User:Llywrch/sandbox2

Goetze, Albrecht. "Early Kings of Kish", Journal of Cuneiform Studies, 15 (1961), pp. 105–111.

M. Kajava, "THE NAME OF A CLARISSIMA RESTORED (CIL VI 1629)", ZPE, 125 (1999), pp. 277f -- concerning L. Fulvius Rusticus Aemilianus (suff. 155 x 160)

Richard J. Evans, "A NOTE ON THE CONSULS FROM 69 TO 60 B.C.", Acta Classica, 31 (1988), pp. 97-105

Prag Jonathan R. W. "Roman Magistrates in Sicily, 227-49 BC." In: ''La Sicile de Cicéron: lecture des Verrines. Actes du colloque de Paris (19-20 mai 2006)'' Organisé par l'UMR 8585, Centre Gustave Glotz. Besançon: Institut des Sciences et Techniques de l'Antiquité, 2007. pp. 287-310. (Collection "ISTA", 1030)

Nadine Labory, "Quelques remarques sur les listes de troupes auxiliaires de Maurétanie tingitane mentionnées dans les diplômes après 122", Antiquités africaines, 45 (2009), pp. 37-49.

Claude Nicolet, "Euzennat, Seston, et la Table de Banasa", Antiquités africaines, 42 (2006), pp. 49-53.

Christophe Hugoniot, "Les noms d'aristocrates et de notables gravés sur les gradins de l'amphithéâtre de Carthage au Bas-Empire", Antiquités africaines, 40-41 (2004), pp. 205-258.

Pierre-Emmanuel Klingbeil, "La marche d'Hannibal: ravitaillement et stratégie", Antiquités africaines, 36 (2000) pp. 15-38.

Liliane Ennabli, "Inscriptions chrétiennes de Carthage", Antiquités africaines, 33 (1997), pp. 191-196.

Robert Sablayrolles, [https://www.persee.fr/doc/efr_0223-5099_1996_ths_224_1 ''Libertinus miles. Les cohortes de vigiles''], (Publications de l'École française de Rome, 224) (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1996)

RMD-04, 00291 = ILD 00043 = CERom-16, 00705 = AE 1996, 01328 : "A(nte) d(iem) [--- K(alendas) Ian(uarias)] / [-? Se]mpronio [Graccho] / [L(ucio) A]emilio [Frontino co(n)s(ulibus)] / [-- // --] / [C(ai) Pomp]oni [Statiani] / [--"

There are many things I could mention, but I'm going to discuss one I suspect few would choose. It's the banal saying I see repeated time & again here: "Wikipedia works in practice, but not in theory". (Sometimes also phrased "Wikipedia doesn't work in theory, but only in practice.")

I'll admit that this saying had its use at one point, being only relatively wrong, in that it jolted skeptics into the possibility that Wikipedia might be a reliable reference source. But those days are long past. A few moments spent in thought will show that this statement is not only nonsensical, it promotes an obscurantist & mystical concept of Wikipedia, as if somewhere in the Wiki software the function  exists. If a theory does not adequately explain phenomena, then it is discarded. Once people embraced the theory that the sun revolved around the earth; over time more careful observations have shown this theory did not explain celestial phenomena correctly, so that theory was replaced with one that the earth revolves around the sun.

First, I should mention that there was one explanation of this statement, that Wikipedia was some expression of socialism, a situation where each contributes according to their ability & each receives according to their need. This is an old idea in open-source circles, which had its earliest explicit formulation in Nikolai Bezroukov's criticism of Eric Raymond's "The Cathedral and the Bazaar". Briefly expressed, Bezroukov made the point that Raymond's "gift economy" was very similar to a common misinterpretation of socialist theory. Common, at least, in American middle-class thought. Raymond's response to Bezroukov was simple: socialism is bad, & open-source is good, therefore open-source can't be socialism.

Moreover, no one has defined which theory predicts Wikipedia should not work. Was it "Creativity only flourishes when people are allowed to be selfish"? If so, I must report that theory was discredited long before anyone even imagined anything resembling Wikipedia.

Now if we were to propose another theory, it might actually provide some insights as to how Wikipedia works. Say for example, "If one attracts enough people interested in learning (call them nerds, wonks, mavens, etc.) to a website, it will produce something useful", or "The open-source model can be usefully applied to knowledge". One can then create falsifiable tests to confirm this theory, & from this find ways to encourage the growth & quality of Wikipedia. This obviously would be a good thing. However, too many people depend on the banal & obscurantist saying to be true to pay their bills. As long as we cannot know how Wikipedia works, the effectiveness of a given job cannot be measured, & their iron rice bowls are safe. And people who have no direct experience with Wikipedia can be paid to travel around the world to give empty speeches in glitzy surroundings about how practice trumps an unstated but fallacious theory. This diverts money that could have gone to nurture & further improve Wikipedia, used for activities such as providing training for volunteers in copyright law, defamatory speech, research skills, or even fund access to information. While Wikipedia has survived intervention from the Foundation, & seems to flourish best when the Foundation practices a laissez-faire approach, eventually a policy of benign neglect will harm Wikipedia. All because too many people are content to repeat "Wikipedia works in practice, but not in theory."

Demougin Ségolène, "Triumviri augustales", Mélanges de l'École française de Rome: Antiquité, 100 (1988), pp. 117-126
The faculty of repentance is one of the many virtues that the epigrapher must cultivate: I would like to practice it here, by substantially modifying the conclusions of an investigation that I had published in 1978. (1) We will therefore find here a retraction in good and due form.

In 1976, an inscription from the territory of ancient Ariminum was published by G. Vinicio Gentili (2) and repeated in these terms by L'année epigraphique: (3)


 * M(arcus) Arrecinus M(arci) f(ilius) [...] | Clemens, trib(unus) mil(itum) leg(ionis) XXII, praef(ectus) fabr(um), IIuir, IIIuir, aug(ur), | B(accho) et S(iluano) u(otum) s(oluit) l(ibens) m(erito).

[footnote 3:, Ariminum]

She mentioned a Roman knight, M. Arrecinus Clemens, related to the family of homonymous praetorian prefect of Caligula. (4) This knight went through the stages of a double cursus, national and municipal. After having successively obtained two military tribunates in Egypt, and exercising the functions of plebeian prefect, he received several local charges in Rimini, indicated according to a rather unusual sequence: IIVIR, IIIVIR, AVG. In seeking to elucidate the nature of this triumvirate, which seemed to me to be independent of the next task, (5) I thought I had found the same function in other cities of Emilia. First of all, in Rimini itself, the triumvirate appears several times, without however being followed by the augurate. (6) Based on these examples, I had thought of a restitution like IIuir, IIIuir, aug(ur), for the career of Arrecinus Clemens. These developments were supported by another text, from Bologna this time. Analysis for the first time by P. Ducati, (7) it was republished by G.C. Susini and R. Pincelli, (8) and thus mentioned by L'année epigraphique: (9)


 * C(aius) Trebius C(aii) f(ilius) Lem(onia tribu) Maxim[us ...], | praef(ectus) fabr(um), q(uaestor), IIIuir, aug(ur), IIuir, pon[t(ifex) ...]| C(aius) Trebius Maximus se[...].

[footnote 9: ]

In the career of C. Trebius Maximus, there is a sequence reminiscent of that of Arrecinus Clemens: Q. IIIVIR, AVG, IIVIR. Unfortunately, we cannot add another Bologna entry, (10) erected in honor of a certain Marcellus, where the vestiges of a municipal course are recognized in the form - VIR AVG PONT. E. Bormann, the editor of CIL XI, proposed, as a last resort, [II]uir, aug(ur), pont(ifex).

These interpretations are now questioned, since the publication of a funeral monument of Forum Cornelii, the current Imola, on which is engraved the epitaph of a notable of the city. C. Antistius Pansa, (11) also appearing in L'année epigraphique: (12)


 * C(aius) Antistius P(ublii) f(ilius) Pol[l(ia tribu)] | Pansa, aid(ilis), q(uaestor), IIuir | IIIuir Augustal(is) ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) | inter primos creatus, | IIuir quinq(uennalis), praef(ectus) fabr(um), b(ene) [m(eritus)?]

[footnote 12: ""]

The person's career is more extensive than the previous ones, but it remains entirely in the municipal environment. If the local magistrates held by Pansa pose hardly any problems, it is not the same for the function inserted between the duovirate and the quinquennial. It is the first mention that we have, without any ambiguity, of an Augustan triumvirate in the eighth Augustan region. But, before coming back to it, I would like to emphasize the similarities that can be noted, for this charge, in the careers of Arrecinus Clemens, Trebius Maximus, and Antistius Pansa. First of all, we note that two of them take place at the same time: reign of Tiberius for Clemens, reigns of Claudius and Nero for Pansa. That of Maximus dates more difficult: it took place in the 1st century AD.; perhaps, following P. Ducati, (13) can we also, at the end of the Julio-Claudian period. These three cursuses are also distinguished by obtaining a triumvirate which, for Clemens and Pansa, fits just after the ordinary duovirate. It seems to me therefore preferable (14) to develop the abbreviated expression AVG not as aug(ur), but in aug(ustalis) which we find in this form as well in Bononia (15) as in Ariminum. (16)

Therefore, the three individuals who were part of the second Roman aristocracy, received, in their city, the same distinction, the August triumvirate. We even know that at Forum Cornelii, Pensa was one of the first to obtain it, if we interpret the expression _inter primos_ with a chronological sense, (17) and by a vote of the decurions. (18)

It remains to try to determine the exact nature of this Augustal triumvirate. It is first of all necessary to exclude from the discussion the _triumuiri nude dicto_ which one meets in several cities. We have already spoken of Ariminum; (19) Mention should also be made of Paestum, where we find a seal testifying to a triumvirate, (20) as well as Spolete (21) and perhaps Clusium. (22) These magistrates do not seem to fall into the same category as the August trumvirs. (31) It even seems that in the current state of the documentation, the simple municipal triumvirate appears only in Italy, since the triumvirs of the Cirteenne confederation and the _triumviri locorum persequendorum_ of Vienna must be carefully distinguished.

The only exception to this would be Ilici, the current Elche, an Augustan colony of Hispania. (24) La, a local magistrate (25) would have successively obtained a triumvirate -- municipal charge for Hubner (26) -- then a _quattuorvirat iure dicendo_. The presence of this last magistrate creates a difficulty since the colony of Elche was governed from the time of Augustus by duovirs known as monetary emissions (27) struck under the reign of the first prince. This quattuovirat enters aisi into the series, studied formerly by A. Degrassi, of quattuorvirs in exercise in colonies governed by duovirs. (28) The fact remains that we are unable to determine the responsibilities belonging to these triumviri.

To return to the Augustal triumvirate, it should first be noted that it was already known in the Italian peninsula. A set of Ameiternum inscriptions regularly mentions it, in the 1st and 2nd centuries; but in this citation, it seems the exclusive prerogative of the freedmen. (29) Here, the Augustum triumuiri form a college dedicated to imperial worship. Perhaps it is necessary to bring into the same group the triumvir freedmen from Clusium, which I mentioned above. (30) In contrast, in Aemila, they belong not only to the highest strata of local society, but also to the equestrian order. At the same time, we cannot forget that in the three Aemilian cities where they appear, there are also colleges of Augustan sevirs, recruited, for the most part, from the freed. (31) Thus, we find ourselves confronted with a problem comparable, on another level, to that posed by coexistence, within the same community of desires and of August sevirs, or of ingenuous sevirs and emancipated sevirs. (32) Added to this is the need to situate the triumviral college in relation to the seviral college. Is the first one distinguished from the second, or is it superimposed on it? We thus find all the questions linked to the creation of imperial cults, to their extension in all the communities of the Empire, and to the exact meaning of the marks carried by the holders of this function: seuir, Augustalis, seuir et Augustalis.... It is necessary to know thanks to R. Duthoy (33) to have undertaken a series of surveys on augustales which had the great merit of clarifying the debate. But, contrary to what we can observe for the sevirate, there is no possible ambiguity on the title carried by our Augustal triumvirs.

