or if the bad translations meant they each honestly thought the other understood them

the document in custody of the MExican army (the one in Spanish), stated that the men were surrendering at discretion and that the men would be treated as POWs until orders came from the Govt, and that the wounded would be cared for

p 157

nothing about protection of personal property nothing said they would be paroled, sent back to US, or even fed

Urrea acknowledged later that he told Fannin he would do his best to meet their requests for parole

p 158

no survivor mentioned seeing the surrender document in English, although Duval said Fannin read from it

Fannin might have lied about what was in the document b/c he thought it better to rely on Urrea's charity than have a bloody fight to the death

Urrea could have been lying to make his men safe

p 159

Urrea later said he only agreed not to kill the men on the spot

"There had been no instances of the MExican government killing those who sought clemency" (me - Alamo??)

Stuart thinks "probable" that Urrea believed he could spare the men somehow - a) killing so many Americans would cause outage and b) they surrendered while they still had the option to take more MExican lives with them

Urrea's Mar 19 diary entry said only 11 killed and 54 wounded almost every other account says no, many, many more were killed/wounded

p 160

Filisola later said Urrea needed to be punished for losing so many soldiers at San Pat, Refugio, and Coleto, that he should have been able to defeat the Texians with fewer losses

Urrea's response that except for the Alamo, his men were the ones who did all of the fighting - did not dispute that hundreds died

"The true extent of the Mexican casualties during the fighting on March 19 will never be known."

all of Fannin's men said more than 200 killed, many estimates were higher

Urrea also said 27 Anglos died Fannin's men say 9 or 10

p 161 (not counting 3 who tried to escape)

Tx then paraded out - under guard - to deposit their weapons in a pile officers' weapons were marked with their names and put in a separate box, which makes it look like the Mexicans did intend to return it

Holzinger supposedly also told several of the Texians that they'd be home in 10 days

"almost friendly" interactions between the Texians and many Mexican officers and soldiers who came to look at them

some Texians very bitter about the surrender

many smoking cigars - probably caused explosion of Tx ammo wagon

p 162

grass caught fire and cartridges that had been dropped in the area exploded

men raced across and away from the fire; none of the Tex attempted to escape

several wounded and 1 killed (Tx Edward Johnson)

Ehrenberg thought Johnson had deliberately fired the ammo because he was so mad about surrender

then they marched back to Goliad - about 250 of them wounded stayed at battlefield and waited for wagons to carry them back

200 MEx soldiers guarding those marching

this was end of Battle of Coleto; MExicans called it La Batalla del Encinal del Perdido, or Battle of the Lost Woods

Chapter 14: Return to Goliad
p 163

Tx dead were buried in the trenches they had dug that night

Fannin was left behind - too wounded to walk the 9 miles

2 of his men - Dr. Barnard and Dr. Field, left behind with the wounded

Mexicans had no doctors

arrived at presidio on Mar 20

no food or water given to the Tx on the march drank out of the stream when they crossed the San Antonio River close to presidio

p 164

Tx pushed into the church - very small, men were crammed in very tightly

fed for first time on evening of March 21 - over 48 hours since they had last eaten their meal was a piece of boiled beef smaller than a fist with some broth; got one meal a day

wounded arrived over the next 2 days; Tx sent back before Mexicans were, but Mexicans got first dibs on medical treatment

church turned into a hospital, so the uninjured were sent outside - no shelter cold, windy, wet not enough blankets to go around

American and Mexican wounded both in the church hospital (about 57 total)

p 165

Wm Ward and his men brought in as prisoners 2 days after Texians arrived

he had about 100 men initially

every day, men deserted or got lost from the group, so smaller daily somehow managed to avoid capture by the rancheros, locals who knew the area, unlike the Americans on Ward's force

Ward and his men travelling with no food or water exhausted - terrain was difficult

third day, they butchered some cattle and got to eat (Mar 17)

mar 19, Ward and his men crossed the San Antonio River they heard the battle of Coleto - headed that direction but turned back at dusk - gunfire had stopped

p 166

Mar 21, Ward and his men approached Victoria; he sent a scouting party into town; Urrea had arrived earlier that day

2 were captured, 1 killed. Three more managed to buy food and get away

Urrea had estimated there were 20 Tx, and all killed or taken prisoner - "another example of Urrea's propensity to overestimate the size of the forces that opposed him"

later that day, Urrea's men found Ward and his forces

Ward and his men ran to cover of woods; ammo just about out

p 167

Tx headed for Dimmitt's landing, on Lavaca River

Mar 22, they were almost there, and Ward sent 2 men to go see

Urrea's men waiting, and scouts captured right away

scouts then brought within shouting distance of Ward's men and told him that Urrea had 200 infantry and 50 cavalry they told Ward to negotiate

