User:Kiksam/edw

Background Edward II was the fourth son of Edward I and his first wife, Eleanor of Castile.[1] His father was the King of England, and had also inherited Gascony in south-western France, which he held as the feudal vassal of the King of France, and the Lordship of Ireland.[2] His mother was from the Castilian royal family, and held the County of Ponthieu in northern France. Edward I proved to be a successful military leader, leading the suppression of the baronial revolts in the 1260s, and joining the Ninth Crusade.[3] During the 1280s he conquered North Wales, removing the native Welsh princes from power, and in the 1290s he intervened in Scotland's civil war, claiming suzerainty over the country.[4] He was considered an extremely successful ruler by his contemporaries, largely able to control the powerful earls that formed the senior ranks of the English nobility.[5] The historian Michael Prestwich describes Edward I as "a king to inspire fear and respect", while John Gillingham characterises him as an efficient bully.[6]

Despite his successes, when Edward I died in 1307 he left a range of challenges for his son to resolve.[7] One of the most critical was the problem of English rule in Scotland, where Edward's long but ultimately inconclusive military campaign was ongoing when he died.[8] Edward's control of Gascony created tension with the French kings.[9] They insisted that the English kings should give homage to them for the lands; the English kings saw this demand as insulting to their honour, and the issue remained unresolved.[9] Edward I also faced increasing opposition from his barons over the taxation and requisitions required to resource his wars, and left his son debts of around £200,000 on his death.[10][nb 1]

Early life (1284–1307) Birth Photograph of Caernarfon castle Caernarfon Castle, Edward's birthplace Edward II was born in Caernarfon Castle in North Wales on 25 April 1284, less than a year after Edward I had conquered the region, and as a result is sometimes called Edward of Caernarfon.[12] The King probably deliberately chose the castle as the location for Edward's birth, as it was an important symbolic location for the native Welsh, associated with Roman imperial history, and it formed the centre of the new royal administration of North Wales.[13] Edward's birth brought with it predictions of greatness from contemporary prophets who believed that the Last Days of the world were imminent, declaring him to be a new King Arthur, who would lead England to glory.[14] David Powel, a 16th-century clergyman, suggested that the baby was offered to the Welsh as a prince "that was borne in Wales and could speake never a word of English", but there is no evidence to support this account.[15]

Edward's name was English in origin, linking him to the Anglo-Saxon saint Edward the Confessor, and was chosen by his father instead of the more traditional Norman and Castilian names selected for Edward's brothers:[16] Edward had three elder brothers: John and Henry who had died before Edward was born, and Alphonso, who died in August 1284, leaving Edward as the heir to the throne.[17] Although Edward was a relatively healthy child, there were enduring concerns throughout his early years that he too might die and leave his father without a male heir.[17] After his birth, Edward was looked after by a wet-nurse called Mariota or Mary Maunsel for a few months until she fell ill, when Alice de Leygrave became his foster mother.[18] He would have barely known his natural mother Eleanor, who was in Gascony with his father during his earliest years.[18] An official household complete with staff was created for the new baby, under the direction of a clerk, Giles of Oudenarde.[19]

Childhood, personality and appearance Painting of Edward Portrait in Westminster Abbey, thought to be of Edward's father, Edward I Spending on Edward's personal household increased as he grew older, and in 1293 William of Blyborough took over as its administrator.[20] Edward was probably given a religious education by the Dominican friars, whom his mother invited into his household in 1290.[21] He was assigned one of his grandmother's followers, Guy Ferre, as his magister, who was responsible for his discipline, training him in riding and military skills.[22] It is uncertain how well educated Edward was; there is little evidence for his ability to read and write, although his mother was keen that her other children were well educated, and Ferre was himself a relatively learned man for the period.[23][nb 2] Edward likely mainly spoke Anglo-Norman French in his daily life, in addition to some English and possibly Latin.[25][nb 3]

