User:Mattisse/other5

'''Sandbox 3   -    DYK

Mexico
In 1954 Che Guevara fled to Mexico City from Guatemala after a failed revolution there. Mexico City was a popular mecca for Latin revolutionaries and an asylum  of anti-imperialist  Central America nationalists forming a vibriant ex patriot community with active political discussions. In May, 1955, Raúl Castro, imprisoned in Cuba for his part in the failed attack on the Moncada Barracks, was released from prison   through a general amnesty granted by Cuban President Fulgencio Batista and  was the first Cuban to flee to Mexico City as part of the plan   for a Cuban invasion formed in prison  by his brother, Fidel Castro. While Castro remained in prison,  Raul was charged by  Castro  with setting up guerrilla warfare training camps for the Cuban revolutionaries in Mexico, most of whom were still in Cuba, and start the preparations  for a successful Cuban invasion after their disastrous  defeat at Moncada Barracks where  many were killed and the rest imprisoned. When Raúl met the Argentinian Guevara, a trained doctor, and  a revolutionary always looking for new revolutionary action, they were instantly drawn to each other. They met daily for lively discussions on Marxism and on adaptations of Leninist principles to overthrow the government in Cuba. Guevara reconnected with Cuban revolutionaries who he had met in Guatamala, including the Cuban Alberto Bayo who had trained Fidel Castro fighters previously and who would run the camps in Mexico. Raul ran into Nikolai Leonov, a retired KGB officer and invited him home where Leonov met Guevara. Guevara was fascinated with Soviet life and asked Leonov so many questions that Leonov gave him some books: Chanaev, a book about Soviet civil wars; Thus Steel is Forged, by Ostrovksy; and A Man Complete, about a Soviet World War II aviation hero. Guerra met Fidel Castro a few days after Castro's arrival in  Cuba in 1955 and  they quickly became friends, enjoying discussing politics with each other. However, in many ways the two men where opposites. Castro was the ultimate politician, charming and passionate with supreme  self-confidence. Guerra was impressed by the high degree of Castro's self-assurance, the power of his personality,  and his "extraordinary audacity". Castro, Raul and Guevara became a close threesome. Ultimately Castro asked Guevara to join his guerrilla movement as a doctor during the attack on Cuba. Meanwhile, Guevara began to  withdrew from the general group of Cubans, acquiring a prominence by associating only with Raul and  with Castro, who was acknowledged leader.

Castro was already familiar with the guerrilla warfare strategies of Frank País but his active mind was always seeking information. He loved passionately arguments over revolutionary politics. He had followed the events in Guatamala while imprisoned in Cuba. Although both men had revolutionary ideas, their views varied. Guevara, growing up in a middle class but uncouth family  and disadvantaged by physically frailty, saw politics as a mechanism for social change, and it was the change itself,  not the political power that drew him. He was sympathetic to the Soviets, as was Raul, but neither Guevara nor Raul felt that Castro could be recruited by them. The 29-year-old Castro, robustly handsome, grew up with a feeling of privilege in a blue blood though bankrupt family,  always seeming to know that he would be a future leader. Guevara had a strong ego, but Castro's was much larger. Castro took over large groups, speaking with passion and always recognized as an authority on whatever the topic, while Guevara hung back and listened. Guevara recognized that Castro would ultimately succeed. Even though Castro was not as convinced as Guevara that socialism was the correct method, they agreed on the goals.

Guevara, as alway, spent a great deal of time writing, and refining his previous writings into journals and manuals that, once published, effectively created a view, Guevara's view, of the Cuban Revolution. He also read books on political and economic theory by Adam Smith, Keynes, Mao, Marx. Engels, Lenin and various Soviet texts. Meanwhile his understanding of Marxism was developing fully. Distrustful, Guevara withdrew from people other than the Cubans. Increasingly, Guevara's strong personality and his close relationship with Raul and Castro began provoking resentment in some of the group of trainees. In February of 1956, Castro's revolutionary fighter began arriving from Cuba. Alberto Bayo began giving lessons in guerrilla warfare theory. Guervara began physically training and working on lowering his weight. His understanding of Marxism was becoming more mature. He distilled his writing in to a final volune, cuaderno filosofico that demonstrated his deeping interest in the works of Marx, Engels amd Lenin. He withdrew from others in he group, standing apart by associating only with Raul and Castro. This behavior along with his forceful personality, and his rapid rise to prominence within the Cuban group probably aggravated the resentment felt by the other Cubans.