Ward, Warren Mitchell, Isaac Ticknor went to parley

Ward told the men terms similar to what Fannin had promised at Coleto - POW, marched to Copano, paroled back to US or held and exchanged for Mexican pows

Ward did not want to surrender - did not believe Urrea's promises

that Ward's men say they were promised the same as Fannin shows that it is likely Urrea did promise those things to Fannin

"no documents exist for Ward's surrender"

p 168

doubtful Tx could defeat Urrea's men, but might be able to told off until night and escape again

Ward let the men vote, and they voted to surrender they thought the terms were good, and they were tired, hungry, thirsty and out of ammo

Ward warned them again that this was likely treachery

again, one doc in Spanish, another in English, but none ever found

at surrender, they had 85 men; the other 15 had already deserted

March 23, marched back to Victoria and for two days helped MExicans move their supplies across the Guadalupe

Mar 25, marched to Goliad

prisoners not harassed or baited, although blankets and some coats stolen

p 169

some prisoners bought extra food from the Mexicans - extortion level prices - but showed they did get to keep their belongings

around this time, Capt Rafael de la Vara captured newly arrived volunteers at Copano; 80 men from Tennessee the men had just debarked and had no weapons on them - still on the ship they surrendered without a fight and were marched to Goliad, arrived Mar 24

several of the new arrivals volunteered to help nurse the wounded

Fannin, Holzinger, and a few others left for Copano on Mar 23, supposedly to arrange passage back to US

this lends credence to Fannin's claims

p 170

so how ill was Fannin - strong enough to travel to Copano, but went right back to hospital when he returned excuse to stay out of the weather? the trip made him worse?

the vessel they wanted to hire at Copano had already left, so the men returned Mar 26

Urrea left Lt Col Jose Nicolas de la Portilla in charge of the prisoners

he kept loaded cannon trained on the prisoners so they wouldn't try to escape

p 171

Urrea wrote to SA from Victoria asking for clemency for the Anglos Mar 23 SA sent a letter back insisting that the prisoners die

SA on same day sent a message to Portilla instructing him to kill the men, per the Tornel Decree

Portilla got the letter lat on Mar 26

two hours later, he got a message from Urrea telling him to treat the prisoners with respect and make them work to repair the presidio and the town this was AFTER Urrea had gotten his letter from SA

Portilla now in a pickle - opposing orders

later that night, he wrote to Urrea and said he had to go with SA's orders

practically, this was difficult muskets unreliable

p 172

soldiers probably wouldn't like their duty and might lose their nerve or just flat out refuse to comply Anglos physically larger than Mexicans - could Anglos overpower the guards?

"their concern was well founded"

safeguards - two Mex for every Tx mounted men posted strategically to catch those who survived first volley deception on intent

Chapter 15: The Massacre
p 174

prisoners awakened early in the morning March 27; about 5:45 am, just after sunrise

they were put in a line to be counted; Shackelford thought some must have escaped

Col Francisco Garay asked Shackelford and Dr Joseph Barnard to go to his tent outside the fort Mjr William Miller's men from Copano gathering there

Garay spoke fluent English

the Tex told they were going to Copano to go home to US they had their belongings with them

it was Palm Sunday

others were told they were going to hunt cattle - on foot

three groups formed each group put in center of a hollow square of cavalrymen (who were on foot, not horseback)

p 175

closely guarded groups headed by Cap Pedro Balderas, Cap Antonio Ramirez, first Adjutant Agustin Alcerrica

largest group incl Ward's men and headed NW toward Bexar another group marched S toward San Pat last group (with NO Greys) went toward Victoria

2nd? detachment: half a mile from fort, halted soldiers lined up about 8 feet away, on one side behind them, about 8 ft away, was a new brush fence

the capt of the MEx asked if anyone spoke Spanish; no one answered - they were starting to figure out something was wrong told to turn their back on the men and they refused capt turned the first men forcibly towards the fence some Tx dropped to their knees and prayed to God or cried out for mercy Mex fired at point-blank range

p 176

several ran for the fence wide open prairie in front of them - would have to outrun the Mex

some were wounded, others not

4 men in this area - Dillard Cooper, Wilson Simpson, Zachariah Brooks, Isaac Hamilton

p 177

1st group was halted right as they heard the musket fire from the 2nd group one man, Cap Ben Holland, tried to get others to run now, and they said too heavily guarded he punched one soldier, managed to grab his musket away, and ran for the river three men waiting to intercept him at river, he stopped, shot his musket and killed one of the soliders and kept going; crossed the river without a scratch

