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One aspect of ritualization is the differentiation and privileging of certain activities (204). Features by which these activities differentiate themselves are not universal. Since ritual is a “way of acting” that is distinguished by a certain culture or situation, generalizing ritual strategies into a universal phenomenon undermines its logic (205). Ritualizing strategies may be implemented without the involvement of religious activities. The purpose of ritualization might be to incite a controversy or to create certain impressions. Any moderately socialized person may use ritualization, both in its cultural and situational forms, as a strategy by distinguishing or blurring the boundary that makes an activity a “specific way of acting” (206). Bell suggests that the deployment of ritualization is the construction of power relationships - one of domination, consent or resistance. While ritualization may be an effective strategy of power in some certain conditions, it has specific limits and may even be counterproductive in other scenarios (206). Ritualization has two basic dimensions. The first dimension is the dynamics of the social body and its projection of a structured environment, where ritualization produces and objectifies the constructions of power (207). The second dimension illustrates the limits of most ritual practice, which is the empowerment of those who were initially controlled by ritual relations, due to the fact that participation in ritual activities requires a conscious consent (209). Bell then emphasized that both participation in ritualization and objectification of power are negotiated processes, and since ritualization may foster a misrecognition of the level of consensus, it limits the social efficacy of ritualization and affects both those who dominate and those who are dominated. (210)