Edward had a normal upbringing for a member of a royal family.[27][nb 4] The prince was interested in horses and horsebreeding, and became a good rider; he also liked dogs, in particular greyhounds.[29] In his letters, he shows a quirky sense of humour, joking about sending unsatisfactory animals to his friends, such as horses who disliked carrying their riders, or lazy hunting dogs too slow to catch rabbits.[30] He was not particularly interested in hunting or falconry, both popular activities in the 14th century.[31] He enjoyed music, including Welsh music and the newly invented crwth instrument, as well as musical organs.[32] He did not take part in jousting, either because he lacked the aptitude or because he had been banned from participating for his personal safety, but he was certainly supportive of the sport.[33]

Edward grew up to be tall and muscular, and was considered good looking by the standards of the period.[34] He had a reputation as a competent public speaker and was known for his generosity to his household staff.[35] Unusually, he enjoyed rowing, as well as hedging and ditching, and enjoyed associating with labourers and other lower-class workers.[36][nb 5] This behaviour was not considered normal for the nobility of the period and attracted criticism from contemporaries.[38]

In 1290, Edward's father had confirmed the Treaty of Birgham, in which he promised to marry his six-year-old son to the young Margaret of Norway, who had a potential claim to the crown of Scotland.[39] Margaret died later that year, bringing an end to the plan.[40] Edward's mother, Eleanor, died shortly afterwards, followed by his grandmother, Eleanor of Provence.[41] Edward I was distraught at his wife's death and held a huge funeral for her; his son inherited the County of Ponthieu from Eleanor on her death.[41] Next, a French marriage was considered for the young Edward, to help secure a lasting peace with France, but war broke out in 1294.[42] The idea was replaced with the proposal of a marriage to a daughter of the Count of Flanders, but this too failed after it was blocked by King Philip IV of France.[42]

Early campaigns in Scotland Medieval painting Early 14th-century depiction of Edward I (left) declaring his son Edward (right) the Prince of Wales Between 1297 and 1298, Edward was left as regent in charge of England while the King campaigned in Flanders against Philip IV, who had occupied part of the English King's lands in Gascony.[43] On his return, Edward I signed a peace treaty, under which he took Philip's sister, Margaret, as his wife and agreed that Prince Edward would in due course marry Philip's daughter, Isabella, who was then only two years old.[44] In theory, this marriage would mean that the disputed Duchy of Gascony would be inherited by a descendant of both Edward and Philip, providing a possible end to the long-running tensions.[45] The young Edward seems to have got on well with his new stepmother, who gave birth to Edward's two half-brothers, Thomas of Brotherton and Edmund of Woodstock, in 1300 and 1301.[46] As king, Edward later provided his brothers with financial support and titles.[47][nb 6]

Edward I returned to Scotland once again in 1300, and this time took his son with him, making him the commander of the rearguard at the siege of Caerlaverock.[48] In the spring of 1301, the King declared Edward the Prince of Wales, granting him the earldom of Chester and lands across North Wales; he seems to have hoped that this would help pacify the region, and that it would give his son some financial independence.[49] Edward received homage from his Welsh subjects and then joined his father for the 1301 Scottish campaign; he took an army of around 300 soldiers north with him and captured Turnberry Castle.[50] Prince Edward also took part in the 1303 campaign during which he besieged Brechin Castle, deploying his own siege engine in the operation.[51] In the spring of 1304, Edward conducted negotiations with the rebel Scottish leaders on the King's behalf and, when these failed, he joined his father for the siege of Stirling Castle.[52]

In 1305, Edward and his father quarrelled, probably over the issue of money.[53] The Prince had an altercation with Bishop Walter Langton, who served as the royal treasurer, apparently over the amount of financial support Edward received from the Crown.[52] Edward I defended his treasurer, and banished his son and his companions from his court, cutting off their financial support.[54] After some negotiations involving family members and friends, the two men were reconciled.[55]

The Scottish conflict flared up once again in 1306, when Robert the Bruce killed his rival John Comyn and declared himself the King of the Scots.[56] Edward I mobilised a fresh army, but decided that this time his son would be formally in charge of the expedition.[56] Prince Edward was made the Duke of Aquitaine and then, along with many other young men, he was knighted in a lavish ceremony at Westminster Abbey called the Feast of the Swans.[57] Amid a huge feast in the neighbouring hall, reminiscent of Arthurian legends and crusading events, the assembly took a collective oath to defeat Bruce.[58] It is unclear what role Prince Edward's forces played in the campaign that summer, which, under the orders of Edward I, saw a punitive, brutal retaliation against Bruce's faction in Scotland.[59][nb 7] Edward returned to England in September, where diplomatic negotiations to finalise a date for his wedding to Isabella continued.[61]

