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THE POLITICAL ITINERARY OF BURKINA FASO FROM THE INDEPENDENCE TO DEMOCRACY

In contrast to many African counties, the democratic process working in Burkina Faso had a strong historical background. After the First World War, the colony of Haute Volta (formal name of Burkina Faso) was established in 1919, but it was dismembered and reconstituted several times until the present borders were recognized in 1947. At this time the French administrated the area trough some local administrators until the independence was achieved on August 5, 1960.

The first republic
The year 1960 was a main step in the in history of Haute Volta (Today Burkina Faso), just like the majority of the old French possessions in Africa. The accession of these countries to national sovereignty is the result of a political process started ten years earlier and instituted by the Constitution of 1958 which makes them pass from the statute of colonies to Member States of the Franco-African Community. The transfer of competences of the French State at the voltaic State takes place on July 11, 1960, in dialogue with the other members of the Council of the Agreement and after which Maurice Yaméogo then chairs the destinies of Upper Volta. On August 5, 1960, the independence of Upper Volta was proclaimed and since the 20 September of the same year, the new State was admitted to the United Nations.Independence does not constitute a brutal rupture with the old colonial power. It is accompanied by signed cooperation agreements on April 24, 1961 whose characteristic lies in the fact on the military level, but Haute Volta refuses the installation of French bases on its territory. For the new State, this period was marked by the search for a balance on the diplomatic, economic and political level. In January 1962, Upper Volta adheres to the group of Monrovia which gathers the moderated countries, but maintains relations with the panafricanist group. It had even decided, in June 1961, to remove its tariff barriers with Ghana. In 1962, Upper Volta takes share with the constitution of the West African Monetary Union (UMOA) and on May 26, 1963 it takes part in Addis-Abéba, in Ethiopia, with the creation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU). On the interior level, the administrative policy is confronted to the thorny question of conciliation between the traditional capacity and the modern capacity. Finally, the first Republic will remove with the traditional heads the many prerogatives which were granted to them for the colonial period. In addition, the personal capacity of the Head of the State, supported by the introduction of the system of the single party with the Voltaic Democratic Union, local section of the African Democratic Gathering (Udv-GDR), did not leave any space of freedom to the opponents, often imprisoned. A law of April 24 limits even trade-union freedoms and the right to strike. It is in this climate that the President, candidate single with the polls of October 3, 1965, is elected with 99,98 % of the votes cast. On the financial level, the euphoria of independence made lose sight of the fact the warnings on the policy of authority preached since 1959, more especially as the bad relationship with France had as a consequence a reduction of its subsidies. Confronted with the shortage of the public cases, which had essentially with the Confronted to the scarcity of public cash-boxes, due essentially to fraudulent dealings of the president, the government finds to apply a drastic batch of measures whose nail is the reduction of 20% of the wage bill. This was the water drop which makes overflow the mud, on  January 1, 1966 the trade unionists decide to start a strike which will lead to the revolt. The emergency state is issued, but agitation continues and culminates with a popular walk on January 3. The president is constrained to resign and, at the request of the demonstrators, "the oldest soldier in the higher rank" who was Commander Sangoulé LAMIZANA seizes the power.

Lamizana years: 1966-1980
They last nearly sixteen years without stopping, but are not homogeneous on the plans constitutional and political. Several types of modes follow one another during its reign; corresponding to the following predication:

The provisional military Government the: 1966-1970
Seizure of power by the commander Lamizana gives place to the formation of a provisional military government, emanation of the Higher Council of the Armed Forces. The Constitution is suspended, the French National Assembly and the Town councils dissolves, the prohibited political parties. The first task to which the new government was harnessed is the restoration of public finances and the recovery of the economic situation. The austerity measures recommended before are applied with much rigour, but are accepted by the civilian servant although they lose one half-month of their annual income. The governmental way of life and that of the Administration are reduced to their bare minimum. Finally, the budget deficit is reabsorbed in 1969. The State reinforces its participation in several economic sectors, cultural and social such electricity, water, the cinema, the banks, insurances etc. The country is equipped with a new Constitution which associates the civil ones the exercise capacity and grants one the third of the ministerial stations and that with Head with the State to soldiers. It is expected that those must join the barracks at four years the limited end of one period, in other word in 1970.