In order to better understand the Augustal triumvirate, it is necessary, in my opinion, to reason by analogy and to take into consideration a famous document, which does not come from Italy, the inscription of the altar of Narbonne, (34) engraved for the first time (35) in 13 AD. As we know, it commemorates the foundation, in 11 AD, of a worship rendered to the numen Augusti and outlines the rules adopted to celebrate it. The religious ceremonies, on the scheduled dates, must be performed by six people, _tres equites Romani a plebe et tres libertini_.

The mention of these three Roman knights provoked a series of divergent explanations on which it is advisable to stop first. For H. Dessau, (36) approved by A. Stein, (37) they are members of the equestrian order, ordinary residents of Narbonne, and registered in the plebe, or accounts among its members. Since then, Cl. Nicolet (38) considered that, by this unusual formulation, were designated knights admitted into the equestrian order thanks to the recommendation of the plebe, recommendation comparable to that used, under the reign of Augustus, for the choice of _tribuni militum a populo_, (39) as indicated by a well-known passage from Suetonius. (40) M. Gayrud (41) followed by Cl. Novet, unlike P. Kneissl. (42) He rightly argued that the _commendatio publica_ only existed at that time in Italy, excluding the provinces. Consequently, he prefers to understand that the _Romani equities_ mentioned by the inscription of the Narbonne altar coexist with the plebs, because they do not belong to the _ordo decurionum_, a situation encountered in other cities of the Empire. Thus these full knights are citizens of Narbonne who own equestrian cens -- and therefore, for P. Kneissl equestrian rank -- and are too numerous to belong to the local curia. This interpretation made, it too, problem, especially by the assimilation, abusive in my opinion, (43) between possessors of equestrian cens and holders of equestrian dignity. Finally, quite recently, J. Cels-Saint-Hilaire (44) returned to the question, proposing that "the _uotum_ (of the plebe) came back to thank Auguste for the promotional measures which could have benefited, among the Narbonenses, settlers of ancient law: some may have been promoted to the equestrian order, following as it was the case for the Italians to whom they were assimilated, of a _commendatio publica_; among them also, perhaps natives already formerly Romanized incolae ... who could then receive a citizenship comprising the _ius honorum_, or even, for some, also access equestrian order ". (45) These would therefore be "new" knights, all recently promoted.

In reality, the solution is probably simpler, despite all these ingenious proposals. I will make a comparison here with a text by Interamna Nahars, known for a very long time. Dating from the beginnings of the Empire, and in a context just as municipal as that of the inscription of Narbonne, it recalls the career of Sex. Pomponius C.f. Clu. Balbus, in the following order: _IIIuir (iure) d(icundo), quaestor a decurionibus, tr(ibunus) mil(itum)_. (46) The mention of the election to the questioning of the character honored by decurions takes an abbreviated and rare form, which implies a past participle as creatus, (47) electus, or designatus. Under these conditions, the _equites Romani a plebe_ formula is easily understood; this allows to save the reasoning mentioned above, and to eliminate the difficulties they cause. The _tres equites Romani_, who moreover perhaps come from the plebe of Narbonne, must be chosen or designated by this same plebe, to return to the _numen Augusti_ the cult founded by it.

[footnote 46: " (= D. 6628)."]

In addition, in the preserved part of the Narbonne inscription, the six people, ingenus and freed, charged mainly with assuming the expenses and the expenses of the worship, are apparently not grouped in a college, and do not receive a specific title. However, as the last editor of the text pointed out, M. Fayraud, "it seems difficult to see in them the origin of the August sevirs, of which they did not yet bear the name, because the we couldn't find a term to designate them." (48) It is not even known whether these dignitaries were, for example, treated as Augustales. If the term Augustalis comes into use very early, as evidenced by an inscription of a grave at Ostia before 11 AD, (49) there are no attestations similar to Narbonne, or are known only of Augusti seuiri or seuiri, (50) which were not all freed, and were united in the same college. (51)

Addendum
The proofs of this article were already corrected, when Dr. Pack (University of Cologne) to whom I had communicated the manuscript, informed me of new references (about Amiternum and Clusium) and other perspectives. Thank you very much for being here. Unfortunately, it was not possible to integrate these proposals into the presentation presented above. I propose to return elsewhere and at greater length on the problem of the IIIuiri.

*    *     *

Arius Varus
[p. 323] After Vitellius was put to death - December 20, 69 - "the praetorian prefecture was in the hands of Arrius Varus, the sovereign authority in those of Antonius Primus". (2) When Mucianus, official representative of Vespasian, arrived in Rome, he undertook to lower Arrius Varus and Antonius Primus, whom their military successes and their leniency after the victory made very popular with the army and the people. (3) He first undertook to reduce their forces by removing the two legions VII Galbiana and III Gallica, which were their strongest supporters, (4) but it was still necessary to remove Varus from the praetorian prefecture which left him in power and arms. (5) Mucianus, despite Domitian's good feelings for Varus, succeeded in withdrawing the praetorium from him and appointed him praefectus annonae in 70, at a date prior to Vespasian's arrival in Rome (early autumn 70). The prefecture of Annonae therefore represents meager compensation here for an obvious loss of military influence. (6)

[footnote 2:"Tacitus, Hist., IV, 2"] [footnote 3:"Tacitus, Hist., IV, 39"] [footnote 4:"The VII Galbiana legion, that of Antonius Primus, is sent to Pannonia. The Legion III Gallica - which was particularly attached to Varus - left for Syria."] [footnote 5:"Tacitus, Hist., IV, 68"] [footnote 6:"In the case of M. Aurelius Papirius Dionysius (see infra p. 352-353), the transition from the prefecture of the praetorium to that of the annona constitutes a real degradation, because, at the end of the second century, the hierarchy of prefectures equestrian culminating with that of the praetorium is definitively fixed."]

Nothing specifically qualified Varus to manage this service. His career had been purely military; he was, according to Tacitus, (7) a valiant man of war, who had distinguished himself as prefect of a cohort from 54 or 55. He had not hesitated to serve Corbulo with Nero, which would have earned him the grade of primipilus. (8) The stroke of fortune came for him to have been the right arm of M. Antonius Primus during the invasion of Italy. He then stood out for his bravery, his intrepidity, sometimes exaggerated. (9)

[footnote 7:"Tacitus, Hist., III.6"] [footnote 8:"Tacitus, Hist., III.6"] [footnote 9:"Tacitus, Hist., III.16"]

When Mucianus had received the ornaments of the triumph, Antonius, the consular ornaments, Varus, for his part, had been granted the ornaments of the praetorship, which in no way entailed the elevation to the senatorial rank. (10)

[footnote 10:"Zumpt, Rh. Mus., 1843, p. 268."]

Claudius Athenodorus
[p. 329] Claudius Athenodorus is known as the prefect of the Annona by an inscription from Rome (2) on a base which bears on its lateral faces, on one side, the representation of the dea Annona, on the other that of a frumentary ship. It is about the funerary monument of an imperial freedman, Carpus Pallantianus, who exercised, in the service of the prefecture of the Annona, the functions of adjutor. (3)

[footnote 2: " = D. 1535"] [footnote 3: "For the cursi of adjutors and sub-prefects of the annona, see infra, p. 387-388"]

The discovery (4) in Hama, in Syria, of the text of an ordinance of the Emperor Domitian makes it possible to specify the career of Athenodorus and to date his promotion to the annona. This entole [Greek word] of Domitian relating to the proper functioning of the imperial cursus is addressed to Claudius Athenodorus, procurator. The identification of this procurator with Claudius Athenodorus, praefectus annone, is admitted by all authors. (5) This procurate can only be an office of steward of imperial domains. (6) The course of Athenodorus' career between this Syrian post and the praefectus annonae remains unknown to us and it seems difficult to admit that Athenodorus went directly from this procuratorian post to a large prefecture. In any case, this is the only example offered by our documentation of a procurator of the imperial domains who became praefectus annonae, which makes it difficult to estimate the lapse of time which may have elapsed between the two functions. We prefer to consider it as long enough, since the procurator of the imperial domains did not exceed a centenary salary (7) if it even reached it at that time.

[footnote 4: "R. Mouterde et Cl. Mondésert, Syria, XXXIV (1957), pp. 278-284 = L. Jalabert et R. Mouterde, Inscriptions greques et latines de la Syrie, V, 1959, 8-13 No. 1998 = "] [footnote 5: "Syria, XXXIV (1957), p. 278-284, H. G. Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes, pp. 964-5"] [footnote 6: "The centenary salary of the proc. tractus Karthaginiensis is attested for C. Annius Flavianus (H. G. Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes, pp. 545-548)"] [footnote 7: "Cf. note 4"]

The promotion of Athenodorus to the praefectus annonae takes place during the reign of Domitian (8) and given the fact that several posts may have been occupied between the Syrian post and the praefectus annonae, it seems preferable to situate his prefecture in the last eight years of Domitian's reign, during the period between the praefectus annonae, M. Mettius Rufus, in post until the end of 88, and C. Minicius Italus, first known prefect of the reign of Trajan.

[footnote 8: "The discovery of the inscription of Hama forced to reject the hypothesis of dating proposed previously = reign of Nero, O. Hirschfeld, "Die Getreideverwaltung in der rômischen Kaiserzeit", Philologus, 1870, p. 28, No. 3; cf. Brunn, Annali dell'lstituto di Archeologia, 1849, p. 137; cf. P.I.R., II 2, p. 171, No. 794"]

H.G. Pflaum points out that Athenodorus is the Greek translation of the Syrian Vaballath: (9) M. Claudius Athenodorus is a Syrian and his post of procurator of domains is exercised in his native province, which is not surprising because it is obvious, [p. 330] for North Africa for example, that the posts of the state administration were as if reserved for natives of the country. (10)

[footnote 9: "H. G. Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes, p. 965"] [footnote 10: "Examples of holders of African land administration positions in North Africa: M. Claudius Restitutus (p. 379-385), T. Flavius Gallicus (p. 517-524), C. Annius Flavianus (p. 545- 548), T. Julius Sabinus (p. 657-658), Pomponius L[...] Murianus (p. 826-827), in H. G. Pflaum, Les carrières procuratoriennes"]

The nomen Claudius suggests that Athenodorus had received citizenship from Emperor Claudius. His adjutor, Carpus Pallantianus, is perhaps also, as was often done for the choice of ingenuous adjutores -- his compatriot, at least the name of Carpus may indicate that this freedman was from the Greek part of the Empire.

An inscription from Pozzuoli (11) mentions a certain Claudius Hyginus, freedman of an Athenodorus. The identification (12) with Claudius Athenodorus, praefectus Annonae, is not impossible, especially if we consider that prior to the reign of Trajan, Pozzuoli had kept a considerable role in the supply of wheat to Rome.

[footnote 11: "Eph. ep., VIII, 396"] [footnote 12: "P.I.R., II2, p. 171, No. 794."]