Piers Gaveston and sexuality Initial from a charter Initial from the charter granting Piers Gaveston the earldom of Cornwall During this time, Edward became close to Piers Gaveston.[62] Gaveston was the son of one of the King's household knights whose lands lay adjacent to Gascony, and had himself joined Prince Edward's household in 1300, possibly on Edward I's instruction.[63] The two got on well; Gaveston became a squire and was soon being referred to as a close companion of Edward, before being knighted by the King during the Feast of Swans in 1306.[64] The King then exiled Gaveston to Gascony in 1307 for reasons that remain unclear.[65] According to one chronicler, Edward had asked his father to allow him to give Gaveston the County of Ponthieu, and the King responded furiously, pulling his son's hair out in great handfuls, before exiling Gaveston.[66] The official court records, however, show Gaveston being only temporarily exiled, supported by a comfortable stipend; no reason is given for the order, suggesting that it may have been an act aimed at punishing the prince in some way.[67]

The possibility that Edward had a sexual relationship with Gaveston or his later favourites has been extensively discussed by historians, complicated by the paucity of surviving evidence to determine for certain the details of their relationships.[68][nb 8] Homosexuality was fiercely condemned by the Church in 14th-century England, which equated it with heresy, but engaging in sex with another man did not necessarily define an individual's personal identity in the same way that it might in the 21st century.[70] Edward and Gaveston both had sexual relationships with their wives, who bore them children; Edward also had an illegitimate son, and may also have had an affair with his niece, Eleanor de Clare.[71]

The contemporary evidence supporting their homosexual relationship comes primarily from an anonymous chronicler in the 1320s who described how Edward "felt such love" for Gaveston that "he entered into a covenant of constancy, and bound himself with him before all other mortals with a bond of indissoluble love, firmly drawn up and fastened with a knot".[72] The first specific suggestion that Edward engaged in sex with men was recorded in 1334, when Adam Orleton, the Bishop of Winchester, was accused of having stated in 1326 that Edward was a "sodomite", although Orleton defended himself by arguing that he had meant that Edward's advisor, Hugh Despenser the Younger, was a sodomite, rather than the late King.[73] The Meaux Chronicle from the 1390s simply notes that Edward gave himself "too much to the vice of sodomy."[74]

Alternatively, Edward and Gaveston may have simply been friends with a close working relationship.[75] Contemporary chronicler comments are vaguely worded; Orleton's allegations were at least in part politically motivated, and are very similar to the highly politicised sodomy allegations made against Pope Boniface VIII and the Knights Templar in 1303 and 1308 respectively.[76] Later accounts by chroniclers of Edward's activities may trace back to Orleton's original allegations, and were certainly adversely coloured by the events at the end of Edward's reign.[77] Such historians as Michael Prestwich and Seymour Phillips have argued that the public nature of the English royal court would have made it unlikely that any homosexual affairs would have remained discreet; neither the contemporary Church, Edward's father nor his father-in-law appear to have made any adverse comments about Edward's sexual behaviour.[78]

A more recent theory, proposed by the historian Pierre Chaplais, suggests that Edward and Gaveston entered into a bond of adoptive brotherhood.[79] Compacts of adoptive brotherhood, in which the participants pledged to support each other in a form of "brotherhood-in-arms", were not unknown between close male friends in the Middle Ages.[80] Many chroniclers described Edward and Gaveston's relationship as one of brotherhood, and one explicitly noted that Edward had taken Gaveston as his adopted brother.[81] Chaplais argues that the pair may have made a formal compact in either 1300 or 1301, and that they would have seen any later promises they made to separate or to leave each other as having been made under duress, and therefore invalid.[82] Such a compact, however, might not have excluded their relationship from having a sexual dimension as well.[37]