The Island Republic: 1971-1974
Three parties dominate the voltaic political scene then: the African Democratic Gathering (GDR), the Party of the African Regrouping (PRA) and the National liberation Movement (MNL). The elections of December l970 were won by RDA. Its president, Gerard Kango Ouédraogo, has to form the government and its secretary-general, Joseph Ouédraogo, is named with the presidency of the French National Assembly. The PRA integrates the Cabinet with two ministers. Engaged in the race with the supreme office, envisaged in 1975, the two leaders of party do not get along. A crisis settles to which the army puts an end by taking again the capacity in February 1974.

The Government of national revival: 1974-1976
From its creation it was confronted to many difficulties: the dryness, effects of the first oil crisis, the frontier conflict with Mali. On the political level this new government creates the National Advisory Council for Revival (CCNR) and institutes the National Movement for the Revival (MNR) to which the trade unions are opposed by claiming the return to a normal constitutional life. In front of the magnifying sling, president dissolved Lamizana the Government of national revival and constitutes a cabinet of transition, itself replaced soon by a Cabinet known as of national union.

Governments "of transition" and "national union": 1976-1978
Although made up of various political sensitivities of the country from which representatives of the traditional cheffery, the government "of transition" lasts less than one year. Its reign is marked by the creation of a Special subcommittee charged to work out a preliminary draft of Constitution. Essentially, this one proposes: the limitation of the political parties with three, according to their scores with the elections to come, and the formation of a government of national union which would have the role of setting up the new institutions envisaged. This government is installed in 1977 and, the same year, the Constitution is approved by referendum.

The third Republic: 1978-1980
Following the legislative elections of April 1978, three parties come at the head: Udv-GDR, the UNDD and the UPV. With presidential, in May of the same year, president Sangoulé Lamizana, then general, becomes finally the president of the Republic democratically elected, after being put in ballotage. With a short majority, Gerard Kango Ouedraogo is elected with the head of the French National Assembly and Joseph Conombo invested at the post of Prime Minister. Resulting from a disputed majority, the mode was very early confronted with various difficulties of which most determining are the trade-union fights. It is at the end of those, in particular the fifty six days strike of the National Trade union of the African Teachers of Upper Volta (SNEAHV), that a coup d'etat carries to the capacity the Military Committee for the National Rectification (CMRPN).

The Military Recovery Committee for National Progress: 1980-1982
The resumption of the capacity by the soldiers causes the enthusiasm of many dissatisfied with third Republic. Colonel Saye Zerbo, former Foreign Minister of the government of transition, is carried to the head of the CMRPN. He engages resolutely in a policy turned towards the campaigns, with a certain success at the beginning, and he tries a moralisation of the public life. But the popularity of the mode blunts very quickly, especially because of the restrictions of the right to strike and measurements tending to limit the emigration. Within the army, a conflict larval is born between the colonels and the captains, of which some make for the first time their appearance on the political scene, the captain Thomas Sankara was appointed Secretary of State to information. With its crashing to pieces resignation five months later, the crisis becomes open. The outcome occurred in November 1982, by a coup d'etat which carries the young officers to the capacity. It is the advent of the Council of the Salvation of People (CSP).

The Committee for the Salvation of the People or the transitory stage toward political chaos: 1982-1983
It is one of the most agitated periods in the history of Burkina Faso. Attacked by various political currents, the young soldiers hesitate between the return to a normal constitutional life and the swing of the country in the way progressist. The first camp is represented by the commander Jean-baptiste Ouédraogo, who was carried to the report heading and is supported by a significant fringe of the high military hierarchy and the second by Thomas Sankara, its Prime Minister, who profits from the support of the young officers and the support of the civil organizations marxisantes. The crisis develops with the arrest of the captain Thomas Sankara and his companions. The young people of Ouagadougou, the capital invade the streets to claim their release. To counter the popularity of the camp of the young officers, that of moderate organizes a counter-demonstration and releases all the political prisoners imprisoned since the time of the CMRPN, of which Sankara and his/her friends. But it is too late: the State is weakened and the army divided. On August 4, 1983, the soldiers of the Center of drive commando (CNEC) of Pô, in the south of the country, under the control of the captain Blaise Compaoré, take Ouagadougou by storm.The National Council of Revolution (CNR) is then proclaimed.