Ehrenberg marched toward Victoria (3rd group) said it was odd that the Mexicans were totally silent, not chattering with each other as normal, and then that they had no provisions or gear then also noticed that the rest of the volunteers were gone - they had thought they'd all be marching together

after 15 min, led off main road into prairie halt called

p 178

heard musket fire from the distance officer in charge told them to kneel; they didn't heard the second wave of musket fire

before they could do anything, their captors fired a dog who had been adopted by the Texians and had followed them, followed Ehrenberg into the San Antonio River as he escaped; the dog was hit by a musket ball and killed

p 179

Mexicans used bayonets after firing

mounted lancers in the grass on other side of San Antonio River

p 180

some Tx faked death after being wounded

Mx soldiers stripped the soldiers of belonging and, in some cases, clothes

bodies left unguarded after having been stripped

p 181

Miller's men, who had just arrived, were told to tie white bands around their arms that morning they didn't know why - those were used to tell the difference between them and Fannin's men

they were taken to an orchard they could see 2 of the 3 massacre sites from there they had to watch

many cried cavalry posted in the orchard with them and from there dashed out when they saw Tx trying to escape

the wounded were bayoneted, sometimes repeatedly

women also took part in the knifing and plundering - camp followers, locals?

Miller's men were taunted and told that this would happen to them the next day

p 182

Garay came back to his tent and the doctors asked if the men were being murdered. Garay said yes, not on his orders and that he had saved as many as he could

there were about 11 Tx medical orderlies they were ordered to move the T wounded into the yard; told another room was being prepared for them

one of the wounded, Andrew Boyle, understood Spanish he told Abel Morgan (orderly) that the soldiers were planning to kill all the wounded and the orderlies Morgan told the rest of the nurses and they said no, they weren't helping move people anymore gunfire started shortly thereafter

soldiers came immediately after and took away 10 of the nurses; Morgan and Wm Scurlock (who had escaped Agua Dulce and then joined Fannin) were left behind another officer came, got these two men, brought them to the local jail and told them to hide behind some shutters Scurlock slid in, but Morgan was spotted and told to come out he joined the group of orderlies but was spotted by the same man who had hidden him - probably because he wore a distinctive hat

the officer then ordered him out of line

p 183

the Mex took 2 of the wounded, marched them out, covered their eyes, made them lie on the ground, then shot them in the head at point-blank range GAray then came forward and shouted in English that he wanted to know if someone named Boyle was there

Andrew Boyle said yes Garay ordered that Boyle be taken to the officers' hospital Dr Joseph Field and John Sowers Brooks were there Field was personal physician to wounded Mex officer he had asked that officer to let Brooks (they were friends) into the hospital too; Brooks had been wounded and Field wanted to help him

Boyle told the men what was going on, and Field said "I suppose it will be our turn next"

after most killed, 5 Mexicans came in one took Brooks' blanket; Field yanked it back and recovered his friend the ill Mex officer ordered Field to behave

Brooks carried out and shot in front of them body heaved into a pit

Garay came back later; Boyle asked why he had been spared

p 184

Garay said that in San Pat, he had been sent to stay in home of Boyle's sister Mary and his brother Roderick; they refused payment and were kind and asked him to please watch out for their brother

after firing stopped, Mexican soldiers came into the jail with the booty

discovered Morgan and Scurlock

George Voss had also been hiding there (unknown to the other 2) and came out

the soldiers had soup brought to them; some did not eat, and instead sat and cried

one of the Mexican soldiers, a young boy, brought his soup over and offered it to Morgan; Morgan said no, but the boy insisted. Morgan ate 3 bites and boy handed it to Spurlock boy pointed at their foreheads and shook his head no; not planning to kill them

after that, an interpreter told them they were saved to help the doctors (Fields, Barnard, Shackelford) to tend MExican wounded Voss taken as a servant strips of white cloth (2 in wide and 2 ft long) tied around their arms; told if they lost those strips, the next soldier to see them would kill them

p 185

others had also been saved to help the Mexicans

200-300 Mexican soldiers alon gthe banks of the San Antonio River washing the clothes of the dead Texians; clothes they had taken for themselves

p 186

Joseph Spohn spared because he had been acting as interpreter

his account printed that summer in NW Evening Star nand reprinted Aug 9, 1836 in Penn newspaper; "it is the most complete report of Fannin's death known to exist"

Fannin among last killed

Spohn ordered to take Fannin to a spot in NW portion of yard; 7 soldiers there; already musket fire in distance

Spohn ordered to translate to Fannin: "That for having come with an armed band to commit depredations and revolutionize Texas, the Mexican Government were about to chastise him."