Nonetheless, when Castro finally was able to set up a training ranch and ordered Bayo to pick a first group of fighters to train, he selected Guevara. This was the first time in his life, that Guevara had lived with Cubans, some of whom still resented his presence, seeing him as an oddball and an unwashed slob. His shabby clothes were at odds with the Cuban image of a well-educated, well-born doctor. They also found him rigid and unwilling to brook any act he saw as defiance. Insubordination called for the death penalty. The memoirs of Alberto Bayo recount how an unnamed fighter was liken by Guevara to a "contagious disease" that must be "exterminated". The unfortunate man was sentenced to death, despite a plea from Bayo for mercy, although later Castro pardoned him. Soon after this episode, Guevara and twelve others were picked up by the Mexican police and accused of plotting the assassination of Batista. By this time the police were quite interested in Guevara. After days of finagling and bribing by Castro  they  were released on the condition they leave the country, which   Castro insisted they do. Guevara balked and retreated to a rural area to live underground for three months. Meanwhile Castro was gathering recruits and and traveling to Florida to raise funds. Castro bought a battered old motor yacht as the final acquisition. For a successful invasion, Castro was counting on the 26th of July Movement in the Orient run by Frank País, a movement named for the date of the disastrous Moncada barracks attack. The planning in Mexico were unrealistic and haphazard, as is clear in retrospect. Finally, they were off.

Cuban revolution
The Granma's voyage to Cuba was poorly planned and took longer than expected. Seasick, they neared the Cuban southeastern mangrove swampy coast, far from the designated landing where rebel support and vehicles awaited them. Because the voyage took two days longer than they prepared for, and their arrival did not coincide with Frank Pais' Sandiago uprising as planned. As they prepared to land, the navigator fell overboard. Castro ordered them to head for the nearest point of land, but the boat hit a sandbar and capsized. They waded to land without their ammunition, food or medical supplies. Unknown to them, the government forces were alerted and waiting. The survivors panicked and separated from one another, and alone or in small groups, they withdrew to the Sierras where the few survivors, probably less than 20, banded together. The core group made up of Castro, Raul, Guevara, Juan José Pàjaro, Camilo Cienfuegos, and Raúl Castro would form the leadership for their planned guerrilla insurrection. At first they split up for safety, knowing the government troops were hunting them down. Slowly they gained confidence and pulled themselves together. They received support from Frank País's urban guerrilla network, the 26th of July Movement, and local country folk. At their remote encampment, they dropped from sight, while Frank País and his urban guerrilla movement was gaining strength,  including funding, arms supplies and a large contingent of fighters, continuing as the urban branch of the 26th of July Movement. Guevara did not get along with the Frank País contingent and feuded and criticized them continuously. Traveling over the Sierra Maestra, they picked up a few volunteers and attacked small groups of government soldiers. Che was becoming a reckless guerrilla fighter, volunteering for the most dangerous actions.

With Castro and his men withdrawn to the Sierra, the world wondered whether he was alive or dead until the famous Herbert Matthews interview with Castro appeared in the New York Times in early 1957, presenting a lasting, almost mythical image for Castro. Guevara was not present for that interview, but in the coming months he began to appreciate the importance of the interview that created an icon  of a bearded  Castro dressed in fatigues, legitimizing the Cuban Revolution to the world. Meanwhile, as supplies and morale grew low, Che considered this "the most painful days of the war."

As Guevara gained respect and trust, Castro  appointed him commandante of a second army column. In this role he became a strict disciplinarian whose harsh methods were notorious among the rebels, some who requested to be transferred out. Deserters were severely punished, and Guevara was known to send execution squads to hunt down those he believed were traitors seeking to escape. After one such execution, Guevara wrote that he was "not very convinced of the legality of the death, although I used it as an example". He became a leader among the rebels, seemingly fearless. He was feared for his brutality and ruthlessness. During the guerrilla campaign, he was responsible for the execution of a number of men accused of being informers or deserters.

