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Lindsay, Lisa A. “EXTRAVERSION, CREOLIZATION, AND DEPENDENCY IN THE ATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE.” The Journal of African History, vol. 55, no. 2, Cambridge University Press, 2014, pp. 135–45, http://www.jstor.org/stable/43305181.

This article considers the Atlantic slave trade in relation to 'extraversion' in African history. Drawing especially on the work of Jean-François Bayart, it argues that slaving fit a long- term pattern in which elites drew on external connections in order to further their wealth and power at home. In doing so, they also opened their societies to new goods and ideas, thus bringing about cultural creolization. This is a different approach to the question of creolization than is commonly found among Americanist studies of Atlantic slavery, which tend to treat cultural change without consideration of politics. The concept of extra- version thus helps to link culture and political economy. Nevertheless, it also bears refine- ment. Recent scholarship on African involvement in the Atlantic slave trade -some of it detailed in this article -makes clear that extraversion may have reflected African agency, as Bayart insisted, but that it also entangled African societies in destructive relationships of dependency.

This article describes the process of how the elites are impacted by the Atlantic Slave Trade. It describes the effects on the economy and on poorer people who had to be gone weeks at a time to retrieve slaves. We see the chain of power within the works of the Atlantic Slave Trade and how it influences people of different social class. In the article we see the effects of culture taking place too. Whether culture is being brought to the New World or the slaves being influenced by European culture.

ISSN: 0021-8537

1 sentence: Slave traders participated in supplying the elites with slaves from Africa to be able to sustain their prosperity and social status.

Nwokeji, G. U. “African Conceptions of Gender and the Slave Traffic.” The William and Mary Quarterly, vol. 58, no. 1, Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, 2001, pp. 47–68, doi:10.2307/2674418.

This source describes the different concepts of slave women in the Atlantic and African Slave Trade. Women in the African Slave Trade were priced higher due to their ability to reproduce and create more laborers. As opposed to the Atlantic Slave Trade, where women were priced lower but were given the same jobs as men. Through degrading and stripping their femininity Europeans knew that making the women cheaper would economically support the country. This article supports my research because it shows the contrasting perspective of the Africans and Europeans on women within their slave trade and how it affected their jobs in slavery and their value within society.

ISSN: 0043-5597

Wiki article: According to John K. Thornton, Europeans usually bought enslaved people who were captured in endemic warfare between African states. Some Africans had made a business out of capturing Africans from neighboring ethnic groups or war captives and selling them. A reminder of this practice is documented in the Slave Trade Debates of England in the early 19th century: "All the old writers ... concur in stating not only that wars are entered into for the sole purpose of making slaves, but that they are fomented by Europeans, with a view to that object." People living around the Niger River were transported from these markets to the coast and sold at European trading ports in exchange for muskets and manufactured goods such as cloth or alcohol. However, the European demand for slaves provided a large new market for the already existing trade. While those held in slavery in their own region of Africa might hope to escape, those shipped away had little chance of returning to Africa.

1 sentence: (41)According to the William and Mary Quarterly, the majority of slaves in Africa were women and were held at a higher value than in the New World due to culture and ability difference in comparison to men.

William and Mary Article: African gender studies have rarely focused on the era of the Atlantic slave trade.4 Economic historians have generally avoided gender questions, and historical demographers who address the issue have usually assumed uniform sex and age ratios for all African regions. To the latter group of scholars, the main question to be resolved was the proportion of men among those forced to leave Africa.5 The few historians who have explored the gen- der structure of the slave trade see the predominance of males in overseas export as more a function of supply than of demand. For them, African sup- pliers of captives channeled women and children away from the Atlantic and men toward it. Women could be sold for more in domestic African slave markets, whereas men commanded higher prices in markets supplying the Atlantic.6 Women thus constituted the large majority of slaves in Africa. A recent survey of available price data in African regional markets confirms this hypothesis.7 The discovery of the high value Africans placed on women is especially helpful in suggesting that African conceptions of gender helped shape the structure of the Atlantic slave trade. But this new emphasis on the ability of Africa to shape the pattern of coerced migration still means that it is the economic function of slaves and market forces that receives the most attention. Although social processes are acknowledged, the emphasis remains on market forces, which crystallized in three overlapping markets-Atlantic, Saharan, and domestic-and generated significant price differentials. The few studies to take up interregional variations in the age and sex of captives follow a similar tack. One view suggests that women were sold in inland markets because they attracted higher prices there and men were moved to the coast for the same reason. Women and children were impor- tant in overseas markets only where the major provenance areas were near the coast. Transportation costs are deemed the critical factor in such deci- sions. If Atlantic markets put a lower value on women and children than on men, then women and children were not worth moving over long distances to reach those markets.8 This argument makes sense, but it is more useful for explaining the differences between inland and coastal markets than between one part of the coast and another. Coastal regions with nearby provenance zones still exhibited marked differences in the age and sex patterns of those sent into the trade. Most strikingly, West Central Africa, the region with the longest supply lines in Africa, had one of the largest ratios of children enter- ing the trade

Through research, economic historians have discovered gender's effect on slavery in the Atlantic (Americas)and in Africa. In the Atlantic, women were sold inland and for a higher value than they would be if they were sold on the coast. Women were seen as not worth the transportation cost in American culture. In comparison men were sold for higher on the coast and because of their abundant work ability. Women and children could not universally do all the jobs men could do even though black women were not seen as women. Whereas, in domestic African slave markets women were priced higher because of their ability to reproduce and because of the value they upheld in the culture Historians had found that women actually made up a majority of the slaves in Africa and that in West Africa they had the largest ratio of children in the slave trade.

brief sentence: Through the research of economic historians, they have discovered that there was a vast difference in how gender played a role in both the Atlantic and African Slave trade. Women were sold for a higher value in Africa due to their value and ability to reproduce whereas, in the Atlantic (America) slave trade they were priced lower because they could not do the variety of work men could do. The value of a slave woman is lower in the Americas and higher in Africa.