Fannin asked to see MExican commander capt said no, why? Fannin held up his watch and said it belonged to his wife and wanted to give it to the commander

probably, wanted to meet Portilla and try to negotiate for lives of those not yet dead

Mex officer said no

Fannin gave watch to the capt and asked that he be buried with it Capt bowed and said yes

p 187

Fannin gave his purse with gold to the capt then gave his paper money - may have been trying to buy time, may have just wanted to spare his body the indignity of being searched later

Spohn told to blindfold Fannin - Fannin gave him a handkerchief to use

Spohn couldn't do it; Mex officer took over

Fannin told to sit in a chair

Fannin asked that the men not put muskets too close to his face

they got within 2 ftand shot

Chapter 16: The Survivors, the Butchers, and an Angel
p 188

27 Tx survived overall

many initially survived, but hunted down

Dillard Cooper, Wilson Simpson, Zachariah Brooks and Isaac Hamilton joined up and swam across SA River Hamilton badly wounded, Brooks a little didn't get far; found a dense thicket and crawled in there to hide

that night, Cooper and Simpson carried Hamilton and they left

that night also, Mex soldiers piled up the bodies and burned them

Mrs. Cash kept a prisoner, according to Cooper, she told him later that some of the "bodies" were men still alive

they traveled in a circle 3 times before deciding to hide in the same spot again

over next 9 days, moved east and north; didn't know where safety was now close calls many times; hid in swamps and ponds

p 189

found abandoned house on the Lavaca stocked with corn and supplies

spotted by soldiers while there, and for 2 days hid while soldiers searched for them

Hamiltson still unable to walk Brooks wanted Hamilton left behind, but Cooper said no

Hamilton agreed that he ought to be left behind so the others could escape; gave Brooks $40 in gold and his watch to send to Hamilton's mother

Cooper said no; Brooks and Simpson went on without them

Hamilton insistent, so Cooper finally left and rejoined the other two swam Colorado River and found friendlies and food trying to reach Houston but didn't make it before San Jac

Hamilton stayed there for 9 days; scavenged for food and rested

he started getting better and walked to Texana (abandoned), then took a small boat to Dimmitt's Landing there, he was recaptured and taken to Victoria

p 190

spent 3 weeks in captivity, then escaped and managed to make it to Alabama by July

Wm Hunter played dead in the pile, was discovered by soldiers, and bayoneted and left for dead after dark, he crawled away and crossed the river

eventually found the house of Juan Reynea, very near their surrender point before Reynea family took him in and cared for him, and when he was better, took him to home of Margaret Wright, near Victoria; she cared for him until he was completely better

John C Duval, John Holliday, and Sam T. Brown escaped together Brown lost his shoes crossing the river and his feet got torn up so badly that he couldn't walk Duval cut off the top of his boots and made snadals for him, so Brown could keep going

after 3 days, discovered they had gone in a circle and back at Goliad Holliday had been leading, but he was a city boy; Duval, raised in the country, took over

p 191

no food for next 5 days

killed piglets on 5th night

two days later came upon rancheros, who captured Brown Duval and Holliday separated and got away Brown escaped and was captured again, sent to Goliad, then Matamoros, and then MExico City finally released and back in NO by summer 1837

Holliday later captured by 2 black men who wanted to kill him or turn him over to nearby MEx soldiers he talked them out of that, and they set him free, gave him food and told him how to get to Houston

Duval and Holliday both joined Tx army after San Jac

p 192

Ben Holland recaptured after several days of wandering escaped again and reached Houston two weeks before San Jack Ehrenberg wandered with no food, then turned himself back in to Urrea because he was afraid he'd starve went with Urrea on retreat; escaped in Matamoros

most of those spared specifically had special skills that made them useful - nursing, medicine, blacksmiths, carpenters, boat builders