The National council of the Revolution: 1983-1987
CNR chooses a mode of the progressist type. Composed of a hundred more or less anonymous members, it has at its head four leaders, so called "historical heads of the Revolution": the captain Thomas Sankara, the captain Blaise Compaoré, the commander Jean-baptiste Lingani and the captain Henri Zongo. Several parties of communist obedience support the mode; whose Committees of Defence of Revolution (CDR) constitute the organisational framework at all the levels of the public life of deep transformations are undertaken. Between which the administrative organization and territorial changes with the cutting of the country into ten provinces, the creation of the urban sectors instead of traditional districts, the nationalization of the ground and the basement, etc. Upper Volta becomes Burkina Faso and the voltaic ones, Burkinabé. It is one period when, of liking or force, the populations agree of many sacrifices: reduction of the wages, restrictions of trade-union freedoms, collective work of interest, etc. On the other hand, the popular plan of development (PPD), carried out in a voluntarist way, makes it possible to increase the rate of schooling, to build social housing, to promote vaccination on a large scale, to build water reserves and drillings. On the international level Burkina Faso better known than, is admired before by the progressists who make an example of it. The charisma of its president largely exceeds the borders of the country. However, inside, of the cracks appear in the cohesion of the capacity. Burkinabé, which knew during many years of spaces of freedom whatever the nature of the modes, are exasperated more and more by that of CNR are particularly badly supported the summary executions, the "releases" of civilians, the various exactions of certain members of the CDR. The organizations which support the mode oppose in interminable quarrels. The disputes touch the army. Confidence does not reign any more at the top of the capacity. The outcome is tragic: the president of CNR finds death during a bloody shooting on October 15, 1987.

The Popular Front and the step toward Democracy
Directed by the captain Blaise Compaoré, the Popular Front preaches the correction of the Revolution. The new capacity undertakes décrisper the social atmosphere: release of the political prisoners, dialogues with the various social forces, repairs of the wrongs caused for trade-union, political or different reasons, rehabilitation of the traditional cheffery, etc. This new policy requires adapted, in particular on the emanating level of the structures of CNR Thus, the CDR are dissolve and replaced by the Committees of the Revolution (CR), transitory themselves. Persuaded that the installation of a true State of right constitutes the only rampart with the mistakes of the past, the President of Faso, Blaise Compaoré, made share, in its speech with the Nation on December 31, 1989, of its intention to equip the country with a Constitution. This intention is reaffirmed with the first ordinary Congress of the Popular Front in March 1990 and two months later, in May, a Constitutional Commission is installed. It works out a preliminary draft which is subjected for the examination by the national Bases convened for this purpose in December 1990. The year 1991 is an essential stage in this walk towards a State of right. In January, the President of Faso authorizes the creation of the political parties. A score is recognized at once. A few months later, June 2, a referendum allows the adoption of the new constitution which is promulgated on June 11. The bases of forth Republic are then posed.

Democracy in Burkina Faso
The democracy in Burkina Faso Burkina is currently seeing the longest period of institutional stability of its history. The political life indeed is governed by the Constitution of the Fourth Republic, promulgated on June 11, 1991. Before this date, that is to say in three decades of independence, the country had known three Republics and six periods of exception. This Constitution defines Burkina Faso like a "democratic, unit and laic State", and devotes the return to the multiparty system. The political life was marked these four last years by many reforms which touched the Constitution, the life of the parties, the organization of the elections, and the installation of new institutions.