As small groups of revolutionaries, such as Frank País, Huber Matos, and others, began to successfully attack small Batista garrisons as well as engage in other disruptive activities. Fidel Castro's group engaged in such attacks. País' strike strategy and Castro's guerrilla tactics in the Sierra could mutually complement each other although they did not agree on tactics.

After Paiz was murdered, the leadership was fractured, For 17 months of the two year long insurrection, most of the tactical and strategical decision making, as well as decisions regarding resource allocation, political ties with other groups, Cuban exiles, clandestine adversaries, and contacts with  the United States were made by lower level members of the urban underground. Without the work of the 26th of July Movement outside the Sierra Maestra, the work of País' urban underground network, the anti dictatorial movement would not have gained the  unstoppable momentum in military and political strength that resulted in Castro's victorious ride into Havana on January 1, 1959, the date the revolution was over.

In the final days of December 1958, Guevara directed his column in the attack on Santa Clara that turned out to be one of the decisive events of the revolution. Batista, upon learning that his generals &mdash; especially General Cantillo, who had visited Castro at the inactive sugar mill "Central Oriente" &mdash; were negotiating a separate peace with the rebel leader, fled to the Dominican Republic on January 1, 1959.

Governing Cuba
Tne new Cuban constitution was approved by the Urrutia on February 7, 1960. It contained a special clause conferring Cuban citizenship on any foreign person who fought against Batista for at least two year and had attained the rand of commandante for a year, a clause designed specifically for Guevara. He was appointed commander of the La Cabaña Fortress prison, and during his five-month tenure in that post (January 2 through June 12, 1959), he oversaw the trial and execution of many people, among whom were former Batista regime officials and members of the "Bureau for the Repression of Communist Activities" (a unit of the secret police know by its Spanish acronym BRAC). According to José Vilasuso, an attorney who worked under Guevara at La Cabaña preparing indictments, these were lawless proceedings where "the facts were judged without any consideration to general juridical principles" and the findings were pre-determined by Guevara.

Five months later Castro appointed Guevara as minister  at the National Institute of Agrarian Reform, and President of the National Bank of Cuba. He signed all issued during his fourteen-month presidency with his nickname, "Che". In 1961 he was appointed to the new Ministry of Industries. Amid various rumors of United States invasion plots, Guevara continued with his schedule giving speeches, reading and writing articles, and hosting foreign diplomats. On a visit to China he had admired the volunteer work brigades implemented by Mao and desired to replicate the idea in Cuba. He began by urging his comrades to volunteer working on assembly lines on Saturdays. He published his breakthrough article, Cuba:Historical Exception or Vanguard in the Anti-Colonialist Struggle in which he reveal "scientific" discovery that the cure to  man's ills was not medicine but Marxism-Leninism implemented by guerrilla warfare. Now America was conscious that victory could be attained through such  violent struggle against imperialist power, the example of Cuba being the first to create the subjective conditions to clarify the need for change. The absolutely necessary condition for any genuine revolution had to be the defeat and annihilation of the army by the peasant class of America.

Leaving cuba
By 1960 the best of the revolution was over for Che. He was almost middle aged and looked his age with his hair cut and an obvious weight gain. His job now was to inspect operations such as factories and military units, give speeches, and attend to diplomatic chores. He spent hours reading and writing. He established some controversial disciplinary methods as part of his goal of creating a new revolutionary morale. One was a harsh rehabilitation camp, a Cuban version of a gulag. It was common for him to humilate people as he was often harsh. He was on the alert, suspicious of any signs of moral corruption. Meanwhile the Kremlin was concerned about the mounting evidence the Guevara sympathized more with Beijing then Moscow and his continuing call for armed struggle, his focus on rural guerrilla warfare, his insistence on arming even Trotskyites contradicted his original forging of the Soviet-Cuban relationship. Especially after the missile crises, the Kremlin was concerned that Guevara's support for guerrilla incidents, instigated by Guevat minth result in a new confrontation with the United States.