Ti. Claudius Secundinus Lucius Statius Macedo
[p. 345] Two inscriptions from Aquileia (2) make known the _Praefectus annonae_ Ti. Claudius Secundinus L. Statius Macedo. This former praetorian, originally from Aquileia, became primipilus of Legio IV Flavia felix (Moesia superior), tribune of cohort I of vigiles, tribune of cohort XI urban, tribune of cohort VIIII praetorian, then _primipilus bis_; he then rose to the command of Legio II Trajana fortis in Egypt. His first administrative post is the procuratèle ducénaire de la vicesima hereditatium; he is then financial procurator of Lyonnaise-Aquitaine (3) and returns to Rome to occupy the secretariat _a rationibus_ and _Praefectus annonae_.

[footnote 2: " = D. 1339 & G. Brusin, _Scavi d'Aquileia_, 1934, p. 77,4 = "] [footnote 3: "This function is also mentioned in an inscription from Lyon: A. Audin, R.E.A., LVI, 1954, pp. 335-337 (pl. XXI) = . It would have been entrusted to T. Claudius Secundinus at the advent of Antoninus' reign. (H.-G. Pflaum, _Carrières procuratoriennes_, p. 264 and P. Wuilleumier, "L'administration de la Lyonnaise sous le Haut-Empire," _Annales de l'Université de Lyon_, 3rd series, 16, Paris, 1948, p. 45, No. 6, circa 138-145 - A procuratèle de Lyonnaise-Aquitaine, as at the helm of the twentieth inheritance, T. Claudius Secundinus found himself immediately succeeding C. Julius Celsus (cf. H.-G. Pflaum, _Carrières procuratoriennes_, p. 253 No. 106 bis)"]

There are two chronological points of his career:

1. At Colossae (Phrygia), (4) it is probably (5) he who had a statue erected in honor of Hadrian erected, no doubt as a praetorian tribune. H.-G. Pflaum (6) thinks that this dedication takes place in the spring of 129, when Hadrian was able to go through Colossae, and which perhaps corresponds to the time when Ti. Claudius Secundinus has been promoted to _primipilus bis_.

2. It was during the reign of Antoninus Pius that Ti. Claudius Secundinus was _a rationibus_, as is clear from an inscription on lead pipe from Portus. (7) But it can only be at the beginning of his reign. Indeed, the career of Ti. Claudius Secundinus from the primipilus bis of 129 is slow enough already that it seems impossible to postpone beyond the beginning of the reign of Antoninus his promotion to the secretariat _a rationibus_. The secretariat _a rationibus_ is headed by Valerius Proculus before 142, then by Petronius Honoratus until 144, the date of his appointment to _Praefectus annonae_, which he left in 147. Valerius Proculus and Petronius Honoratus seem to have been immediately succeeded the positions of _a rationibus_ first then _Praefectus annonae_.

[footnote 7: " = = D. 8686"]

Under these conditions, we could propose to see Ti. Claudius Secundinus after 144 at the head of the _a rationibus_, then, from 147, at the head of the services of the Annone where he takes over from M. Petronius Honoratus.

Ti. Claudius Secundinus received the honor of religious functions _flamen divi Vespasiani_ (8) in Aquileia, his hometown.

[footnote 8: "Inscription of Aquileia: G. Brusin, _Scavi d'Aquileia_, 1934, p. 77-78 = "]

L. Julius Vehilius Gratus Julianus
[p. 350] (initial date unknown - after 23 August 189) The complete cursus of L. Julius Gratus Julianus is known to us by an inscription from Rome. (2) Julianus began his military career as prefect of cohort III Augusta Thracum around 150 to 160, in Syria, tribune of military cohort I Ulpia Pannoniorum from 160 to 163, (3) in Upper Pannonia, then prefect of ala Herculana, at the head of which contributed to the defeat of the Parthians in Mesopotamia, and of which he then commanded the garrison in Palmyra. (4) His fourth militia took him to Noricum, at the head of the ala Tampiana. Julianus, whose military skills seem to have been well-known, is then assigned to a detachment of troops during the Germanic and Sarmatian War. He receives a similar command of vexillations directed against the Costoboques and the Moors, (5) but this time the title of procurator is awarded to him with, undoubtedly, a centenary salary. (6) At most, strong of the fight against the Germans and the Sarmatians, was entrusted (173) the fleet of Black Sea. We do not know what the theater of operation in which he is then given command of this new detachment. Around 177, his first ducenary post was the procuratele of Lusitanie-Vettonie. But the war hardly left him time to pursue his administrative career and several detachments were still entrusted to him during the Second Germanic War. With the reign of Commodus, he became successively prefect of the fleet of Ravenna, then of that of Misene, and obtained the secretariat a rationibus. As in several cursuses already studied, the praefectus annonae immediately follows this palatine secretariat. Finally, without having exercised the prefecture of Egypt -- which is contrary to the normal rules of the equestrian promotion table and reflects an extraordinary circumstance (7) -- he obtains the command of the praetorian cohorts with Regillus, (8) after the fall of Cleander. But it was difficult to stay long in the good graces of a master like Commodus: the latter had him thrown fully clothed into a swimming pool, (9) made him suffer the outrage of absurd and humiliating whims, then had him put to death (10) at a date after 190. (11)

[footnote 2:" = D. 1327. This inscription had been broken in Antiquity and thrown into the river at the foot of the Aventine, near the Marmorata (De Rossi, Annali dell'Institute, 1885, pp. 223-234; NSA, 1887, p. 536; Bull. Com., 1889, p. 358)"] [footnote 3:""] [footnote 4:"C.I.Gr., III, 4488 = D. 8869 = H. Seyrig, Syria, XIV, 1933, p. 159-160, No. 2; H. Seyrig, Antiquités Syriennes, I (1934), pp. 77-78 = S.E.G., VII, 145, dated October 167. This inscription led many to believe, wrongly, that Julianus was originally from Palmyra; this is not so."] [footnote 5:"The chronology is difficult to fix; cf. W. Zwiccker, Studien z. Markussäule, I, p. 16"] [footnote 6:"H. G. Pflaum, Carrières procuratoriennes, p. 460"] [footnote 7:"See the case of Domitius Ulpianus, who went directly from the Annona to the Praetorium"] [footnote 8:"Vit. Comm., VII.4"] [footnote 9:"Vit. Comm., XI.3"] [footnote 10:"Vit. Comm., VII.4; Dio Cassius, LXXII.14.1"] [footnote 11:"An inscription from Ostia,, which honors Julianus as praetorian prefect, is dated 190. The name of Julius Julianus has been hammered there following his disgrace and death."]

The simultaneous examination of the career of Julianus and that of M. Aurelius Papirius Dionysius raises a difficulty. At the beginning of the year 189, Julianus managed the services of the annone [p. 351] when the prefect of Egypt Dionysius was, by order of Cleander, demoted and appointed to the praefectus annonae. Nothing is known of Julianus between this time and the death of Cleander (12) following which, according to the Vita Commodi, (13) Julianus and Regillus led the Praetorians. (14) In Julianus' career, the prefecture of the annone did not therefore immediately precede that of the praetorium: indeed, the service of the annone was headed by Dionysius just before the death of Cleander, and the promotion of Julianus to praetorian prefect coincides with the fall of Cleander. The only possible explanation is that Cleander had preferred to keep aside this brave soldier Julianus, whose normal career should have been, after the secretariat a rationibus, the annone, Egypt, and the praetorium. By barring him access to the prefecture of Egypt, which should normally have followed the prefecture of Annona, Cleander no doubt hoped to deny him the post of praetoran prefect, which Cleander intended to reserve for himself and a few proteges (15) of which he had nothing to fear.

[footnote 12:"A. Stein, "Die Präfekten von Aegypten unter Commodus", Aegyptus, 19 (1939), p. 223."] [footnote 13:"In (Cleandri) locum Julianus et Regillus subrogati sunt (Vit. Comm., VII, 4)."] [footnote 14:"The dates proposed by L. L. Howe, The pretorian prefect from Commodus to Diocletian (Chicago, 1942), p. 67, No. 10, cannot be preserved because they do not take into account the known date of the passage in Egypt of M. Aurelius Papirius Dionysius."] [footnote 15:"Vit. Comm., VI, 12-13: aliis duobus quos ipse delegerat praefectus factus tuncque primum (a. 187) tres praef. praet. fuere."]

Julianus is the immediate predecessor of Papirius Dionysius as praefectus annonae. Dionysius was still in Egypt on 23 August 189. (16) We must therefore consider that Julianus left the prefecture of Annona at a date shortly after 23 August 189.

[footnote 16:"Pap. Harris, 71,6 et sq., cf. Cl. Préaux, "La préfecture d'Egypte de 187 à 190, Chronique d'Egypte", Bulletin de la Fondation Reine Elisabeth, XXII, 1947, p. 338."]

Julianus' career is an essentially military career marked by participation in many wars, either at the head of land detachments, or at the head of naval units.

Domitius Ulpian
[p. 361] A passage from the Justinian Code, (2) dated March 31, 222, shows that the famous Ulpian exercised the prefecture of the Annona. The beginnings of Domitius Ulpianus' course are known only in a fragmentary way; a lawyer confirmed from the start of his career, he was part of the consilium of a praetor, (3) then that of the prefect of the Papinian praetorium. (4) The direction a libellis represents a very controversial stage in Ulpian's career. No credit can be given to the Vita Nigri (5) which reveals (6) this function, it is very tempting to reject it completely. But Sir R. Syme (7) points out that Historia Augusta is not the only one to refer to the secretariat a libellis: Eutropius, (8) who must be dependent on another source, mentions it as well as Festus. (9) Ulpian, who would have known disgrace (10) under Elagabal, could, according to the hypothesis of Mr. W. Seston (11) have been denominated in a sort of "shadow cabinet" of Alexander Severus (12) after he was made Caesar in 221 or else about to be named a wording only for order just before entering the prefectures. Ulpian was from Tyre. His rise to the great prefectures, certainly favored by the protection of the Syrian princess Julia Mamaea, (13) coincides with the accession to the empire of the young Severus Alexander. Ulpian's time as praefectus annonae was very short, since, from a date prior to December 1, 222, the very influential jurisconsult had already, as shown in a passage from the Justinian Code, (14) become praetorian prefect. He then occupied a privileged position compared to his colleagues. (15) He was naturally part of the prince's council (16) and no doubt he was even the tutor of the young sovereign (17) who called him his parent. (18) It is at the hands of the Praetorians that he will perish, during the summer of 223. (19)

[footnote 2: "Cod. Just., VIII, 37, 4."] [footnote 3: "Dig., IV, 2, 9, 3"] [footnote 4: "Vit. Alex., 26, 6"] [footnote 5: "J. Hasebroek, Die Fälschung der Vita Nigri und Vita Albini in den Scriptores Hist. Aug., Heidelberg, 1916"] [footnote 6: "Vita Nigri, 7, 4"] [footnote 7: "Conference given in Strasbourg, June 1969"] [footnote 8: "Eutropius, Brev., VIII, 23"] [footnote 9: "Festus, Brev., XXII"] [footnote 10: "Vit. Elag., 16.5. It is by mistake that Aurelius Victor, Lib. de Caes., 24, 6 makes Ulpian a praetorian prefect of Elagabal."] [footnote 11: "W. Seston shared this suggestion with us verbally."] [footnote 12: "Cf. Domitius Rogatus, ab epistulis of Aelius Caesar, D. 1420"] [footnote 13: "Vit. Alex., 51, 4; cf. H. G. Pflaum, Le marbre de Thorigny, Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, fasc. 292 (Paris, 1948), pp. 41-45"] [footnote 14: "Cod. Just., IIII,65, 4, 1."] [footnote 15: "H. G. Pflaum, Le marbre de Thorigny, pp. 42-44"] [footnote 16: "Vit. Alex., 26, 6; 68, 1. Amici mei, Cod. Just., VIII, 37, 4; cf. J. A. Crook, Consilium Principis (Cambridge, 1955), p. 163, No. 136"] [footnote 17: "Vit. Alex, 51,4."] [footnote 18: "Cod. Just., IV, 65, 4, 1."] [footnote 19: "The examination of Pap. Oxy., 2565 leads to move the death of Ulpian from the year 229 traditionally admitted to the summer of 223. Cf. J. Modrzejewski and Z. Zawadzki, "La date de la mort d'Ulpien et la préfecture du prétoire au début du règne d'Alexandre Sévère", Revue Historique de Droit (XLV, 1967), pp. 565-611."]