The principal institutions
The President of Faso is elected official for a five years renewable mandate once, it fixes the main trends of the policy of the State. He is the supreme head of the armed Forces and chairs the higher Council of the magistrates. The government: charged with leading the policy of the Nation, it is directed by a Prime Minister named by the President of Faso; The National Assembly:  it counts 111 deputies elected by the vote for all for a 5 years mandate. At the end of legislative of May 2002, 13 parties are represented there. The constitutional Council: it is qualified as regards respect of the Constitution, and control of the regularity of the elections. Its creation rises from the bursting of the Supreme Court. This act also gave rise to three high autonomous jurisdictions: Supreme Court of appeal, higher jurisdiction of the legal order, the Council of State, higher jurisdiction of the administrative order, Court of Auditors in charge of the control of the finance public. The higher Council of Information has the mission of guaranteeing the pluralism of information, as well as balance in the access of the various sensitivities socio-policies to the media. It also takes care of the respect by the media, of professional ethics and the regulation in force; The Mediator of Faso: He plays a role of conciliation between the administration and managed.

The political parties
From the adoption of the Constitution in 1991, about sixty political parties were created. During these last years, some of these parties decided to amalgamate around some large poles. The parties more in sight are the Congress for the democracy and progress (C.D.P, majority in the National Assembly); Alliance for the democracy and the African democratic federation-Gathering (A.D.F - R.D.A); the Party for the democracy and the socialist progress-Party (P.DP-P.S.). Many laws were recently voted with the profit of the political parties:
 * Law on the financing of the ordinary activities of the political parties, and the election campaigns: it codifies the annual subsidy of 200 million F.CFA (approximately 305000 euros) that the State granted to the political parties, since 1997. This help is distributed according to the results obtained by the parties during the elections.
 * Statute of the opposition: it defines the rights and duties of those ones. The head of file is the person in charge for the party of opposition having the greatest number of deputies. He takes seat in the protocol of State at the time of the official ceremonies.
 * Charter of the political parties: it is intended for better organizing the internal life of the parties.

Elections organization
The reforms adopted in 2000, made the electoral process more transparent. Thus, competences of the national electoral Commission independent (CENI) were reinforced. It is made up of 15 members representing with shares equal (5): the civil company, the parties of the majority and those of the opposition, for a 5 years renewable mandate once. It is directed by a President elected by the members, then named by decree taken in the Council of Ministers. A national Observatory of the elections (ONEL) is set up at the CENI. The CENI has in load all the electoral process, in particular: The single bulletin was instituted, to make useless any attempt at dissimulation of the bulletin of a party or a candidate.
 * Clothes industry, the management and conservation of the electoral file;
 * Establishment and the delivery of the voter registration cards; reception, Validation and publication of the candidatures;
 * The installation of the mechanisms having to guarantee the transparency of the elections;
 * The organization practises elections;
 * The proclamation of the provisional results.

The Medias
The press is one of the principal recipients of democratization in Burkina Faso. The media landscape is animated by a score of stations of radio, three chains of television and about thirty newspapers. They can be divided as follows:

Public media

 * the Agency of information of Burkina
 * the national Television, which covers 80 % of the population
 * the national Broadcasting, listened on 87 % of the territory
 * the rural Radio, intended for the country world
 * the daily newspaper Sidwaya
 * Sidwaya Magazine
 * Sidwaya Sport

Private media
Their development was fast since 1990. One counts nowadays, 69 broadcastings FM which signed conventions with the CSI including 45 which emits indeed, more than one hundred of newspapers (daily, weekly, monthly etc.) and 3 chains of television. Several of these bodies of information belong to organizations working for the development, or for religious communities. Lastly, several international radios also emit out of FM: Africa n°1, Radio international France, the BBC and the Voice of America. The life of the media is regulated by many texts. Most significant are the Constitution which guarantees "the freedoms of thought, press and the right to information" (art.8), and the Code of information, adopted in 1990 and amended in 1993. This Code defines the framework of exercise of the activities relating to information. The national and foreign media circulate freely. Since 1990, no newspaper was censured or seized.

The history of political change has been one of struggle between forces for democratization, with occasional free elections, and the military, which has used the excuse of corruption to seize power from the civilian government as well explain in the first part. There has been a constant struggle by representatives of the less numerous ethnic minorities to maintain some measure of power in balance of the size and power of the Mossi majority. But after this period of disturbance, Burkina Faso was and is actually leaving the longest period of institutional stability of its history. As a Great philosopher said “no mater the length of time a storm takes, comes always after sunshine.”