Early reign (1307–1311) Coronation and marriage Picture of Edward II being crowned Edward II shown receiving the English crown in a contemporary illustration Edward I mobilised another army for the Scottish campaign in 1307, which Prince Edward was due to join that summer, but the elderly King had been increasingly unwell and died on 7 July at Burgh by Sands.[83] Edward travelled from London immediately after the news reached him, and on 20 July he was proclaimed king.[84] He continued north into Scotland and on 4 August received homage from his Scottish supporters at Dumfries, before abandoning the campaign and returning south.[84] Edward promptly recalled Piers Gaveston, who was then in exile, and appointed him as the Earl of Cornwall, before arranging his marriage to the wealthy Margaret de Clare.[85][nb 9] Edward also arrested his old adversary Bishop Langton, and dismissed him from his post as treasurer.[87] Edward I's body was kept at Waltham Abbey for several months before being taken for burial to Westminster, where Edward erected a simple marble tomb for his father.[88][nb 10]

In 1308, Edward's marriage to Isabella of France proceeded.[90] Edward crossed the English Channel to France in January, leaving Gaveston as his custos regni in charge of the kingdom in his absence.[91] This arrangement was unusual, and involved unprecedented powers being delegated to Gaveston, backed by a specially engraved Great Seal.[92] Edward probably hoped that the marriage would strengthen his position in Gascony and bring him much needed funds.[9] The final negotiations, however, proved challenging: Edward and Philip IV did not like each other, and the French King drove a hard bargain over the size of Isabella's dower and the details of the administration of Edward's lands in France.[93] As part of the agreement, Edward gave homage to Philip for the Duchy of Aquitaine and agreed to a commission to complete the implementation of the 1303 Treaty of Paris.[94]

The pair were married in Boulogne on 25 January.[95] Edward gave Isabella a psalter as a wedding gift, and her father gave her gifts worth over 21,000 livres and a fragment of the True Cross.[96] The pair returned to England in February, where Edward had ordered Westminster Palace to be lavishly restored in readiness for their coronation and wedding feast, complete with marble tables, forty ovens and a fountain that produced wine and pimento, a spiced medieval drink.[97] After some delays, the ceremony went ahead on 25 February, under the guidance of Robert Winchelsey, the Archbishop of Canterbury.[98] As part of the coronation, Edward swore to uphold "the rightful laws and customs which the community of the realm shall have chosen".[99] It is uncertain what this meant: it might have been intended to force Edward to accept future legislation, it may have been inserted to prevent him from overturning any future vows he might take, or it may have been an attempt by the King to ingratiate himself with the barons.[100][nb 11] The event was marred by the large crowds of eager spectators who surged into the palace, knocking down a wall and forcing Edward to flee by the back door.[101]

Isabella was only 12 years old at the time of her wedding, young by the standards of the period, and Edward probably had sexual relations with mistresses during their first few years together.[102] During this time Edward fathered an illegitimate son, Adam, who was born possibly as early as 1307.[102] Edward and Isabella's first son, the future Edward III, was born in 1312 amid great celebrations, and three more children followed: John in 1316, Eleanor in 1318 and Joan in 1321.[103]

Tensions over Gaveston Painting of Philip V and family Isabella of France, third from left, with her father, Philip IV of France, centre Gaveston's return from exile in 1307 was initially accepted by the barons, but opposition quickly grew.[104] He appeared to have an excessive influence on royal policy, leading to complaints from one chronicler that there were "two kings reigning in one kingdom, the one in name and the other in deed".[105] Accusations, probably untrue, were levelled at Gaveston that he had stolen royal funds and had purloined Isabella's wedding presents.[106] Gaveston had played a key role at Edward's coronation, provoking fury from both the English and French contingents about the earl's ceremonial precedence and magnificent clothes, and about Edward's apparent preference for Gaveston's company over that of Isabella at the feast.[107]

Parliament met in February 1308 in a heated atmosphere.[108] Edward was eager to discuss the potential for governmental reform, but the barons were unwilling to begin any such debate until the problem of Gaveston had been resolved.[108] Violence seemed likely, but the situation was resolved through the mediation of the moderate Henry de Lacy, the Earl of Lincoln, who convinced the barons to back down.[109] A fresh parliament was held in April, where the barons once again criticised Gaveston, demanding his exile, this time supported by Isabella and the French monarchy.[110] Edward resisted, but finally acquiesced, agreeing to send Gaveston to Aquitaine, under threat of excommunication by the Archbishop of Canterbury should he return.[111] At the last moment, Edward changed his mind and instead sent Gaveston to Dublin, appointing him as the Lieutenant of Ireland.[112]