Claudius
Clearly inspired by the passage in which Herodian (2) is outraged that Elagabal has raised to serious positions of responsibility dancers, auriges, histrionics and mimes, (3) the author of the Vita Elagabali (4) adds a barber to this list of shamefully promoted favorites, a muleteer, a courier, a cook, a locksmith, and, to give credibility to an enumeration that might seem to be a bit fanciful, gives, in a few cases, the names of individuals and the official positions held: ...praefectum vîgilum Cordium aurigam fecit, praefectum annonae Claudium tonsorem.

[footnote 2: "Herodian, VII, 6-7."] [footnote 4: "Hist. Aug., Vit. Elag., XII, 1."]

Thus, according to the Augustan History, the praefectus annonae was in the reign of Elagabal entrusted to a barber, probably a former slave of the imperial house. According to the author of the life of Alexander Severus, (5) other praefecti annonae were also chosen without the least discernment: oleum quod Severus populo dederat quodque Heliogabalus imminuerat, turpissimis hominibus praefecturam annonae tribuendo. However, it is possible that the plural turpissimis hominibus is only a figure of speech.

[footnote 5: "Hist. Aug., Vit. Alex., XXII, 2."]

The case of the barber Claudius, praefectus annonae, is not confirmed by Herodian's text and can therefore only be accepted with some reservation. It is nevertheless certain that Alexander Severus (6) had to restore order to a disorganized service of annonae; it is not impossible that Elagabal took the deplorable initiative to entrust to inexpert men, more concerned with the glory of a title than with the duties of their task, a function as important as the praefectus annonae.

[footnote 6: "Hist. Aug., Vit. Alex., XXII, 2."]

Ulpius Saturninus
Ulpius Saturninus exercised the functions of praefectus annonae under the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, as it appears from an inscription of Seville (2) relating to the extraordinary mission of his subordinate Sex. Julius Possessor.

[footnote 2: " = ILS 1403."]

It is perhaps allowed to narrow down this dating more closely. Indeed, Sex. Julius Possessor was in charge of supplying the Capital with oil and wheat: ad oleum Afrum et Hispanum recensendum item solamina transferenda. On the occasion of the triumph celebrated during the summer of 166 - probably on 23 August (3) -, on the return of the victorious Parthian expedition, the Emperors granted holidays (4) to the Roman people. Special distributions of food probably complemented these donations and Sex. Julius Possessore probably to join together the supply necessary to these liberalities. If one thus accepts (5) to interpret in this sense the mission of Sex. Julius Possessor, one is led to select 166 for the advancement of Ulpius Saturninus to the prefecture.

[footnote 3: "A. Garzetti, L'impero da Tiberio agli Antonini, Storia di Roma, VI, p. 501."] [footnote 4: "H. Mattingly & A. Sydenham, The Roman imperial coinage, London, 1927, pp. 224, 258, 285, 286"] [footnote 5: "H. G. Pflaum, Carrières procuratoriennes, p. 506; cf. the mission of the procurator Ti. Plautius Felix Ferruntianus during the triumph of 176 ( = 11780 = D. 2747), H. G. Pflaum, I. I., No. 198, p. 539."]

In the context of this dating, the anonymous praefectus annonae of a dedication to Verus dated 166 found in Ostia (6) would be Ulpius Saturninus. No other stage in the career of this knight is known.

[footnote 6: " = XIV, 106."]

Hirschfeld (7) supposed that the father of the praefectus annonae Ulpius Saturninus was the a commentariis vehiculorum M. Ulpius Saturninus, a freedman of Trajan. However, in the mutilated inscription of Ostia, the indication of the filiation M.f. remains - a statement that supports this identification.

[footnote 7: "O. Hirschfeld, 'Die Getreideverwaltung in der rômischen Kaiserzeit', Philologus, XXIX, 1870, p. 31, No. 13. (M. Ulpius Saturninus, a commentariis vehiculorum)."]

Rossignol Benoît, "Les préfets du prétoire de Marc Aurèle"
http://www.persee.fr/doc/ccgg_1016-9008_2007_num_18_1_1648

[p. 141] The reign of Marcus Aurelius is characterized by serious difficulties for the Empire, the symptoms of which appear in the last years of the reign of Antoninus Pius. Long and difficult wars follow one another and test the imperial administration. This situation did not fail to have effects on the management staff and logically on the key figures that are the prefects of the courtroom as well as on their areas of intervention. We propose here to analyze their place alongside the emperor and among the leading personnel in a militarily difficult period when the imperial legitimacy is however strong. For this we will first establish the list and chronology of the incumbents from 161 to 180, then successively examine each of their careers. We will then consider what their place could have been alongside the prince from the representations offered by our sources, literary, epigraphic but also figurative. The context of the period requires a close consideration of their role and place in the armies in the field, the commands entrusted to them, their role as military advisor to the prince. Their function did not stop there, however, and it will be necessary to examine what we can know, for the period considered, of their administrative and judicial role before trying to clarify, in conclusion, the prince's choices and their consequences within peaks of power.

Incumbants

 * Chronology

From the point of view of the praetorian prefecture, there was no solution of continuity between the reign of Antoninus Pius and that, joint, of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. After the exceptionally long charge of Gavius Maximus and the shorter one of Tattius Maximus, Antoninus, in the last months [p. 142] of his reign, had reinstated a collegial exercise of the office. The text of the Historia Augusta, which testifies to this succession, has not strictly preserved the names of the two prefects: (1) Furius Victorinus and Cornelius Repentinus. However, they are restored without difficulty and are associated on a Roman inscription: it is the epitaph of a praetorian who died in 167 and who had joined the praetorian troops, during the functions of these two prefects, in 163. (2)

[footnote 1:"SHA, Vita Pii,VIII, 7-8 8 (Fabium Repentinum et Cornelium Victorinum)."] [footnote 2:"NSA, 1915, 39, No. 3 (AE, 1916, 47) (Rome)"]

These two figures were the guarantors, in spring 161, of the transfer of power. It was in their presence that Antoninus, on his deathbed, reaffirmed that he entrusted the empire to his son-in-law, Marcus Aurelius. (3) Marcus joined Lucius Verus as a colleague. One must undoubtedly imagine that the two prefects were present alongside the two emperors when the latter presented themselves to the praetorian camp and announced a donatiuum of 20,000 sesterces per soldier. (4) Subsequently, Furius Victorinus participated in the Parthian war in the East alongside Lucius Verus. (5) The two prefects remained in office for several years, Cornelius Repentinus at least until 165, as evidenced by his cursus in Pozzuoli. (6) It is generally considered that his charge ended around 167. His colleague Furius Victorinus died in office towards the end of spring 168, when he accompanied the two emperors towards the border provinces threatened by the barbarians, (7) while the plague hit Italy and the Roman army hard.

[footnote 3: "SHA, Vita Pii, XII, 5 et Vita Marci, VII, 3, which specifies that the Friends of Antoninus were also present."] [footnote 4:"SHA, Vita Marci, VII, 9. Verus' association with imperial power must necessarily concern the prefects. According to the _Historia Augusta_, Vita Veri, III, 5, before Antoninus' death, Verus was traveling in the car of one of the praetorian prefects, but we do not know whether we should really give credit to this detail which can be an anachronism. Cf. J.-P. Callu, "Verus avant Verus", in _Historiae Augustae Colloquia, Nova Series I. Colloquium Parisinum 1990_ (now H.A.C. 1990), Macerata, 1991, pp. 119-120."] [footnote 5:"CIL, VI, 41143, dernière édition de CIL, XIV, *440; CIL, V, *648; CIL, VI, *1937; Huelsen, Ausonia, II, 1907, p. 67-76 (AE, 1907, 152); (ILS, 9002); CIL, VI, 39440a"] [footnote 6: "CIL, X, 1856 & G. Camodeca, 'La carriera del prefetto del pretorio Sex. Cornelius Repentinus in una nuova iscrizione puteolana', _Puteoli_, 3 (1979), pp. 41-76 (AE, 1980, 235); Camodeca, 'La carriera del prefetto del pretorio Sex. Cornelius Repentinus in una iscrizione puteolana', _ZPE_, 43 (1981), pp. 43-56"] [footnote 7: "SHA, Vita Marci, XIV, 5"]

Victorinus was replaced by Bassaeus Rufus who had, very shortly before, left to govern Egypt and who left there at the latest in spring 169. (8) The Emperor's guard was therefore headed by a new pair of prefects whose names are found on the famous inscription of Saepinum: (9) Bassaeus Rufus and Macrinius Vindex, the latter also being prefect recently, at the earliest following the departure of Repentinus. However, it should be noted [p. 143] that on the inscription of Saepinum his name always comes after that of Bassaeus Rufus. It should therefore be thought that he had less seniority in the post than the latter. In any case, the two prefects again accompanied the emperor to the Danubian regions where the threats were perhaps greater than ever. Macrinius Vindex died in action in 172 at the latest. (10)

[footnote 8: "Cf. G. Bastianini, 'Lista dei prefetti d’Egitto dal 30a. al 299p.', _ZPE_, 17 (1975), p. 297."] [footnote 9: "CIL, IX, 2438 = 4916 (Italy, region IV, Saepinum), with the gentilicum of Vindex spelled Macrinus"] [footnote 10: "Dio Cassius, LXXI, 3, 5 (Xiphilin, 259, 26)."]

We do not know whether Macrinius immediately found a successor. If the history of Augustus is to be believed, Marcus Aurelius, at some point in his reign, seems to have had difficulty appointing a praetorian prefect, regretting that he could not appoint Pertinax, who entered the Senate. (11) In 173, while Marcus Aurelius was in Sirmium, during the trial of Herodius Atticus, Bassaeus Rufus was at his side and intervened in the trial. (12) We cannot say whether he was then alone in his charge. He was probably still exercising it in 177, since on that date, and more precisely on July 6 of this year, he was a member of the Emperor's Council, as we learned from the Banasitana tabula. (13) It has also been argued that by this date, Bassaeus Rufus had received the ornamenta consularia and retired. (14) In any event, his name on this document is followed by that of P. Taruttienus Paternus. The hierarchical logic of this list of names implies that Paternus was also praetorian prefect. (15) The name of the latter is in fact followed by the erased name of Tigidius Perennis, probably then Praefectus Annonae, as suggested by H.-G. Pflaum. (16) Then came the name of Cervidius Scaevola who, two years earlier, was prefect of the vigil. (17) W. Seston and M. Euzennat, considering that Bassaeus Rufus had just stepped down [p. 144] from his post, considered that Paternus was then praetorian prefect with Perennis. (18) It seems to us that 177 is a very late date to place the beginnings of the praetorian prefecture of Perennis, especially since according to Herodian he only obtained this post after the death of Marcus Aurelius. (19) Dion's account also indicates that he led the Praetorians after Paternus, which may suggest that most of his function was under Commodus. (20) Even if Herodian is not necessarily reliable in this regard, the hypothesis of H.-G. Pflaum seems to us to correspond to a more likely rate of progress.

