User:MatthewVanitas/Bohra missing pieces

=Diff= From this version

History of criticisms and reforms
The Bohra Zakat has been criticized by Muslim reformers as a feudal concept designed to make the Bohra clerics wealthier while leaving the common Bohra Muslim poor and oppressed at the hands of the clerics. The nature of the Bohra sect mandated that every member take a secret oath of allegiance - called a Misaq - to the head of the community. This oath covered not just religious matters but encroached upon many other aspects of life. Reform movements within the Bohra community have tried to address these issues, but have been met with significant and often violent opposition from the orthodox clerics.

Oppression by the Syednas
The Bohra chieftain, or the "Da'i Syedna", has significant power over the Muslim community which they would exploit to their advantage. They collect Zakat in excess of millions to do with as they please, often to further lavish lifestyles while the common Muslim remains. Any Muslim who dares to question a Da'i Syedna's lifestyle or the necessity of the Zakat is denounced by the Syedna and subject to excommunication from Muslim society, together with threats of harassment. The combination of this control over the minds of his followers, as well as of their pocketbooks, makes the Da'i Syedna practically invincible. They routinely use their minority status in India to browbeat their way out of demands for social reform from politicians. Historically, the Bohras were condemned as heretics and shunned from Islamic society. With the advent of the British Raj, Bohras started to prosper in businesses in India and the Da'i Syedna moved to Mumbai, together with many ordinary Bohras, to live off of their paid Zakat.The high priest, in order to increase his financial share of his affluent followers, began inventing new taxes to impose on them and started to interfere in secular affairs to tighten their grip over the people. With the rise in Da'i Syedna oppression came dissent within the Bohra world and clarion calls for reform and demands to abolish (or at least reduce) the Zakat system. . By the turn of the 20th century the 50th Da'i Syedna tried to suppress all attempts to reform by imposing rigid reforms and preventing Bohras from education in modern schools so as to keep them in control. Attempts by Bohras to educate the community to this practice resulted in a wave of excommunications. Several Bohras challenged the authority of the Da'i Syedna through litigation in Mumbai courts. Other Da'i Syednas oppressed the community further by marginalising the Bohra Ulema and concentrated power in their hands. The First World War caused many Bohras to engage in war-profiteering, the proceeds from which funnelled into the pocket of the Syednas through the Zakat. They also invented new doctrines that all properties owned by the Bohras belonged to him and that they were mere munims (account keepers) on his behalf.They were shrewd enough to devise some titles which were awarded to the neo-rich Bohras in search of recognition to earn money as well as their much needed support for the Syednas' increasingly authoritarian ways. The Syednas even adopted rituals that were largely alien to mainstream Islam, such as prostrating (sajda) before them (an act of reverence traditionally reserved only for Allah in Islam). Syednas declared themselves "ilah al-ard" or "Gods of the Earth" and invented oppressive practices that invited condemnation from the ulema. The Syedna's oppression had degenerated into absolute slavery by this time. Several members of the Ulema passed fatwas against them in sheer disgust.

Reform attempts
There has been a struggle for reform within the Dawoodi Bohra community for many years by the Progressive Dawoodi Bohras, but efforts are still fought by Bohra clerics. Reformers state that the clerics seek to preserve their wealth accumulated at the expense of ordinary Muslims within the community. The reformists desire a return of the Bohra community to egalitarian Islam and not base their society on the pretentious claims of the Syedna's. They argue that the Syedna's duty is to provide guidance, not live off of the hard earnings of other people like a social parasite. The reformists have maintained that the Bohra priesthood have been violating the democratic and human rights of Bohras. The reformists are upholders of principles of human rights and civil liberties and respect for human dignity. They also stand for transparency and accountability. The Syedna priesthood, concerned with the resistance from the reforms, frantically reject these principles in a desperate attempt to suppress the people of the Bohra community. They have committed many human-rights violations on the ordinary Bohras in pursuit of their power. A major attempt for reform among Bohras was made by a commission headed by justice N.P. Nathwani in 1978. The commission handled complaints that Syednas were purposely hampering the actions of reformists seeking to abolish this backward practice.The Nathwani Commission had concluded that there was "large-scale infringement of civil liberties and human rights of reformist Bohras at the hands of the priestly class and those who failed to obey the orders of the Syedna and his Amils (priests), even in purely secular matters are subjected to Baraat (social boycott) resulting in complete social boycott, mental torture and frequent physical assaults." The commission achieved little success, however, and the Bohra Syednas retain their stranglehold over the community. A prominent contemporary critic of this medieval system of taxation in the Bohra society is Asghar Ali Engineer, who has written about and spoken against this system, arguing that it is severely detrimental to Muslim society and is totally un-Islamic. In retaliation, the Bohra clerics have denounced and attacked him physically numerous times The conditions have worsened in recent years. The Bohra priesthood continues to be on the offensive to maintain its highly authoritarian grip over the community. The Da'i Syednas, in order to maintain his grip over it, uses a section of the community, to perpetuate violence against the reformists. The Syednas have created a culture of violence in the Bohra community by brainwashing the Bohras to engage in violence against the reformists.

