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Upper class diets
According to French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, the food consumed by the upper classes reflect “tastes of refinement”, but this has less to do with the sensory experience of a food item than it does with the perceived value of the food item. Like any luxury product, certain foods can denote a sense of distinction. Historically, luxurious foods were highly exclusive]. Spiced meats in medieval Europe, although desired by the masses (i.e., high demand) could only be consumed by those who had the means to incorporate spices into their meal (i.e., low supply).

Arguably, omnivorisim and health are two other distinguishing characteristics of contemporary Western upper class diets. Omnivorisim, a term typically reserved for those who consume a non-restricted variety of food products (as opposed to veganism or vegetarianism), has also been studied in terms of consuming rare or foreign foods. Consuming unfamiliar foods, especially foods from different cultures, signifies a sense of worldliness that can only be obtained through social and economic capital. There is some documented evidence for this claim: Upper class groups, relative to lower class groups, were more likely to endorse eating foods that were outside of their native culture. Anthropologist Robin Fox notes that some regional foreign cuisines achieve higher status than others. In particular, they write that, in the West, northern Chinese cuisine is seen as more prestigious than southern Chinese cuisine. Additionally, Western countries have a preoccupation with the perceived authenticity of foreign cuisine, preferring gourmet dine-in establishments over fast food chains.

Secondly, the nutritional quality of Western upper class diets is typically better than those of lower class diets. Several studies have found that with increased education and income, diet quality improved. Even subjective measures of social status, such as the MacArthur Subjective Social Status Scale, exert a similar effect on eating behavior among minority groups: Those who see themselves as having a higher position in society were more likely to report better health.

Contributing factors of the superior nutritional quality of upper class groups
Greater income plays an important role in accessing healthy foods. This is especially true in the United States compared to other high-income countries. Most health food stores and supermarkets, which carry fresh produce, are more readily available in high-income areas compared to low-income areas.

Healthy foods also tend to cost more than unhealthy foods, but this claim is frequently questioned among scholars. A significant body of evidence shows how healthy foods cost more than unhealthy foods. Turrell and colleagues noted that income, as opposed to education and occupational status, was the only significant indicator of low-income groups purchasing foods that met recommended dietary guidelines. Said differently, it was money—not more years of education nor the prestige of one’s job— that allowed low-income groups to achieve a healthy diet.

Nevertheless, scholars have not been able to identify specific micronutrients (i.e., vitamins, minerals) and macronutrients (i.e., carbohydrates, fat) that consistently contribute to the inflated price of a healthy diet. One analysis of food expenditure in the United States demonstrated that the relationship between the price of a food item and its nutritional quality was dependent on how price was measured. The price of vegetables, for example, cost nearly twice as much when measured as “price per 100 calories” than when it was measured as “price per edible gram” or “price average portion” (roughly $3.75/100 calories vs. $1.60 and $1.40, respectively). Others have noted that the price of certain fruits and vegetables are dropping at the same rate as popular snack foods, such as chips and cookies.

Higher education is related to a better diet and is thought to improve eating behaviors by increasing susceptibility to health messages.

Nutritional literacy and numeracy refers to the ability to understand and use nutrition labels to guide eating behaviors. Higher social class groups report using nutrition labels at a higher rate than low social class groups, but in general, rates of nutrition label use is low. It estimated that only a third of Americans use nutrition labels. Importantly, a vast majority of published studies evaluating the effects of nutrition label use and food consumption did not include other racial/ethnic minorities in their samples, nor did the studies meet the American Dietetic Association standard of reporting. Thus, the extent to which nutrition label use affects the American population, at large, remains largely in question.

Historical upper-class diets
Customary forms of eating for royal upper classes include full course dinners often depicted in films; however, not everyone always eats expensive, healthy, privately catered meals like Queen Elizabeth II of England and Kim Jong il of North Korea; Warren Buffett, the third wealthiest person has history of regularly eating fast food and soda. "Although foods like truffles and caviar have traditionally been delicacies of the upper class, free-range and fair-trade foods are becoming increasingly important among the elite of Toronto, Canada."

IN China, "The highest-earning 10% ... drink over seven times as much wine and consume more than twice as much dessert as their counterparts at the bottom end of the wage scale; also fewer vegetables and rice, more fruits, nuts, beans, and tubers. The wealthy have been noted to drink less local beer while paying more for imported brands and craft brews." "Foods are normally animal food and rich in protein, and are hard to obtain because of the rareness, expensiveness, or the need for importation. (e.g.,)shark's fin, bear's paw, and lobster in traditional Chinese society."

North Africa: In Ancient Egypt, "Nobles ate vegetables, meat and grains at every meal, plus wine and dairy products like butter and cheese. Priests and royalty ate even better. Tombs detail meals of honey-roasted wild gazelle, spit-roasted ducks, pomegranates and a berry-like fruit called jujubes with honey cakes for dessert; wine consumed regularly with meals." King Tut and other Pharaohs were known to have eaten various foods including meats, bread, fruit, fish, beer, dairy, and vegetables served on dish-ware made of precious metals.

Western Europe: Since the year 1066 English royalty ate lavishly. During the Victorian era, formal meals consisted of twelve or thirteen courses; informal meals of five or six courses. A single breakfast might have consisted of soup, roast turkey or pork with potatoes or rice, two vegetable side dishes, citrus ice, fresh rolls with butter, jams or jellies and sweet pickles, fancy cake and preserved fruit, coffee, hot punch and water. The regular food system was large breakfasts, small lunches followed by afternoon tea, and late suppers.