Edward called for a fresh military campaign for Scotland, but this idea was quietly abandoned, and instead the King and the barons met in August 1308 to discuss reform.[113] Behind the scenes, Edward started negotiations to convince both Pope Clement V and Philip IV to allow Gaveston to return to England, offering in exchange to suppress the Knights Templar in England, and to release Bishop Langton from prison.[114] Edward called a new meeting of members of the Church and key barons in January 1309, and the leading earls then gathered in March and April, possibly under the leadership of Thomas, the Earl of Lancaster.[115] Another parliament followed, which refused to allow Gaveston to return to England, but offered to grant Edward additional taxes if he agreed to a programme of reform.[116]

Edward sent assurances to the Pope that the conflict surrounding Gaveston's role was at an end.[117] On the basis of these promises, and procedural concerns about the how the original decision had been taken, the Pope agreed to annul the Archbishop's threat to excommunicate Gaveston, thus opening the possibility of Gaveston's return.[118] Gaveston arrived back in England in June, where he was met by Edward.[119] At the parliament the next month, Edward made a range of concessions to placate those opposed to Gaveston, including agreeing to limit the powers of the royal steward and the marshal of the royal household, to regulate the Crown's unpopular powers of purveyance and to abandon recently enacted customs legislation; in return, the parliament agreed to fresh taxes for the war in Scotland.[120] Temporarily, at least, Edward and the barons appeared to have come to a successful compromise.[121]

Ordinances of 1311 Main article: Ordinances of 1311 Following his return, Gaveston's relationship with the major barons became increasingly difficult.[122] He was considered arrogant, and he took to referring to the earls by offensive names, including calling one of their more powerful members the "dog of Warwick".[123] The Earl of Lancaster and Gaveston's enemies refused to attend parliament in 1310 because Gaveston would be present.[124] Edward was facing increasing financial problems, owing £22,000 to his Frescobaldi Italian bankers, and facing protests about how he was using his right of prises to acquire supplies for the war in Scotland.[125] His attempts to raise an army for Scotland collapsed and the earls suspended the collection of the new taxes.[126]

The King and parliament met again in February 1310, and the proposed discussions of Scottish policy were replaced by debate of domestic problems.[127] Edward was petitioned to abandon Gaveston as his counsellor and instead adopt the advice of 21 elected barons, termed Ordainers, who would carry out a widespread reform of both the government and the royal household.[128] Under huge pressure, Edward agreed to the proposal and the Ordainers were elected, broadly evenly split between reformers and conservatives.[129] While the Ordainers began their plans for reform, Edward and Gaveston took a new army of around 4,700 men to Scotland, where the military situation had continued to deteriorate.[130] Robert the Bruce declined to give battle and the campaign progressed ineffectually over the winter until supplies and money ran out in 1311, forcing Edward to return south.[131]

By now the Ordainers had drawn up their Ordinances for reform and Edward had little political choice but to give way and accept them in October.[132] The Ordinances of 1311 contained clauses limiting the King's right to go to war or to grant land without parliament's approval, giving parliament control over the royal administration, abolishing the system of prises, excluding the Frescobaldi bankers, and introducing a system to monitor the adherence to the Ordinances.[133] In addition, the Ordinances exiled Gaveston once again, this time with instructions that he should not be allowed to live anywhere within Edward's lands, including Gascony and Ireland, and that he should be stripped of his titles.[134] Edward retreated to his estates at Windsor and Kings Langley; Gaveston left England, possibly for northern France or Flanders.[135]

Mid-reign (1311–1321) Death of Gaveston Tensions between Edward and the barons remained high, and the earls opposed to the King kept their personal armies mobilised late into 1311.[136] By now Edward had become estranged from his cousin, the Earl of Lancaster, who held the earldoms of Lancaster, Leicester, Lincoln, Salisbury and Derby, with an income of around £11,000 a year from his lands, almost double that of the next wealthiest baron.[137] Backed by the earls of Arundel, Gloucester, Hereford, Pembroke and Warwick, Lancaster led a powerful faction in England, but he was not personally interested in practical administration, nor was he a particularly imaginative or effective politician.[138]