=Diff= From restored version Revisió de 10:50, 3 març 2008

Bohra Zakat
Zakat, a repayment to God of what you have been blessed with, is one of the seven pillars the religion is based on. Dawoodi Bohras pay many different Zakats as part of the religion. The Dawoodi Bohra religious establishment has seven taxes, for lack of a better English word, some of which are encouraged and others required of its members during their life-span, before birth and after death. They are as follows:
 * Sīlat-ul-Imām: Sīla literally means "keeping contact". This is supposed to be collected as an offering for a hidden Imām who will appear one day & the amount will be passed on to him.
 * Zakat-ul-Fitra: Dawoodi Bohra tradition outlines this as a payment for the soul (see Zakat below). Dowoodi Bohras believe that this payment is one means of cleansing the soul. It is required to be paid along with Zakatu l-Maal, both of which Dawoodi Bohras usually pay in the month of Sherullahu l-Moazzam (Ramadan). Dawoodi Bohras are strictly required to pay this Zakat for every family member as it is compulsory for every Dawoodi Bohra. The amount is fixed, and is based by the annual worth of silver.
 * Zakat-ul-Maal: This obligatory payment enjoined by the Qur'an and Muhammad fixed it at 2.5% of ones wealth and income at the end of a year. Literally, as outlined by the Qu'rān, the amount is 1 for every 40. If a Muslim does not have more than 40 (of any currency), Zakatu l-Maal isn't required. The majority of Muslims (non-Dawoodi Bohra) give this Zakat directly to the needy and poor. Dawoodi Bohra culture and tradition outlines that the Zakat be paid from each family to the Dāˤī, who decides how the money is split and distributed.
 * Khumus: It literally means "one fifth". As per the Qu'ran the one fifth of the war booty was to be taken by Muhammad for his family's maintenance and also for performing functions of a head of community. However, it remained prevalent among the Shia communities. The Shia used to pay one fifth of sudden gain to their Imam from the progeny of the Fatima the Muhammad's daughter. The Bohras of course now pay to the high priest who is not Imam (but a dai i.e. his vicegerent).
 * Ħaqqun Nafs: It literally means "right of the soul". This is a payment given by Dawoodi Bohras to the Dāˤī at will at many times in a Bohra's life. The payment is based on multiples of 119 (of whatever currency your area uses) At death, a Bohra's family members usually pay a Ħaqqun Nafs for the deceased as an offering of gratefulness for the life the person had lived.
 * Nazar-ul-Maqam: The Nazar Muqam for a Dawoodi Bohra is a symbol for the sight and help of Imām and his Dāˤī. Bohras believe that putting aside money or things of value as Nazar Muqam can help them in times of hardship and need. This money is then presented to the head of the community, the Dāˤī.