[footnote 11: "SHA, Vita Pertinacis, II, 9."] [footnote 12: "Philostratus, _Vie des sophistes_, II, 1, 11 (561) (ed. Wright, p. 171). Cf. F. Millar, _The Emperor in the Roman World_, 2nd ed. (London, 1992), pp. 4-7. We don't understand why M. Absil, _Les préfets du prétoire d’Auguste à Commode_ (Paris, 1997), p. 74, thinks Bassaeus pronounced the verdict."] [footnote 13: "IAM, 94; Cf. H.-G. Pflaum, _Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain. Supplément_ (Paris, 1982), p. 48 (désormais Suppl.)"] [footnote 14: "CIL, VI, 1599 + 31828 (ILS, 1326); CIL, VI, 41141. Cf.W. Seston et M. Euzennat, 'Un dossier de la chancellerie romaine: la tabula Banasitana. Étude de diplomatique', _CRAI_, 1971 p. 486 (= W. Seston, _Scripta varia_ [Rome, 1980], p. 103)."] [footnote 15: "Very cautious, F. Millar, _The Emperor_, p. 130, does not go into the matter. The prefecture of Paternus seems indisputable to us in 177. On the interpretation of this list: M. Christol, "The rise of the equestrian order: a historiographical theme and its reality", in S. Demougin, H. Devijver and M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier eds., _L’ordre équestre, histoire d’une aristocratie (IIe siècle av. J.-C.-IIIe siècle ap. J.-C.)_ (Rome, 1999), p. 622."] [footnote 16: "H.-G. Pflaum, 'La valeur de la source inspiratrice de la vita Hadriani et de la vita Marci Antonini à la lumière des personnalités contemporaines nommément citées', in _Bonner Historia Augusta Colloquium 1968-1969_, (Bonn, 1970), p. 217-218; Pflaum, 'La valeur de l’information historique de la Vita Commodi à la lumière des personnages nommément cités par le biographe', in _Bonner Historia Augusta Colloquium 1970_, (Bonn, 1972), p. 205; Pflaum, 'La préfecture de l’annone (à propos d’un ouvrage récent)', _RHD_, 56 (1978), pp. 68-69, & Suppl., 1982, p. 48. Perennis is not included in the list drawn up in H. Pavis d’Escurac, _La préfecture de l’annone, service administratif impérial d’Auguste à Constantin_ (Rome, 1976), pp. 45-46."] [footnote 17: "CIL, XIV, 4502 (ILS, 2164); cf. M. Sablayrolles, _Libertinus miles. Les cohortes de vigiles_ (Rome, 1996), p. 489, No. 16"] [footnote 18: "W. Seston et M. Euzennat, 'Tabula Banasitana', cit. supra."] [footnote 19: "Herodian, I.8.1."] [footnote 20: "Dio Cassius, LXXII.9, and see LXXII.5."]

Marcus Aurelius, in 178, left Rome again for the Danubian regions. Paternus was given the command of large troops. Placed at their head, in 179 he won a brilliant and important victory which earned the emperor his tenth salutation. (21) Less than a year later, he found himself in the position that had been that of Furius Victorinus and Cornelius Repentinus in 161: to have to ensure the transition between two reigns. According to Herodian, as we have seen, Commodus added Tigidius Perennis to him as a colleague, but it is not impossible that the latter was appointed by Marcus Aurelius at the extreme end of his reign; more likely a deep rivalry seems to have existed between them. Lucilla's immediate conspiracy was the occasion for the fall of Paternus, orchestrated by Perennis. Taruttienus was admitted among the consulars and had to resign. Then he was accused of conspiracy and eliminated. (22) After three years of seemingly unchallenged power, it was Perennis’s turn to fall victim to the political struggles of the reign. (23)

[footnote 21: "Dio Cassius, LXXI.33.3-4 (Xiphilinus, 267)"] [footnote 22: "SHA, Vita Commodi, IV, 1-9 and Dio Cassius, LXXII.5. "] [footnote 23: "Dio Cassius, LXXII, 9-10 (see P. A. Brunt, 'The Fall of Perennis: Dio-Xiphilinus 72.9.2', _Classical Quarterly_, n.s., 23, 1973, 1, pp. 172-177); Herodian, I, 9; SHA, Vita Commodi,VI, 1-3 & VIII, 1."]

It remains to evoke the case of an individual whose tenure is very poorly dated but who is generally placed under Marcus Aurelius: (24) it is about T. Flavius ​​Constans. (25) He is known to us by an inscription from Cologne, which can be dated to the period from the reign of Hadrian to that of Marcus Aurelius. (26) It is identified with the homonymous procurator of Lower Dacia from 138, known by two very well dated inscriptions. (27) When can we insert [p. 145] another prefect in our timeline? There are two solutions available to us. First from 165 to 168, between Repentinus and Vindex, assuming that Repentinus did not exercise his function after 165, and then from 172 to 177 at the latest, as colleague of Bassaeus Rufus after the death of Vindex and before the entry into charge of Paternus. (28) Before the publication of the last fragments of the Pozzuoli inscription dedicated to Repentinus, Constans was generally placed at the head of the praetorium around 163-165. This is to assume nearly thirty years of career between his centenary procuratorate and his prefecture, which can be normal. (29) Retaining the second hypothesis considerably lengthens the delay. Especially since Constans would have succeeded Furius Victorinus although older in the career. It would therefore be necessary to place Constans between Cornelius Repentinus and Macrinius Vindex, for a very short tenure around 168. But it is perhaps not impossible to see him as an ephemeral colleague of Gavius ​​Maximus in the mid-150s either: we cannot therefore assign him an assured chronology. (30) The careers of these different prefects are widely known. (31) and have sometimes been very often commented on, in particular for those which are the most complete. We will recall here the essential features of these various paths in order to characterize them and perhaps to understand the logic of the prince's choices.

[footnote 24: "Thus W. Meyer, _L’administration de la province romaine de Belgique_ (Bruges, 1964), pp. 77-78; A. R. Birley, _Marcus Aurelius_ (London, 1966), p. 178; M. Absil, "Préfets", cit. supra, p. 181, No. 42. This hypothesis goes back to Poppelreuter, _Römisch-Germanisches Korrespondenzblatt_, III, 1910, p. 2 sq. (non uidi) (AE, 1910, 67)."] [footnote 25: "PIR2, F 247; H.-G. Pflaum, _Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain_ (Paris, 1960-1961), No. 149 (afterwards CPE)."] [footnote 26: "CIL, XIII, 12057; B. & H. Galsterer, _Die Römischen Steininschriften aus Köln_ (Cologne, 1975), No. 146. Cf. W. Eck, 'Ein Kölner in Rom?', in V.A. Rieche, H. J. Schalles & M. Zelle, _Grabung Forschung Präsentation. Festschrift Gundolf Precht_ (Mayence, 2002), pp. 37-42"] [footnote 27: "CIL, III.12601 = 13793-13794; IDR, II, 575 & CIL, III.13795 (ILS, 8909); IDR, II, 587"] [footnote 28: "M. Absil, _Prefects_, op. cit., p. 24, obviously does not take into account the interpretations that have been proposed for the Banasitana tabula; he places Constans between Bassaeus Rufus and Paternus, i.e. in 177-179, forty years after his centenary procuratorate: Constans would then have approached seventy! This does not seem acceptable to us."] [footnote 29: "H.-G. Pflaum, 'Compte rendu de W. Meyer, L’administration de la province romaine de Belgique', _Gnomon_, 37 (1965), p. 390 (= _Scripta varia II_ (Paris, 1981), p. 78)."] [footnote 30: "See G. Camodeca, 'Carriera', 1981, op. cit., p. 49"] [footnote 31: "The remark is generally valid for all the prefects of the praetorium, the reign of Marcus Aurelius being, finally, from this point of view, one of the best documented. Cf. M. Durry, _Les cohortes Praetoriennes_ (Paris, 1938), pp. 159-163; M.Absil, _Prefects_, op. cit., p. 39-43, remains vague and disappoints. More generally in the large prefectures, see R. Sablayrolles, "Fastigium equestre: The great equestrian prefectures", in S. Demougin, H. Devijver and M.-T. Raepsaet-Charlier ed., _L’ordre équestre_, op. cit., p. 351-389."]


 * Sex. Cornelius Quirina Repentinus signo Contuccius

The career of this individual is better known to us since the publication of new fragments of the huge inscription dedicated to him in Pozzuoli. (32) Undoubtedly a native of Simitthu in Africa, (33) he began as a tax lawyer, carried out a centenary procuratorate, perhaps that of the twentieth of the inheritances according to Giuseppe Camodeca, (34) then was ab epistulis of Antoninus, a career pattern that can be found for his successor to this last [p. 146] post, Caecilius Crescens Volusianus. (35) If the _Historia Augusta_ is to be believed, an infamous rumor claimed that Repentinus had obtained his prefecture thanks to the intrigues of the emperor's concubine, (36) who can be identified with Galeria Lysistratus. (37) We find this influential administrator among the correspondents of Fronton who had recommended him a Fabianus of which we know nothing. (38) It was undoubtedly not bad to be part of the entourage of the prefect Cornelius Repentinus: his commentariis made a good equestrian career which led him at least to the post of ab epistulis Latinis before allowing him to enter the Senate among the former praetors. (39) If his colleague Victorinus left for the East to face the Parthians, Repentinus undoubtedly remained in Rome alongside Marcus Aurelius: it is true that his profile is not military. He obtained the consular ornaments. (40) We do not know exactly when his charge ended. In any case, the lot of his family prospered: a Cornelius Repentinus married the daughter of Didius Iulianus and was a short-lived Prefect of the City in 193. (41)

[footnote 32: "Cf. PIR2, C 1428; G. Camodeca, 'Carriera', 1979, cit. supra, & 'Carriera', 1981, cit. supra. References & bibliography in M. Absil, Préfets, cit. supra, pp. 175-176, no. 38."] [footnote 33: "G. Camodeca, 'Carriera', 1981, cit. supra, pp. 44-45; S. Demougin, n. 355, in Fronto, Correspondance, trad. P. Fleury, Paris, 2003 (CUF), p. 308. M. Absil, Préfets, cit. supra, p. 28, locates his origins in Pozzuoli, which is impossible since he is registered in the Quirina tribe."] [footnote 34: "G. Camodeca, 'Carriera', 1981, cit. supra, p. 53."] [footnote 35: " (ILS, 1451); cf. CPE, pp. 337-339, no. 142."] [footnote 36: "SHA, Vita Pii,VIII, 9"] [footnote 37: " (ILS, 1836)."] [footnote 38: " Fronto, Ad amicos, II, 4 (trad. P. Fleury, CUF)"] [footnote 39: " (ILS, 1452); CIL, VI (8, 3), 41130 (Rome). Cf. CPE, no. 178"] [footnote 40: "G. Camodeca, 'Carriera', 1981, cit. supra, p. 47"] [footnote 41: "SHA, Vita Didi Iuliani, III, 6. See . G. Alföldy, Fasti Hispanienses, Wiesbaden, 1969, p. 143, proposes to recognize his career in the inscription (Sicca), without always being followed (see the caution of B.-E. Thomasson, Laterculi praesidium, I, Göteborg, 1984, c. 30, no. 23)."]