Morgan and Scurlock cont to be nurses barely got to sleep

Mex wounded in bad shape; they had lain outdoors for an extra day before being brought back and they had maggots in their wounds

when the wounded recovered/died, they got other chores gathering wood - ordered to start with the pickets being used for fencing

overwork, malnutrition, constant fear of death

p 193

Pete Griffin also a nurse in charge of washing, drying, folding bandages

Pete was angry at their treatment and cursed them all in Spanish locked up in jail, then after a few days put back on his task

after news of San Jac, rumors that the other Mex forces had rallied and defeated Houston Mexican party in the presidio that night

when army retreated, the two split up; morgan to Maramoros and eventually got freedom Scurlock escaped, recaptured and taken to Refugio, eventually free

p 194

near end of Apr 1836, Shackelford and Barnard sent to Bexar to treat more than 100 soldiers wounded after Alamo fighting

they said their treatment much better in Bexar than in Goliad; boarded in homes, given clothes

when army began to evacuate, still didn't have permission to leave at end of May, they stole horses and guns and headed out reached Rusk 4 days out, near Goliad

Rusk's group went to goliad and buried the bones of the massacred

Field wanted to escape but no one would go with him

late April, he and George Voss finally escaped

Field knew the area and they were in Belasco (150 away) by early May

p 195

Andrew Boyle was given a passport from Portilla and went to San Pat a few days after the massacre to be with his family

when the Mex army retreated, Garay in San Pat again and asked Boyle to go with him to Matamoros in Matamoros, told he was a prisoner again

Garay wanted to take Boyle to Mex City; Boyle said no

finally got a passport to NO and escaped

worked in NO for 11 days, got a paycheck and went back to Tx went to Velasco, got a letter from Burnett, and then walked 150 mi to catch up to Rusk and get a proper discharge

of ward's men who weren't sent to Goliad - boat wrights and skilled carpenters

Urrea later wrote about SA's ordersL "I wished to elude these orders as far as possible without compromising my personal responsibility"

p 196

Urrea wrote that he deliberately sent Miller's and Ward's men to Goliad "in the hope that their very numbers would save them, for I never thought that the horrible spectacle of that massacre could take place in cold blood and without immediate urgency, a deed proscribed by laws of war and condemned by the civilization of our country"

Urrea said that Fannin's men would have fought on if they hadn't thought that the Mexicans would spare them

said SA's orders "doubtlessly dictated by cruel necessity"

p 197

SA said that he had no choice under the Tornel Decree he was the one who forced the Tornel Decree he was dictator - no one to oppose him if he decided to grant clemency

Caro said that SA yelled at UYrrea and said "not to soil his triumphs with a mistaken display of generosity"

p 198

originally, SA was going to kill Miller's men too, although he knew they had no weapons

when the courier, Cap D.N. Savariego, heard this, he asked to meet with SA requested clemency for Miller's men because they had given up their arms without a fight

SA yelled at him, but then told Caro to change the order and let Miller's men live until investigated

they were spared

"When it is considered what Savariego, a mere captain, was able to do, one wonders what Urrea, a respected and competent general, could have done for Fannin's men if he had only pushed forcefully for clemency"

neither Urrea or portilla did

SA later said that Portilla "was responsible for the cruel and inhumane manner of carryoung out the execution to the nation, to the world, and to God"

Portilla, after the massacre, wrote Urrea that "I am most wretched, because today, in cold blood, a scene has been enacted that has horrified me." ended with "I will always do what I am ordered, since I have the pleasure of being one of the most disciplined officers that there could be in our army, and I always do my duty, even against my natural sentiments"

Urrea said he and his men very distressed to hear of the massacre

p 199

Tornel decree not to apply to Mexican citizens, and no one tried to determine the citizenship of the men who were killed

could be argued that those newly arrived were de factor citizens of Texas, because they came to fight under flag of the rebellion and their leaders mostly Mexican citizens (like Fannin)

if tried in Mexican court, conviction uncertain official trial likely would have garnered US pressure

Tornel decree rescinded Apr 1836, less than a month later, and general amnesty granted

"many Mexican citizens were horrified and ashamed of what had happened at Goliad. Given that horror and shame, it is quite likely they would not have condoned the organized slaughter of Fannin's men."