Edward responded to the baronial threat by revoking the Ordinances and recalling Gaveston to England, being reunited with him at York in January 1312.[139] The barons were furious and met in London, where Gaveston was excommunicated by the Archbishop of Canterbury and plans were put in place to capture Gaveston and prevent him from fleeing to Scotland.[140] Edward, Isabella and Gaveston left for Newcastle, pursued by Lancaster and his followers.[141] Abandoning many of their belongings, the royal party fled by ship and landed at Scarborough, where Gaveston stayed while Edward and Isabella returned to York.[142] After a short siege, Gaveston surrendered to the earls of Pembroke and Surrey, on the promise that he would not be harmed.[143] He had with him a huge collection of gold, silver and gems, probably part of the royal treasury, which he was later accused of having stolen from Edward.[144]

On the way back from the north, Pembroke stopped in the village of Deddington in the Midlands, putting Gaveston under guard there while he went to visit his wife.[145] The Earl of Warwick took this opportunity to seize Gaveston, taking him to Warwick Castle, where Lancaster and the rest of his faction assembled on 18 June.[146] At a brief trial, Gaveston was declared guilty of being a traitor under the terms of the Ordinances; he was executed on Blacklow Hill the following day, under the authority of the Earl of Lancaster.[147] Gaveston's body was not buried until 1315, when his funeral was held in King's Langley Priory.[148]

Tensions with Lancaster and France Painting of Edward at a knighting ceremony Edward (left) and Philip IV at the knighting ceremony of Notre Dame, 1312 Reactions to the death of Gaveston varied considerably.[149] Edward was furious and deeply upset over what he saw as the murder of Gaveston; he made provisions for Gaveston's family, and intended to take revenge on the barons involved.[150] The earls of Pembroke and Surrey were embarrassed and angry about Warwick's actions, and shifted their support to Edward in the aftermath.[151] To Lancaster and his core of supporters, the execution had been both legal and necessary to preserve the stability of the kingdom.[149] Civil war again appeared likely, but in December, the Earl of Pembroke negotiated a potential peace treaty between the two sides, which would pardon the opposition barons for the killing of Gaveston, in exchange for their support for a fresh campaign in Scotland.[152] Lancaster and Warwick, however, did not give the treaty their immediate approval, and further negotiations continued through most of 1313.[153]

Meanwhile, the Earl of Pembroke had been negotiating with France to resolve the long-standing disagreements over the administration of Gascony, and as part of this Edward and Isabella agreed to travel to Paris in June 1313 to meet with Philip IV.[154] Edward probably hoped both to resolve the problems in the south of France and to win Philip's support in the dispute with the barons; for Philip it was an opportunity to impress his son-in-law with his power and wealth.[155] It proved a spectacular visit, including a grand ceremony in which the two kings knighted Philip's sons and 200 other men in Notre Dame, large banquets along the River Seine, and a public declaration that both kings and their queens would join a crusade to the Levant.[156] Philip gave lenient terms for settling the problems in Gascony, and the event was spoiled only by a serious fire in Edward's quarters.[157]

On his return from France, Edward found his political position greatly strengthened.[158] After intense negotiation, the earls, including Lancaster and Warwick, came to a compromise in October 1313, fundamentally very similar to the draft agreement of the previous December.[159] Edward's finances improved, thanks to parliament agreeing to the raising of taxes, a loan of 160,000 florins (£25,000) from the Pope, £33,000 that he borrowed from Philip, and further loans organised by Edward's new Italian banker, Antonio Pessagno.[160] For the first time in his reign, Edward's government was well-funded.[161]