 * T. Furius L(ucii) filius Palatina Victorinus

Victorinus' career is known to us as a whole, but many of its details are problematic and many uncertainties remain. (42) His cursus appeared on an inscription, the text of which passed for a long time as false before being rehabilitated at the beginning of the last century: it was not transmitted to us, however, in the best conditions. (43) This is a very classic succession of charges. No doubt originally from Rome itself, Victorinus began his career with the equestrian militias which led him successively to Brittany, (44) then to lower Pannonia (45) and Dacia. Then Victorinus [p. 147] began his procuratorian career, the first positions of which are not known with certainty, due to the particular conditions which gave us his cursus. This led him to Galatia, (46) and then to Spain, before he returned to Rome to lead the ludus magnus with a ducenary salary. Victorinus then reunited with the army, leading successively the two Praetorian fleets of Ravenna and Misena in accordance with consecrated order. (47)

[footnote 42: "PIR2, F 581; CPE, No. 139; the bibliography of M. Absil, Préfets, cit. supra, p. 177, no. 39, is not satisfactory: we must in particular add H. Devijver, Prosopographia militiarum equestrium, Louvain, 1976-1980 (now PME), F 100 (with supplement in volume IV)."] [footnote 43: "See supra n. 5."] [footnote 44: "Regarding the Bracarum cohort in Brittany, cf. CIL, VII, 237 (ILS, 3598); RIB, 649; and see the notices by H. Devijver, PME, A 43 and A 44, with supplement in t. IV, p. 1419. On the Bracari cohort, which should perhaps be identified with the Bracaraugustani, see also P. Le Roux, 'Les diplômes Militaires et l'Evolution de l'Armée Romaine de Claudius à Septime Sévère: auxilia, numeri et nationes', In W. Eck and H. Wolff ed., Heer und Integrationspolitik. Die römischen militärdiplome als historiche Quelle, Cologne, 1986, p. 347-374."] [footnote 45: "Cf. J. Fitz, Die Verwaltung Pannoniens in der Römerzeit, II, Budapest, 1993, p. 803-805, no. 460"] [footnote 46: "CPE, p. 326, text 2; (SEG, XXVI, 1712); S. Mitchell, Regional Epigraphic Catalogs of Asia Minor, II. The Ankara district, the Inscriptions of North Galatia, Oxford, 1982, p. 301-302, no.397, pl. 15, fig. 15, inscription not indicated by M. Absil, Préfets, cit. supra, p. 177. Cf. PME, F 100, suppl. t. IV. This first known procuratorate has long been a problem. The procuratele of the fortieth of Gauls had also been proposed, as well as the procuratele Asturiae and Gallaeciae. J. Fitz, Die Verwaltung Pannoniens, cit. supra, p. 804, discusses these last two hypotheses without mentioning Galatia elsewhere than in the text of the inscription, taken from CPE, p. 326. In one of the tables in the Suppl. to CPE, p. 61, H.-G. Pflaum resumes reading proc. [Asturiae] et Gall(aeciae). More than repentance, we see here the inattention of the great scholar (compare with the summary table of the same work, p. 117)"] [footnote 47: "Cf. M. Reddé, Mare Nostrum. Les infrastructures, le dispositif et l’histoire de la marine militaire sous l’Empire romain, Rome, 1986, p. 674."]

Obtaining the post of a rationibus devoted his procuratorian career and opened the doors of the great prefectures to him, first that of the vigiles rather than the annonae, (48) then that of Egypt between July 159 and September 160, (49) probably twenty years after the end of his equestrian militias. He ruled Egypt after the long government of M. Sempronius Liberalis and there preceded C. Volusius Maecianus, who is attested in office in February 161. By this date, Victorinus had already left for Rome to receive the command of the Praetorians there. Upon his departure, he was honored in Alexandria with an inscription by one of his former subordinates, an Imperial freedman. (50) He then took charge of Antonine for a few months before taking care of his two successors.

[footnote 48: "We refer on this point to the article by M. Christol in the same volume. Huelsen retained the reading praef. u[igilum], but H.-G. Pflaum (CPE, p. 326) proposed praef. [ann(onae)] urbi(s) (followed in this by H. Devijver). In his study of the prefects of Annone, H. Pavis d´Escurac, Préfecture, cit. supra, pp. 346-347, considers that L. Volusius Maecianus was at the head of this prefecture from 152 to 159. This would obviously exclude Victorinus from the fasti of the annona (cf. J. Fitz, Die Verwaltung Pannoniens, cit. supra, pp. 804-805). But the hypothesis of a very long prefecture for Maecianus is based on his presence in 152 among the patrons of a college in Ostia: CIL, XIV, 250 (ILS, 6174). We therefore cannot exclude that his prefecture was shorter. R. Sablayrolles, Libertinus miles, cit. supra, p. 488, does not retain either Victorinus among the prefects of the vigils."] [footnote 49: "G. Bastianini, 'Prefetti d’Egitto', cit. supra, p. 294."] [footnote 50: "(OGIS, 707); (IGRR, III, 1103); (ILS, 8846). Generally located in Tyre by epigraphic collections, this inscription did in fact come from Egypt, as the commentary in IGRR suspected; cf. J. and L. Robert, Bull. ep., 1961, no. 96."]

Circumstances made that Victorinus ultimately exercised his function more far from Rome than within it. The news of the collapse of the armies of Cappadocia and Syria against the Parthians of Vologese IV turned the life of the imperial court upside down. Large movements of troops were decided, which converged towards the East. The empire was preparing for a major war. It was decided that Lucius Verus would leave for the eastern regions, and Victorinus accompanied him, along with a number of senators and the heads of certain palatine offices. (51) What role did Victorinus play in the conduct of the battles? We don't know, but comparing his career to that of his colleague makes it clear that he was chosen. (52) There is no doubt that his fleet experience may have come in handy when many troops were on the move and required logistical support that only the navy could provide. Two letters, cited by _Historia Augusta_, must in theory concern our character at the time, since they concern a praetorian prefect dealing with the supply of the legions led by Avidius Cassius during the Parthian War. (53) We cannot really rely on these documents. These letters are the work of the forger, and it is usually impossible to disentangle in them what is his fantasy from what is his true knowledge of the time of Marcus Aurelius. The mention of annona militaris in these letters is often taken as an anachronism, the forger projecting the practices of the late 3rd century onto the second century. (54) Furthermore, it is generally accepted that it was L. Aurelius Nicomedes who supervised the supply of the armies of the Parthian war. Even if we cannot be certain about the chronology of his function, which can also be related to the Expeditio Germanica, the charge of supplying the troops, during the 160s, seems to be entrusted to other officials than to the praetorian prefects. (55)

[footnote 51: "SHA, Vita Marci, VIII, 10."] [footnote 52: "Cf. A. R. Birley, Marcus Aurelius, cit. supra, p. 166."] [footnote 53: "SHA, Vita Auidii Cassii, V, 4-12."] [footnote 54: "Cf. Zosimus, II, 33, 4. In connection with this passage, we will see the critiques of J. B. Campbell, The Emperor and the Roman Army, 31 BC-AD 235, Oxford, 1984, pp. 114-115. After A. Nicoletti, 'I prefetti del pretorio e la ricossione dell’annona militare', Labeo, 15 (1969), pp. 177-187, F. Carla, 'Tu tantum praefecti mihi studium et annonam in necessariis locis praebe: prefettura al pretorio e annona militaris nel III secolo D.C.', Historia, 56 (2007), 1, p. 82-110, returned to the possible role of the praetorian prefects in supplying armies, but perhaps without taking sufficient account of the specific context of the Vita of Avidius Cassius. We will be more cautious about the possible role of the praetorian prefect in the time of Marcus Aurelius. See N. J. E. Austin and N. B. Rankov, Exploratio. Military and Political Intelligence in the Roman World from the Second Punic War to the Battle of Adrianople, London, 1998, p. 227-228."] [footnote 55: "On L. Aurelius Nicomedes: CIL, VI, 1598; cf. CPE no. 163, et F. Bérard, 'La carrière de Plotius Grypus et le ravitaillement de l’armée impériale', MEFRA, 96 (1984), pp. 296-297, with n. 112 & 116, & p. 311, no. 4."]

When Verus approached the front, it must be remembered that Victorinus came with him. But if Victorinus remained with Verus, he had to keep most of the time away from the combat zone, in Antioch, Daphne and Laodicea. It should also be remembered that he accompanied Verus to Ephesus on the occasion of the marriage with Lucilla. Upon returning from the conflict, he received important decorations: three crowns, presumably four pure spears and four pennants, (56) a probable sign that he played, in one way or another, an important role in the war. It was undoubtedly after Verus's triumphant return to Rome in the second half of 166 that he was honored with consular ornaments but remained in charge. New threats having appeared on the borders, Victorinus again accompanied the emperors towards the Danubian border. The imperial procession left Rome for Aquileia towards the end of January 168. As we have seen, Victorinus was killed in this expedition, in the second half of 168, without it being necessary to think that it was in combat. The plague was then raging in these regions. (57) The death of Victorinus seems to have been one of Lucius Vérus' arguments to convince Marcus Aurelius to return to Rome: we can see there the confirmation of the important links that had been forged between the co-emperor and his prefect, but also an indication of the importance of the character in the conduct of the war.

[footnote 56: "Cf. V.A. Maxfield, The Military Decorations of the Roman Army, Los Angeles, 1981, p. 206"] [footnote 57: "Cf. J. Fitz, Die Verwaltung Pannoniens, cit. supra, p. 805; A. R. Birley, Marcus Aurelius 2nd ed., London, 1993, pp. 249-255"]

We know almost nothing about this person who was probably from Cologne, (58) in Lower Germania. Of his career we only know of a centenary procurate, that of Dacia inferior in 138. It is conceivable, as we have seen, to place his praetorian prefecture for a very short period around 168, as a colleague of Furius Victorinus and perhaps very briefly from Bassaeus Rufus, but that is by no means certain.
 * T. Flauius Constans

[footnote 58: "See W. Eck, 'Ein Kölner in Rom?', Cit. supra. It seems to us easier to think that he was from Cologne to explain the presence of the inscription in question than to suppose that the prefect of the courtroom had moved to these regions to face a military imperative, as was done by A.R. Birley, _Marcus Aurelius_, cit. supra, p. 178, who placed Constans after Repentinus. He explained his presence in Lower Germania by the departure of the I Minervia legion for the East which would have weakened the defense of the region. We will not retain either E. Stein's idea that Constans would have gone directly from procurator of Belgica and the Germanies to the praetorium, an idea which was still retained by W. Meyer, Belgium, cit. supra, p. 77-78 (cf. H.-G. Pflaum, in _Gnomon_, 37 (1965), p. 390)."]


 * M. Bassaeus M(arci) f(ilius) Stellatina Rufus


 * M. Macrinius [Claudia] Vindex


 * P.Taruttienus P(ublii) f(ilius) Poblilia Paternus


 * Tigidius Perennis

At the Prince's side

 * Place in the army in the field


 * Command in combat


 * The closest military adviser to the Prince?


 * Role of the praetorian prefects of Marcus Aurelius


 * Prefects in the political staff administering the Empire

Gaius Tattius Maximus (156-at least to 158)
[p. 487] Praefectus vigilum: (= 30719) = ILS, 2161, Rome

Only the post of tribune of the urban garrison which is attested for C. Tattius Maximus is that of tribune of singular equities, a position of trust where the emperor maintained him for more than three years, from 142 at least to 145. (41) Eleven years later, C. Tattius Maximus had reached the praefectus vigilum, proof that he had not lost imperial favor. In 158 he succeeded Gavius Maximus as praetorian prefect and died in this post in 160, after having obtained the ornamenta consularia. (42) If his name is mentioned on a tile found at Superaequum, he may have been a native of that city where he owned some property. (43)

[footnote 41: " and 31152. This longevity, due to the confidence of the prince, should be seen as an argument against the thesis of D. Blommaert, who makes the tribunes of singular equities simple equivalents in the hierarchy of the vigilantes."] [footnote 42: "SHA, "Vit. Pii", 8, 7 & 10, 6."] [footnote 43: ": Ioui Cyrin[o] / C(aii) Tati(i) Maximi."]

