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Forms of Social Movements and Resistance by Foreign Domestic Workers As foreign domestic workers (FDW), also known as migrant domestic workers, continue to increase around the world, various forms of social movements have taken place while others are only recently taking root. This increase in social movements can be attributed to the rise of globalization, increased flows of migratory workers, and issues that arise with the neoliberal management of workers. Additionally, there can be seen a repetition across countries of complaints and demands by pro-labor movements that typically revolve around issues such as minimum wage and insurance coverage. As time progresses, these demands usually move from a narrative of labor disputes and begin to encompass a human rights narrative.

How these social movements can manifest is dependent on the level of restriction and autonomy given to the workers by individual employers and foreign governments. While regions similar to Hong Kong allow demonstrations and the existence of NGOs, parts of the world such the Middle East continue to outlaw such practices. This, in turn, has led some workers to alternative forms of resistance.

Protesting outside of one’s homes country is a relatively new phenomenon. Nicole Constable, professor of anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh, has noted that the potential ability for them to protest relies upon their pseudo stateless nature. While FDWs receive visas to live and work temporarily within their host country, they rarely become full-fledged citizens or residents in their country of employment. This creation of improper statehood allows for a “neoliberal space of exception” that allows for a greater ability to mobilize.

Hong Kong
Hong Kong remains a major metropolitan city in East Asia with various industries, trade, and economic freedoms backing its overall development. Because of a local labor force of both men and women working in high skilled labor, there has been an influx of migrant domestic workers flowing to the Chinese Special Administrative Region since it was in British control. While the demographic makeup of these workers was initially a majority Filipina, Indonesians are now approximately 50% with workers from Nepal, Thailand, and Malaysia making up a small minority.

Because of the high amount of foreign domestic workers and Hong Kong’s democratic stance on freedom of speech and assembly, the region has become an epicenter for protests. Additionally, hundreds of NGOs and labor unions have formed partnerships with other international human rights and labor organizations such as Migrante International in the Philippines or the International Labor Organization (ILO).

Singapore
Foreign domestic workers are not an uncommon sight in Singapore, existing there since pre-independence, but the level of protest is far less than in Hong Kong. Additionally, Singapore has had a mixed pass with foreign domestic worker policy. During the initial post-independence era migration flows were restricted but later were promoted and subsidized by the government to influence Singaporean women into entering high-skilled labor positions. While there are cases of abuse and general mistreatment of foreign domestic workers, they afford some benefits and protections such as the 1997 Employment of Foreign Manpower Act which required employers to purchase a $10,000 accident insurance policy. Another notable feature is that while protesting by domestic workers is not commonplace in Singapore, foreign construction workers, who are predominantly male, have been able to mobilize and improve their situation regarding similar complaints such as unfair wage.

Middle East
Outside of Asia, the Middle East a commonly mentioned area by scholars concerned with the welfare of FDWs. The most notable difference with foreign domestic workers here is their general lack of rights and freedom of mobility. Under the Kafala system found in many Middle Eastern countries, workers have been exploited through physical abuse, overcontrolling employers, and increased isolation.

Lebanon
Also utilizing the Kafala system, Lebanon is emblematic of issues faced by workers in the region. The mix of foreign domestic workers here is mainly African, Sri Lankan, Indian, and Filipina. Because of Lebanon’s strict laws around freedom of assembly and the illegality of unions as well as NGOs, it has been difficult for workers to make progress. Instead of taking to the streets, they have performed a more subversive form of protest whereby they may go against their employers’, and the state’s, wishes to increase their level of autonomy and freedom. For example, those who may not have been strictly practicing Christians in their home country, or Christian at all, will ask employers to have Sunday off to attend church. There, workers spend this time to socialize, disseminate information, and gain a better understanding of how to improve individual situations.

For those who have even less freedom, they have turned to the practice of balcony talks. Since the Lebanese infrastructure is set up with tall residential buildings filled with condensed balconies, it has been easy for workers to use this area as a place of escape and to chat with others over much of the same information that may be shared in a church setting. Some workers have noted that these balconies have even been considered their own territorial space. The importance of these balconies, besides the ability to conversate with other workers, is that they provide an area of minimal monitoring by employers. While these forms of resistance by workers to impose their current situation is not a social movement in the traditional sense, it is the closest thing workers may do to protest their situation.

United States
The number of domestic workers in the United States is fledgling compared to other parts of the world with approximately 200,000 located there while a smaller country like Lebanon contains 400,000. Of those in the U.S., only 7.4% are from Asia, with the majority being Filipina. Regardless of these smaller figures, there are still labor rights movements, and protest proceeding in the U.S. with the same primary complaints had by migrant domestic workers in other parts of the world.

Causes
Foreign domestic workers from different regions and countries frequently state the same justifications for their actions: wage and hour violations, restriction on freedom of movement, abuse, and isolation. Even in more democratic or developed countries such as the United States, these were listed as essential issues by workers.


 * Frequently, workers are not paid an adequate wage or earn less than the standard minimum wage. Many consider themselves as working 24-hour shifts since their place of work is also their home.


 * Since these workers are in a place of vulnerability, they are often abused physically or mentally by their employers. Without knowing the legal frameworks in place or the general lack thereof, abuse can be perpetuated.


 * Many also noted feelings of isolation, again, due to strict control by employers and a general inability to leave the household or be unsupervised. To circumvent this, workers rely heavily on their phones to connect with loved ones, entertainment, and information gathering.


 * Lastly, there is a repeating sentiment among foreign domestic workers of feeling like their treatment is equal to that of slaves. In more extreme cases, workers may go months without receiving payment and are unable to remove themselves from the situation due to strict local laws, confiscations of their passports by employers, and a lack of funds to return to their home country.

Erwiana Sulistyaningish
On January 11th, 2014, photos of severely beaten Hong Kong based domestic worker, Erwiana Sulistyaningsih, were uploaded to Facebook. These photos were quickly shared by an Indonesian journalist and only three days later, a Facebook group titled “Justice for Erwiana and All Migrant Domestic Workers Committee” appeared. The group quickly gained national and international attention, and by January 16th it organized a picket in conjunction with the Asian Migratory Coordinating Body (AMCB). The movement had garnered so much attention and support that it was picked up by the South China Morning Post, NewsForAfrica, Daily Mail, the New York Times, and ABC News (Australia). There have been cases similar to Erwiana’s before, but because of social media, her case was able to get widespread support and notoriety. Erwiana’s plight led to multiple events, petitions, and public outcry from various international organizations. She continues to work as an advocate for domestic migrant worker rights.

Consulate Hopping
On December 15th in 2005, foreign domestic workers participating in a consulate hopping and Hall of Shame Awards protest. Many protesters were costumed as politicians and figures from their home country that they wished to criticize, such as Nepal’s king, Gyanendra, who was presented with his award as being the “King of Tyrants.” As the protesters spent time traveling to various consulates and presenting awards for poor governance by their home countries, they were doing the same for the government of Hong Kong. A young man was representing Chief Executive Donald Tsang, was given the “Edwards Scissorhands Award” for cutting wages, slashing benefits and imposing a monthly levy on their employers. The protest ended in front of the U.S. Consulate with a “Terror Award being given to costumed George W. Bush while protesters chanted that the U.S. is the number 1 terrorist.

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