Battle of Bannockburn Sketch of the Battle of Bannockburb Depiction of the Battle of Bannockburn in 1314 from the Holkham Bible Main article: Battle of Bannockburn By 1314, Robert the Bruce had recaptured most of the castles in Scotland once held by Edward, pushing raiding parties into northern England as far as Carlisle.[162] In response, Edward planned a major military campaign with the support of Lancaster and the barons, mustering a large army between 15,000 and 20,000 strong.[163] Meanwhile, Robert had besieged Stirling Castle, a key fortification in Scotland; its English commander had stated that unless Edward arrived by 24 June, he would surrender.[162] News of this reached the King in late May, and he decided to speed up his march north from Berwick to relieve the castle.[164] Robert, with between 5,500 and 6,500 troops, predominantly spearmen, prepared to prevent Edward's forces from reaching Stirling.[165]

The battle began on 23 June as the English army attempted to force its way across the high ground of the Bannock Burn, which was surrounded by marshland.[166] Skirmishing between the two sides broke out, resulting in the death of Sir Henry de Bohun, whom Robert killed in personal combat.[166] Edward continued his advance the following day, and encountered the bulk of the Scottish army as they emerged from the woods of New Park.[167] Edward appears not to have expected the Scots to give battle here, and as a result had kept his forces in marching, rather than battle, order, with the archers − who would usually have been used to break up enemy spear formations − at the back of his army, rather than the front.[167] His cavalry found it hard to operate in the cramped terrain and were crushed by Robert's spearmen.[168] The English army was overwhelmed and its leaders were unable to regain control.[168]

Edward stayed behind to fight, but it became obvious to the Earl of Pembroke that the battle was lost and he dragged the King away from the battlefield, hotly pursued by the Scottish forces.[169] Edward only just escaped the heavy fighting, making a vow to found a Carmelite religious house at Oxford if he survived.[169] The historian Roy Haines describes the defeat as a "calamity of stunning proportions" for the English, whose losses in the battle were huge.[170] In the aftermath of the defeat, Edward retreated to Dunbar, then travelled by ship to Berwick, and then back to York; in his absence, Stirling Castle quickly fell.[171]

Famine and criticism Main article: Great Famine of 1315–17 After the fiasco of Bannockburn, the earls of Lancaster and Warwick saw their political influence increase, and they pressured Edward to re-implement the Ordinances of 1311.[172] Lancaster became the head of the royal council in 1316, promising to take forward the Ordinances through a new reform commission, but he appears to have abandoned this role soon afterwards, partially because of disagreements with the other barons, and possibly because of ill-health.[173] Lancaster refused to meet with Edward in parliament for the next two years, bringing effective governance to a standstill. This stymied any hopes for a fresh campaign into Scotland and raised fears of civil war.[174] After much negotiation, once again involving the Earl of Pembroke, Edward and Lancaster finally agreed to the Treaty of Leake in August 1318, which pardoned Lancaster and his faction and established a new royal council, temporarily averting conflict.[175]

Edward's difficulties were exacerbated by prolonged problems in English agriculture, part of a wider phenomenon in northern Europe known as the Great Famine. It began with torrential rains in late 1314, followed by a very cold winter and heavy rains the following spring that killed many sheep and cattle. The bad weather continued, almost unabated, into 1321, resulting in a string of bad harvests.[176] Revenues from the exports of wool plummeted and the price of food rose, despite attempts by Edward II's government to control prices.[177] Edward called for hoarders to release food, and tried to encourage both internal trade and the importation of grain, but with little success.[178] The requisitioning of provisions for the royal court during the famine years only added to tensions.[179]

Meanwhile, Robert the Bruce exploited his victory at Bannockburn to raid northern England, initially attacking Carlisle and Berwick, and then reaching further south into Lancashire and Yorkshire, even threatening York itself.[180] Edward undertook an expensive but unsuccessful campaign to stem the advance in 1319, but the famine made it increasingly difficult to keep his garrisons supplied with food.[181] Meanwhile, a Scottish expedition led by Robert's brother successfully invaded Ireland in 1315, where Edward Bruce declared himself the King of Ireland.[182] He was finally defeated in 1318 by Edward II's Irish justiciar, Edmund Butler, at the Battle of Faughart, and Edward Bruce's severed head was sent back to the King.[183] Revolts also broke out in Lancashire and Bristol in 1315, and in Glamorgan in Wales in 1316, but were suppressed.[184]