[p. 488]
 * Sources
 * (= 30719) = ILS, 2161, Rome.
 * & 31151 a; = ILS, 2183, Rome.
 * = ILS, 3036 a (?), Superaequum.
 * SHA, Vit. Pii, 8, 7; 10, 6.


 * Bibliography
 * PIR1, 1898, T 28.
 * Stein, "Tattius", RE, IV A2, 1932, col. 2477-2478.
 * Passerini (1939), Coorti, pp. 300-301.
 * Pflaum (1960-1961), Carrières, no. 138, p. 325-356

Quintus Cervidius Scaevola
[p. 489] Praefectus vigilum: = ILS 2164, Ostia.

Q. Cervidius Scaevola was the greatest jurist of his time and, for this reason, one of the most listened to advisers of Marcus Aurelius. (46) Herennius Modestinus called it, with Paul and Ulpian, [Greek text] (Dig., XXVII, 1, 13, 2), and, more than a century and a half later, the emperors Arcadius and Honorius spoke of him as "prudentissimus iuris consultorum". But while Scaevola's reputation and many of his responsa have survived, little is known about his life and career. The only function of Q. Cervidius Scaevola which is duly attested is praefectus vigilum, [p. 490] which he occupied in 175 (CIL, XIV, 4502, where the mention of the consuls provides the date of the inscription). This undoubtedly followed a procuratorian career, perhaps begun during the reign of Antoninus. (47) In 177, Scaevola was among the members of the consilium principis on the Tabula Banasitana. (48) He took rank after the six senatorial consular, after M. Bassaeus Rufus, (former?) Praetorian prefect decorated with senatorial ornamenta, after P. Tarrutienus Paternus, praetorian prefect, and Sex. Tigidius Perennis, prefect of the Annona. It is highly probable that he was still praefectus vigilum, since he could not have been appointed in the meantime either to praefectus annonae nor to the prefecture of Egypt. (49) If Q. Cervidius Scaevola did indeed die around 178, (50) praefectus vigilum was therefore the crowning achievement of the career of this great jurist.

[footnote 46:"SHA, 'Vit. Marc. Ant.', 11.10"] [footnote 47:"In a case involving a legacy (Dig., XXXIV, 1, 13, 1), Scaevola hides behind a judgment of Antoninus who was not qualified as Divus. Karlowa found the argument insufficient (Karlowa 1885-1901, Rechtsgeschichte, I, p. 733). The fact remains that, as praefectus vigilum in 175, Q. Cervidius Scaevola probably had more than fifteen years of career behind him."] [footnote 48: "See Seston Euzennat 1971, 'La Tabula Banasitana'; Oliver (J. H.), in AJPh, XCIII, 2, 1972, pp. 336-340."] [footnote 49: "The fasti of the prefecture of Egypt is full between 175 and 183 (Bastianini 1975, "Prefetti d'Egitto", pp. 298-300). The praefectus annonae would not have constituted a promotion. The praefectus annonae of the year 179, L. Fl(avius) Piso, also appeared on the Banasa Table in the second rank."] [footnote 50: "Scaevola's Digesta was published after his death. However, the probable date of publication is 178-180 (see Jörs, RE, III, 2, col. 1989)".]

Legal historians have long hesitated on his origins, noting in his work features of language specific to an Oriental who speaks Greek and others typical of an African. (51) Based on onomastics, W. Kunkel proposed southern Gaul as his origin. (52) The gentilicum Cervidius is extremely rare; in Rome it only found twice outside of the immediate family of Prefect Scaevola, and even more likely they were his freedmen or sons of his freedmen. (53) We only meet two Cervidii, in Nîmes, which explains the hypothesis of W. Kunkel (CIL, XII, 3171 and 3515). In fact, the membership of Q. Cervidius Scaevola to the Arnensis tribe, revealed by the Banasa Table, is an argument in favor of Scaevola's African origin. The Arnensis tribe is, in fact, the tribe of Carthage; moreover one of the two Cervidii identified in Rome was a soldier of the vigil of 203, A. Cervidius Repos(i)tus, a native of Uthina and enrolled in a "tribe" Iulia (Ap. VI, no. 51). W. Kunkel denied any family link between the soldier of the vigil and the former prefect. If any family link is naturally excluded, A. Cervidius Repos(i)tus, of free birth, [p. 491] could however have been the son of a freedman from Scaevola; the first name of the vigil could then not be A(ulus) but A(ttius), the daughter of Scaevola called Attia Cervidia Vestina (CIL, VI, 1422 and XIII, 1801). Finally, let us recall that a text, it is true discussed, of the Life of Caracalla, in the Historia Augusta, made Scaevola the master of Papinian and Septimius Severus, which would be an additional argument in favor of an African origin. (54) Thus, not content with being the first in the line of eminent jurists who ensured the greatness of Roman law, as Fitting pointed out, Q. Cervidius Scaevola was also, to our knowledge, the first provincial to reach the praefectus vigilum and to sit in the consilium principis. (55) His daughter, Attia Cervidia Vestina, married a patrician senator, also a renowned jurist, L. Fulvius Gavius ​​Numisius Petronius Aemilianus. (56)

[footnote 51: "Kalb, after a long exposition of the problem, made Q. Cervidius Scaevola an African (Kalb 1898, Röms Juristen, pp. 97-104). Karlowa leaned towards an oriental origin (Karlowa 1885-1901, Rechtsgeschichte, p. 73)."] [footnote 52: "Kunkel 1967, Römische Juristen, no. 53, pp. 217-219"] [footnote 53: " and . The inscription concerns the daughter of Q. Cervidius Scaevola"] [footnote 54: "SHA, 'Vit. Marc. Ant.', 8.2"] [footnote 55: "Fitting, Alter und Folge des Schriften des rörmschen Juristen, p. 64. The Table of Banasa confirms the presence on the Council of the Princeps of Scaevola, a presence already attested in the Digest: Scaeuola Diuum Marcum in auditorio de huiusmodi specie iudicasse refert ... (Dig., XXVI, 1, 23) "Scaevola reports that the late Marcus had ruled on this matter in his council ..." See Crook 1955, Consilium Principis, pp. 70-71 and no. 87 p. 157"] [footnote 56: ". For Fulvius Gavius Numisius, see Groag, "Fulvius 66", RE, 1 col. 246-250"]


 * Sources
 * CIL, XIV, 4502 = ILS, 2164, Ostie.
 * SHA, "Vit. Marc. Ant.", 11.10; 8.


 * Bibliography
 * Jörs, "Cervidius 1", RE, III, 2, 1899, col. 1988-1993.
 * PIR2, 1936, C681.
 * Csillag 1968, Afrikanischen Jüristen, p. 179.
 * Fitting, Alter und Folge des Schriften des römischen Juristen, pp. 63-64.
 * Kalb, Röms Juristen, pp. 97-104.
 * Kunkel 1967, Römische Juristen, no. 53 pp. 217-219.
 * Pflaum 1960-1961, Carrières, no. 168a, pp. 413-414.
 * Pflaum 1970, "La valeur de la source inspiratrice de la Vita Hadriani et de la Vita Marci Antonini".
 * Syme 1970, "Three Jurists", p. 322-323.

Q. Marcius Dioga
[p. 500] Praefectus vigiles : CIL, XIV, 4389 + 4493 + 4681 (Cébeillac Gervasoni Zevi 1976, "Q. Marcius Dioga, préfet des vigiles")

The revision of certain inscriptions from Ostia by M. Cébeillac Gervasoni and F. Zevi and, in particular, the discovery, in the reserves, of an unpublished fragment made it possible to resolve the problem posed by the inscription and to complete the fasti of the praefecti vigiles by revealing the name of Q. Marcius Dioga. (83) The latter was already known to have been prefect of the Annona of Caracalla and he was part of this nobility of Leptis whose coming to power of the Severan dynasty, and in particular of Caracalla, favored promotion to the highest functions. (84) Q. Marcius Dioga is thus, [p. 501] to our knowledge, the second knight to have exercised the two prefectures of vigil and annone, between 212 and 217. (85)

[footnote 83: "The inscription CIL, XIV, 4389 had been most often attributed to Cn. Marcius Rustius Rufinus, who was made a praetorian prefect of the Clarissime, although not in 210 or 212, dates traditionally proposed for this inscription, there is a gap in the fasti of the praetorian prefecture (Passerini 1938, Coorti, p. 319 no. LXV; Howe 1942, The Praetorian Prefect, p. 72 no. 24; Pflaum 1960-1961, Carrières, p. 629, corrected in Supplement, 1982, p. 58"] [footnote 84: "On the prefecture of the annona of Q. Marcius (JRT, 291 = ), see Pavis d'Escurac 1976, Préfecture de l'annone, p. 356. The Marcii family, attested to Leptis since the 1st century d. not. è. (JRT, 600), gave the city many magistrates and priests. The Marcii were also related to the famous Fulvii, a Q. Marcius Candidus Rusonianus who married a Fulvia Crescentilla. See Torelli 1973, "Per una storia della classe Dirente di Leptis Magna", p. 378 no. 3 and p. 395 no. 6. See also Jarrett 1972, The Equestrians from North Africa, p. 198 no.97"] [footnote 85: "The only other known case is C. Tettius Africanus (Ap. I, no. 8). It has been suggested that Q. Baienus Blassianus or P. Cassius had also been prefects of the annone and the vigiles (Q. Baienus Blassianus: Zevi 1971, "La carriera di Q. Baieno Blassiano"; P. Cassius: Pflaum 1960-1961, Carrières, p. 570). Before the praefectus annonae, Q. Baienus Blassianus was more likely first appointed procurator a rationibus, as F. Zevi recognizes in his article. As for the prefecture which follows, in the case of P. Cassius, that of the vigiles, it can also be of the Praetorian Guard or of Egypt (see below, Ap. I, no. 45)."]

All the commentators had thought that Q. Marcius Dioga, like his distant predecessor C. Tettius Africanus, had been appointed at the head of the vigils in 213 or 214, then of the annone at the end of the reign of Caracalla. It is difficult, if not impossible, to insert Q. Marcius Dioga between Q. Cerellius Apollinaris, prefect in April 212, and L. Valerius Datus, prefect in summer 213. It should also be noted that, on the inscription CIL, XIV, 4389, Q. Marcius Dioga bore, as praefectus vigiles, the title of eminentissimus uir while the prefects of the annone were at that time only perfectissimi uiri. (86) It is true that at the beginning of the third century the links between office and title of dignity were not as strict as they were a century later, and it would not be impossible to see Q. Marcius Dioga praefectus annonae with the title of eminentissimus uir. It remains nonetheless true that under the reign of the Severi the praefectus vigiles enjoyed exceptional favor with the emperors, and one can think that during this period it took precedence over the praefectus annonae. It is therefore probable that Q. Marcius Dioga was praefectus annonae at the beginning of the reign of Caracalla then praefectus vigiles, a position in which he succeeded L. Valerius Datus at the end of 215 or at the beginning of 216. This hypothesis, which takes account of the advancement in title of dignity, also allows to leave a longer period of time for the prefectures of Q. Cerellius Apollinaris and L. Valerius Datus. The traditional dating of the inscription CIL, XIV, 4389, which was based on a questionable argument, should therefore be reviewed: it must date, at the earliest, from the year 216. (87)

[footnote 86: "Claudius Iulianus, praefectus annonae in 201, was p(erfectissimus) u(ir) (CIL, VI, 1603), while in 205 Cn. Marcius Rustius Rufinus was e(minentissimus) u(ir). Likewise, Messius Extricatus, praefectus annonae in 210, was extremely perfect (O. Testaguzza, in Portus, 1970, p. 76 = AE, 1976, no. 171), while on the same date Iulius Quintilianus was em(inentissimus) u(ir). See Pavis d'Escurac 1976, Préfecture de l'annone, p. 61."] [footnote 87: "The date 212, traditionally proposed, is based on the presence of two centurions, Candidianus and Romulus, known to have been centurions of the vigiles in 210 and 212 (see Ap. IV no. 63 and 68). But the service of a centurion of the vigiles could last much more than two years: see supra, p. 167-168."]