Fundamentals of the faith
The Isma'ili faith, unlike mainstream Islam, is based on the concept of hierarchy and each authority at the lower rank has to submit to the one at the higher rank. There cannot be any compromise on that. These religious authorities are known as Hudūd in the Isma'ili terminology. The hadd (pl. hudūd) at the upper rank demands total obedience from the hadd at lower rank.[1] Thus the Isma'ili faith is religion of obedience and submission to the authorities. No dissent is permitted. There is no permission given to an unauthoritative person of an open and democratic discussion on religious affairs without the consultation of the religious authority, due to the esoteric nature of the Isma'ili faith which stresses on the hidden meaning of Qur'an and the allegorical interpretation of the pillars of Islam, a peculiar Isma'ili philosophy on unity, creation, cosmology, eschatology, institution of prophethood and Imāma. Therefore an Isma'ili believer should submit to the authority of the Dāˤī al-Mutlaq and Imām unquestionably on the discretionary powers and orders on the religious, social and observance of customary obedience to the higher rank of the religious hierarchy. Only those at the advance stage of learning could aspire to know the hidden meaning and the tawīl and due to this reason the Dāˤī al-Mutlaq take strict oath of allegiance (mithaq) from his followers so as to pledge their absolute loyalty to the Imām or the Dāˤī al-Mutlaq. Thus, at the age of puberty every Bohra, or mu'min "believer", pronounces the traditional oath of allegiance which requires the initiate to adhere to the Shari'a and accept the religious leadership of the Imāms and Dāˤī al-Mutlaq. This oath is renewed each year on the 18th of Dhu 'l-Hājj (Eid-e Ghadeer-e Khumm). The Bohras follow Fatimid school of jurisprudence, which recognizes seven pillars of Islam. Walāyat (love and devotion) for God, the prophets, the Imāms and the Dāˤī al-Mutlaq is the first and most important of the seven pillars. The others are tahārat (purity & cleanliness), salāt (prayers), zakat (purifying religious dues), sawm (fasting), hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) and jihad (Struggle). Pilgrimages to the shrines of the Mawāli-e Taherīn (saints) is an important role in the devotional life of Bohras, for the facilitation of which musafir-khaanas and assisting charitable organizations and awqāf have been set up in several cities. Every new year, the first ten days of Muharram is marked by the martyrdom of Imām Husayn and is commemorated by setting up sabeel and majālis-e 'azadari. Social gatherings are mainly on the occasions of aqīqa (naming of the new born child), milād (anniversary), mīthāq (religious oath), walīma (marriage), iftitāh (opening ceremony), urs (commemoration of the deceased Dāˤī al-Mutlaq), and majālis (in the month of Muharram and Ramadan). The traditional dress of Dawoodi Bohras is kurta, pyjama, topi and sayā for male and rida for female. On all religio-social occasions they are dressed in the above fashion. They eat in the form of traditional thal.

=Diff= From Revisió de 15:45, 1 jul 2005;

Origins
The majority of Bohras' ancestors were converts from Hinduism. Their conversion&mdash;the result of the work of some Arab missionaries from Egypt and Yemen&mdash;took place around the twelfth century A.D. in Gujarat in India. The converted were largely from the Hindu middle and upper castes, many of whom were engaged in trade and commerce. Later, indigenous converts undertook the missionary activities in other contiguous regions such as the areas that today constitute Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra.

=Diffs= Revisió de 20:39, 29 jul 2006 (huge unreferenced essay about the Reform movement)

=Diffs= Revisió de 05:30, 9 des 2007

Contemporary Dawoodi Bohras
The Dawoodi Bohras are a very closely-knit community who seek advice from the Dāˤī on spiritual and temporal matters.

While the majority of Dawoodi Bohras have traditionally been traders, it is becoming increasingly common for them to become professionals. Within South Asia many choose to become Doctors, and in the Far East and the West, a large number now work as consultants or analysts as well as a large contingent of medical professionals. Dawoodi Bohras are encouraged to educate themselves in both religious and secular knowledge, and as a result, the number of professionals in the community is rapidly increasing. Dawoodi Bohras believe that the education of women is equally important to that of men, and many Dawoodi Bohra women choose to enter the workforce. Al Jamea tus Saifiyah (The Arabic Academy) in Surat and Karachi is a sign to the educational importance in the Bohra community. The Academy has an advanced curriculum which encompasses religious and secular education for both men and women.

Today there are approximately one million Dawoodi Bohras. The majority of these reside in India and Pakistan, but there is also a significant diaspora resident in the Middle East, East Africa, Europe, North America and the Far East.

The ordinary Bohra is highly conscious of his identity and this is especially demonstrated at religious and traditional occasions by the appearance and attire of the participants. Dawoodi Bohra men wear a traditional white three piece outfit, plus a white and gold cap (called a topi), and women wear the rida, a distinctive form of the commonly known burqa which is distinguished from other forms of the veil due to it often being in colour and decorated with patterns and lace. Young girls wear a simple 2 piece suit with a collar and shalwaar called a Jabloo Izaar. They wear this with a girl's topi, decorated with sequins and sometimes lace.

Besides speaking the local languages, the Bohras have their own language called Lisānu l-Dāˤwat "The language of the Dāˤwat". This is written in Arabic script but is derived from Urdu, Gujarati and Arabic.

Remembrance of the martyrdom of Haðrat Imām Husayn, grandson of Muħammed, is an essential part of every Bohra community activity. Every year, the head of the community, Dr Syedna Mohammed Burhanuddin delivers religious discourses for ten days during the days of Āshūrā and these are attended by a large number of community members.

=Diff= Revisió de 13:47, 6 gen 2008

(some kind of argument over the chain of Dais) =Dif= dif between Revisió de 20:48, 18 juny 2010 and Revisió de 03:07, 19 juny 2010 (two heavily-competing verisons)

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