Middle East: King Solomon of Israel frequently ate meats from sheep, deer, gazelle, roebuck, and fattened geese.

Lower class
In the United States, having an income level lower than the federal poverty threshold can be considered lower class. According to the U.S. Federal Poverty Guidelines, a family of four, consisting of two adults and two children under age 18, living below the federal poverty threshold earns less than $25,750 as of 2019. About 38.1 million Americans live in poverty. However, some argue that this might be an underestimation as the current guidelines do not account for other expenses, such as childcare, transportation, tax, or medical bills.

Thus, having less income requires families to choose generally unhealthy foods in order to meet basic needs. As a result, low income families do not regularly meet the required daily servings of nutrient-rich foods, such as fruits, vegetables, and whole grains, compared to high income households. Globally, low income is related to poor micronutrient intake. In America, the United States Department of Agriculture developed a set of guidelines designed to help all Americans meet their nutritional needs. In particular, the Thrifty Food Plan was designed to help low-income groups identify time-efficient, budget-friendly foods that met nutritional standards.

Common low social class diets
Fatty meats, potatoes, pasta, canned corn, and cereal are among the most common foods purchased by many low income families. About 50% of low-income U.S. adults report eating unhealthy or expired foods, and among those using food banks, the most requested items are dairy products, fruits and vegetables, and lean meat.

Economic perspectives of low social class diets
Food insecurity refers to economic or social conditions that lead to inconsistent or inadequate access to food. Roughly 43 million American households are impacted by food insecurity and disproportionately affect low-income, racial/ethnic minority, and single parent households.

Food insecurity plays a large role in the formation of diets and diet quality. In urban areas, vast income inequality makes purchasing healthy foods more difficult for low-income groups, especially among racial minorities. In rural areas, low-income groups have less access to healthy foods than high income groups. These so called "food deserts" are places which lack adequate grocery stores or markets that provide fresh and nutritious foods. Some note that food deserts also constitute regions where health foods are available but are expensive or inconsistently stocked. On the other hand, a growing prevalence of fast food restaurants is an issue that cuts across many low-income communities.

Apart from taste, which was valued among all socioeconomic groups, low-income groups prioritized the cost, convenience, and familiarity of their meals. On average, food insecurity and low income is associated with overeating high-calorie snack foods and carbohydrates and undereating fruits and vegetables. One explanation for the discrepancy is a lack of time. Preparing raw fruits and vegetables takes more time than consuming ready-made meals and snacks. This distinction is particularly important among those who have less expendable time, such as single working mothers, who happen to happen to make up 10% of food insecure households. A study by the United States Department of Agriculture concluded that low income, full-time working women spend around 40 minutes a day preparing and cooking meals, compared to nonworking women who spend around 70 minutes per day. Considering that fast food chains are more prevalent among low-income areas than among middle- and high-income areas, consuming ready-made food allows time-strained individuals to meet both work and household demands. In fact, low-income households do spend more money on fast food as a result of their time constraints: Households that make less than $50,000 per year spend nearly 50% of their food expenditure on “foods away from home”. “Foods away from home” are ready-to-eat foods available through public spaces (e.g., such as vending machines, restaurants, or schools) and generally, are of lower nutritional quality than foods prepared at home.

However, low-income groups are not the only consumers of unhealthy foods. A report from the United States Department of Agriculture demonstrated that foods consumed at fast food restaurants constituted about 15% of one's daily caloric intake for both high- and low-income groups. Somewhat surprisingly, high-income groups actually consume more calories overall from “foods away from home” compared to low-income groups. This difference is attributed to high-income group's propensity to more frequently eat at dine-in restaurants, which are typically more costly than fast food restaurants.

Psychological perspectives of low social class diets
A main critique of studies examining food insecurity is the emphasis on economic restraints. Others have argued for a reform to address the negative psychological impact of poverty and food insecurity. The most common assessment of food insecurity in the United States, the U.S. Household Food Security Survey Module, is unable to account for the behavioral strategies that one may undertake to avoid being food insecure, such as limiting portion sizes or borrowing money. To address this gap, some have developed more behavior-based measures of food insecurity.

There is emerging evidence that the psychological experiences of poverty and low status can directly influence the foods that one eats. Stress-induced eating , closely related to emotional eating, is quite common in the United States. One survey by the American Psychological Association showed that nearly 40% of US adults reported overeating or eating unhealthily in response to stress.

Many scholars believe that stress is a key mechanism in the relationship between low social class and poor eating behaviors. In animal models, animals that undergo subordination stress (e.g., attacks from a dominant animal) derive most of their caloric intake from fatty and sugary foods. It is possible that stress-induced eating serves an evolutionary adaptive function: Such that, stress motivates low status animals to seek out resources, such as food, that are in possession of and limited by high status animals. Thus, under conditions of low status, high-calorie foods have the prospect of expanding an uncertain lifespan.

Among humans, the evidence is a little less clear. Low status groups do experience more stress. On average, low status groups experience more daily life hassles, negative life events , and more workplace and family stressors. Further, the average stress levels for low status groups tend to increase at a greater rate than their high status counterparts. However, there is hardly any research that demonstrates whether stress explains the diet of low-income groups.