Agel of Goliad - Francita or francisca Pancita/Panchita Alvarez/Alavez/Alevesco she was a camp wife

p 200

prob with Cap Telesforo Alavez - who had a different wife/family in Mexico

she had helped at San Pat dissuade Urrea from killing the men there

she pleaded with Garay and likely influenced him to save as many as he did

Ben Franklin Hughes, 15 on that day when he was being marched out with the other groups, Alvarez and another woman, likely Urrea's wife saw him and started talking to an officer (maybe Garay). He was pulled away from the men and put between the two women. He thought they saved him because he was so young

p 201

Alvarez stayed outside during the massacre screaming at the Mexican officers, esp Portilla

Shackelford's son died in the slaughter days later, Alavez came to Shackelford, crying, and said if she had known he had a son there she would have saved him

after massacre, she and her husband sent to Victoria in charge of Garrison there she helped Hamilton; when he arrived there he was sentenced to be shot and she intervened

Chapter 17: Mayhem, Victory, and Marking the Bones
p 202

Runaway Scrape = settlers

started S of San Pat, moved N and E ahead of Mex army

King's orders at Refugio part of that

after Goliad massacre, "the flight became a mad rush"

abandoned homes, fields, animals

hunger and disease many died and buried on trail

wagons scarce

p 203

govt fled too left Was on the Brazos on mar 17

Richmond empty by pr 1 Nac empty by Apr 13

most headed for Sabine river to cross back into US

p 204

San Jac = "Americans had never slain so many so quickly"

reported that when SA brought to Houston he asked for mercy, and Houston said he hadn't had any at Alamo or Goliad

Rusk accused SA of butchery; SA said he had not given an order to have them shot, said the law required it

p 205

Rusk told him to stop making excuses if he valued his own life

burial after more than 2 months animals had eaten what wasn't burned

June 3, 1836 Rusk interred them he delivered the eulogy 'Without any further interest in the country than that which all noble hearts feel at the bare mention of liberty, they rallied to our standard. Relinquishing the ease, peace, and comforts of their homes, leaving behind them all they held dear, their mothers, sisters, daughters, and wives, they subjected themselves to fatigue and privations, and nobly threw themselves between the people of Texas and the legions of Santa Anna."

p 206

the mass grave not permanently marked 1858, a local put a pile of rocks on the grave to keep animals from walking there

1928, town bought the 2 acres that the grave was on archaeologist from UT investigated in 1932 and found the burial site again

June 4, 1938, pink granite monument dedicated to Fannin and his men there

according to Harbert Davenport, "preeminent Goliad historian of the time", Tx mostly forgot Goliad - shame that the men had let them down

Epilogue
p 209

Goliad "of little consequence" to success/failure of the Rev

some say the value of the massacre that others saw the butchery and were motivated to join the army

flawed notion - just as many scared as motivated

some deserted to go save their families, some joined

"possibly the only real impact was the reaction to the massacre in the United States" general horror - Americans now firmly against Mexican position

p 210

if men had been paroled, everything likely forgotten

reasons why Fannin and his men out of mind: a) settlers didn't really know this group - they were American newcomers, strangers

p 211

b) Alamo men died fighting; these surrendered romance of the Alamo turned into legend; Fannin's incompetence and submission not something to dwell on

c) Goliad defeat in giant part due to Fannin's failing as a leader, and no one in the new army cared to look at that too closely

d) Texans wanted to ignore the fact that they could be defeated

Ehrenberg went back to Germany; later wrote a book Texas und seine Revolution, "one of the most complete accounts of the events at Goliad"

p 212

Shackelford went back to Alabama; only 7 of the 60 men he had taken to Tx survived

resumed practicating medicine helped the families of his dead men collect the land grants they were due

helped to raise volunteers in 1842 invasion of Tx died 1857 Shackelford County, TX named for him

Dr Joseph Barnard stayed in Texas and finally lived in Goliad made a list of the slain men - one of most comprehensive and accurate

died Canada 1861 whie on a trip

John Duval went to Va to study engineering and came back in 1840 to be a surveyor and Texas Ranger wrote a lot of essarys supposedly influenced O'Henry

enlisted in Confederate army even though he did not support secession died 1897 - last man living to have survived the massacre

Dillard Cooper settled in Tx, married, and 5 kids

p 213

William Hunter moved to Goliad, was a JP, died 1886 and buried in Austin with military honors

Abel Hunter rought to Matamoros and didn't make it back to US until 1842 settled in Fannin County and died at 81

Andrew Boyle went to California in Gold Rush and opened shoe stoe, then a vineyard in LA Boyle Heights in East LA named for him; died 1871

Dr Joseph Field went to US and wrote book Three Years in Texas went back to Tx and practiced medicine died in Florida in 1882

p 214

Fannin's widow tried to assassinate SA when he was in Velasco in Jun 1836; failed