M. Torelli suggested that the anonymous cursus may have been that of Q. Marcius Dioga. (88) The anonymous person in question, however, owed his career [p. 502] to the protection of Plautian, of whom he could therefore be the compatriot. It would be surprising that a favorite of the prefect of the fallen praetorium could subsequently rise to the prefectures of the Annone and the vigils.

M. Christol, on the other hand, recently correctly attached to Q. Marcius Dioga two acephalic inscriptions that H. G. Pflaum had already compared and attributed to an anonymous knight. (89) The anonymous, after a militia equestris reduced to the legionary tribunate (there could be a cohort prefecture on the mutilated course, but no prefecture of an ala), was commander of the classis pannonica, procurator ab alimentis, procurator of the census at the Ambiant, the Murrini and the Atrebates, all sexagenaires positions. He crossed the centenary rung with the procuratorate ad diocesin Alexandriae and was then procurator of the patrimony, a ducenary posting. He then exercised three palatine positions (ab epistulis graecis, a libellis, a rationibus), an exceptional and even unique case as underlined by H. G. Pflaum, before becoming prefect of the Annone. Relying on the data of this career, located by Pflaum and all the commentators between Marcus Aurelius and the Severians (presence of procurator ab alimentis, procurator ab epistulis exercised under a single Augustus), M. Christol demonstrated that the unknown, who fulfilled his functions of procurator ad census during the census of 197-199 in Gaul Lyonnaise (post of trust after the war against Clodius Albinus), became prefect of the annone under Caracalla, after having probably obtained his successive palatine offices from this prince when he was only the second Augustus, sharing the powers of his father Septimius Severus and his brother Geta. This would explain the accumulation of these posts, which, in a sort of secondary government with the young prince, were not true three-year-old procurators. The favor of Caracalla helped him reach the higher functions (a rationibus then annone) as soon as the prince was sole Augustus. It is therefore necessary to recognize Q. Marcius Dioga, prefect of the annone in 212-213, in the anonymous inscription, that testifies for this knight, the prefecture of the annone which appears in the text preceded that of the vigiles, which does not appear there, or which appeared at the top of the mutilated inscription.

[footnote 89: "Christol 1991, "Un fidèle de Caracalla: Q. Marcius Dioga". The two inscriptions ( = CIL, XIV, 4468-4470 = ILS, 9051, completed by AE, 1960, 163 and 164, and ) were attributed by Pflaum to the anonymous No. 271 (Pflaum 1960-1961, Carrières, No. 271, pp. 719-725)"]

The bishop Dioga of Leptis in 256 was very probably a descendant of the prefect of the vigils. (90) The surname Dioga is indeed not widely used. (91)


 * Sources
 * CIL, XIV, 4389 + 4493 + 4681, Ostia.
 * CIL, XIV, 4468-4470 (= = ILS, 9051) + AE 1960, 163 & 164, Ostia Antica.[p. 503]
 * , Rome.
 * Cébeillac Gervasoni & Zevi, "Q. Marcius Dioga, préfet des vigiles", MEFR, 88 (1976), pp. 620-637.
 * Ulpian, De Officio Praetoris tutelaris, frg. Vat. 235.


 * Bibliography
 * Stein, "Marcius 56", RE, XIV, 2, 1930, col. 1557.
 * PIR 2, 1983, M 231.
 * Barbieri, 1957, "Un nuovo cursus equestre (Plauziano?)".
 * Pflaum 1960-1961, Carrières, No. 271, pp. 719-725.
 * Jarrett 1972, Equestrians from North Africa, No. 97 p. 198.
 * Torelli 1973, "Per una storia della classe dirigente di Leptis Magna", p. 394 No. 5.
 * Pavis d'Escurac 1976, Prefecture de l'annone, p. 356.
 * Pflaum 1982, Carrières, Supplément, p. 58.
 * Christol 1991, "Un fidèle de Caracalla: Q. Marcius Dioga"

Faltonius Restitutianus
[p. 512] Praefectus vigilum:, Rome.

We have only a fragmentary knowledge of the career of Faltonius Restitutianus, in a way a "dotted" vision. His first known post [p. 513] is that of procurator and praeses in the province of Pontus, probably between 230 and 235. (126) He was then praeses of Mauretania Caesariensis at the beginning of the reign of Gordian III, as evidenced by three inscriptions found near Setif. (127) Faltonius Restitutianus was finally, in 244, praefectus vigilum: it is his judgment which put a definitive end to the trial of the fullers started in 226. His sentence confirmed that of his two predecessors on the case, Aelius Florianus and Herennius Modestinus.

[footnote 126:"The inscription which mentions the procurate of Faltonius Restitutianus was discovered in Amasya, Turkey, and is to be published by D.H. French ("Recent Epigraphic Research", to appear in Epigraphica Anatolica: see Christol Loriot 1986, 'Le Pontus et ses governors', p. 14 note 6"] [footnote 127:"The three inscriptions mention the enlargement of the enclosures of castella in the region of Sétif under the supervision of praeses Faltonius Restitutianus (CIL, VII, 20487, 20602; AE, 1903, 94, = R. Cagnat, in Mélanges Perrot, 1903, p. 107). On the tenure of Faltonius Restitutianus in Mauretania, see Christol Magioncalda (1989), Procuratori delle due Maurétanie, pp. 69-71, 94-95 and 138-139."]

His rapid advancement could be due to the support he gave to the new Emperor Gordian during the revolt in Africa of the usurper Sabinianus. (128) But it is not excluded, either, that the future emperor Philip had him installed in place of Valerius Valens at the death of Timesitheus in order to ensure control of Rome at the time of his usurpation. The judgment in the fullons trial is dated March 244, the month in which Philip the Arab took power.

[footnote 128:"Venusto et Sabino co(n)s(ulibus), initia est factio in Africa contra Gordianum tertium, duce Sabiniano; quem Gordianus per praesidem ... oppressit (SHA, 'Vit. Gord.', 23); 'Under the consulate of Venus and Sabinus began in Africa an uprising against Gordian III, at the instigation of Sabinianus. Gordianus repressed him through the governor... ' In 240, the governor in question could only have been the governor of Mauretania Caesariensis, because the Legio III Augusta had been dissolved after the death of the first two Gordians. X. Loriot provided additional proof of this identification: a milestone on the 'frontier boulevard' of Caesariensis bore the name of Faltonius Restitutianus (Loriot 1972, 'Faltonius Restitutianus'; Christol Magioncalda 1989, Procuratori delle due Maurétanie, ibidem)."]

This second hypothesis could find in its support an additional argument in the fact that Faltonius Restitutianus continued his career by obtaining the prefecture of Egypt after that of the vigils. In a study devoted to eight fragments of papyrus, J. Rea indeed thinks he recognizes Faltonius Restitutianus in a person who appears to be a knight and who bears the cognomen of Restitutianus. (129) According to J. Rea, Restitutianus would thus have been prefect of Egypt after having been praefectus vigilum, and an examination of the possible dates makes him locate the prefecture of Egypt of Faltonius Restitutianus in 253-254. Aware that a gap of ten years between the prefecture of the vigil and that of Egypt was too long a period, J. Rea proposed to restore to Faltonius Restitutianus a prefecture of the annone between the two, a hypothesis taken up by the authors of the Supplement of [p. 514] H. G. Pflaum's Carrières. Favored by Philip the Arab, he would thus have continued his studies under the successors of this emperor.

[footnote 129:"Rea (1974), 'A new view of P. Soc., VU, 870'. This hypothesis of J. Rea was taken up by G. Bastianini (Bastianini (1975), 'Prefetti d'Egitto', p. 313) and by the authors of the Supplement to HG Pflaum's Carrières (Pflaum (1982), Carrières Supplément, p. 88)."]

This hypothesis seems ill-founded. Even if we admit that Caecina Largus was not, in 250, prefect of the Annonae, contrary to what H. Pavis d'Escurac thought, (130) and even if, consequently, we recognize a void at this period in the list of the prefects of the annone, it seems difficult to attribute to Faltonius Restitutianus the prefecture of the annone at that time. The consecutive exercise of the three prefectures (vigils, annone, Egypt) is only attested once again and therefore seems exceptional (C. Tettius Africanus, see above, no. 8). If Faltonius Restitutianus must be attributed the prefecture of Egypt, it is therefore better to suppose that his career suffered an eclipse during the reign of Decius - probably because he was too closely linked to Philip the Arab - and that it only resumed under Valerian and Gallienus, in an ephemeral way, with the prefecture of Egypt. (131)

[footnote 130:"[Cae]cina Largus, praef(ectus) a[...], is counted by H. Pavis d'Escurac among the prefects of the annone (Pavis d'Escurac 1976, 'Préfecture de l'annone', p. 364). This person, according to M. Christol and X. Loriot, must however have belonged to the consular house of Caecinae and therefore could not have been prefect of the Annone (Christol (1985), 'Consuls ordinaires de la seconde moitié du IIIe siècle', p. 450-458; Christol Loriot (1986), 'Le Pontus et ses gouverneurs', p. 19 note 38). The authors propose, for the inscription CIL, VI, 31849, the restoration praef(ectus) a[limentorum]."] [footnote 131:"An unpublished fragment of the Oxyrhynchus papyri seems to confirm the hypothesis of J. Rea about the prefecture of Egypt of Faltonius Restitutianus (P. Oxy., Inv. 16, 2 B, 50 S/D: see Pflaum (1960-1961), Carrières, Supplément, 1982, p. 88). In 254, however, according to J. Rea, Restitutianus dead would have already been replaced at the head of Egypt. His return to grace would therefore have lasted only one or two years."]


 * Sources
 * , Rome.
 * , ;, Sétif = R. Cagnat, dans Mélanges Perrot, 1903, p. 107.


 * Bibliography
 * Stein, Faltonius 4, RE, VI, 2, 1907, col. 1977.
 * PIR 2, 1943, F, 109.
 * Loriot, X., "Faltonius Restitutianus", Antiquités Africaines, VI (1972), pp. 145-14
 * Rea 1974, "A new view of P. Soc, VII, 87".
 * Bastianini 1975, "Prefetti d'Egitto", p. 313.
 * Pflaum 1960-1961, Carrières, no. 322 p. 828-830 & Supplément, 1982, p. 88.
 * Christol, M. & Loriot, X. 1986, "Le Pontus et ses gouverneurs dans le second tiers du IHe siècle", Centre J. Palenque, Mémoires, 7 (1986), pp. 13-40
 * Christol Magioncalda 1989, Le procuratori delle due Maurétanie, passim & pp. 94-95.