The famine and the Scottish policy were felt to be a punishment from God, and complaints about Edward multiplied, one contemporary poem describing the "Evil Times of Edward II".[185] Many criticised Edward's "improper" and ignoble interest in rural pursuits.[186] In 1318, a mentally ill man named John of Powderham appeared in Oxford, claiming that he was the real Edward II, and that Edward was a changeling, swapped at birth.[187] John was duly executed, but his claims resonated with those criticising Edward for his lack of regal behaviour and steady leadership.[188] Opposition also grew around Edward's treatment of his royal favourites.[189]

He had managed to retain some of his previous advisers, despite attempts by the Ordainers to remove them, and divided the extensive de Clare inheritance among two of his new favourites, the former household knights Hugh Audley and Roger Damory, instantly making them extremely rich.[190][nb 12] Many of the moderates who had helped deliver the peaceful compromise in 1318 now began to turn against Edward, making violence ever more likely.[192]

Later reign (1321–1326) The Despenser War Main article: The Despenser War The long-threatened civil war finally broke out in England in 1321,[193] triggered by the tension between many of the barons and the royal favourites, the Despenser family.[194] Hugh Despenser the Elder had served both Edward and his father, while Hugh Despenser the Younger had married into the wealthy de Clare family, become the King's chamberlain, and acquired Glamorgan in the Welsh Marches in 1317.[195] Hugh the Younger subsequently expanded his holdings and power across Wales, mainly at the expense of the other Marcher Lords.[196] The Earl of Lancaster and the Despensers were fierce enemies, and Lancaster's antipathy was shared by most of the Despensers' neighbours, including the Earl of Hereford, the Mortimer family and the recently elevated Hugh Audley and Roger Damory.[197] Edward, however, increasingly relied on the Despensers for advice and support, and he was particularly close to Hugh the Younger, whom one chronicler noted he "loved ... dearly with all his heart and mind".[198]

In early 1321, Lancaster mobilised a coalition of the Despensers' enemies across the Marcher territories.[199] Edward and Hugh the Younger became aware of these plans in March and headed west, hoping that negotiations led by the moderate Earl of Pembroke would defuse the crisis.[200] This time, Pembroke made his excuses and declined to intervene, and war broke out in May.[201] The Despensers' lands were quickly seized by a coalition of the Marcher Lords and the local gentry, and Lancaster held a high-level gathering of the barons and clergy in June which condemned the Despensers for having broken the Ordinances.[202] Edward attempted reconciliation, but in July the opposition occupied London and called for the permanent removal of the Despensers.[203] Fearing that he might be deposed if he refused, Edward agreed to exile the Despensers and pardoned the Marcher Lords for their actions.[204]

Edward began to plan his revenge.[205] With the help of Pembroke, the King formed a small coalition of his half-brothers, a few of the earls and some of the senior clergy, and prepared for war.[206] Edward started with Bartholomew of Badlesmere, and Isabella was sent to Bartholomew's stronghold, Leeds Castle, to deliberately create a casus belli.[207] Bartholomew's wife, Margaret, took the bait and her men killed several of Isabella's retinue, giving Edward an excuse to intervene.[207] Lancaster refused to help Bartholomew, who was his personal enemy, and Edward quickly regained control of south-east England.[208] Alarmed, Lancaster now mobilised his own army in the north of England, and Edward mustered his own forces in the south-west.[209] The Despensers returned from exile and were pardoned by the royal council.[210]

In December, Edward led his army across the River Severn and advanced into the Welsh Marches, where the opposition forces had gathered.[211] The coalition of Marcher Lords crumbled and the Mortimers surrendered to the King,[212] but Damory, Audley and the Earl of Hereford marched north in January to join Lancaster, who had laid siege the King's castle at Tickhill.[213] Bolstered by fresh reinforcements from the Marcher Lords, Edward pursued them, meeting Lancaster's army on 10 March at Burton-on-Trent. Lancaster, outnumbered, retreated without a fight, fleeing north.[213] Andrew Harclay cornered Lancaster at the Battle of Boroughbridge, and captured the Earl.[214] Edward and Hugh the Younger met Lancaster at Pontefract, where, after a summary trial, the earl was found guilty of treason and beheaded.[215]