User:Michehn3/sandbox

Premenstrual Syndrome
Emily Martin describes the relationship between premenstrual syndrome and the work place. She focuses on the idea that every single person experiences this time of the month differently, but examines that the Marxist way of thinking interferes with how an employer adapts to this situation. “An owner's profit is based on how much value can be squeezed out of laborers' work, the amount of time laborers would have to work and what they did (down to the precise movements of their hands and bodies) would be con- trolled by factory owners.[3] Martin argues this idea is what needs to be changed. People are not black and white. Situations occur, but the fact that people are driven to produce the most they can in the shortest amount of time is the thing that needs to be changed. Martin does not propose that only women need to be treated better, but all people in the workforce need to be accommodated- the young, the old, and the sick.[4]Her argument is that although women and men experience hormonal surges, women are easier to target because they can attribute women's hormonal surges to their menstrual cycle.

I posted the italicized sentence on 11/21/13.

- I went ahead and added commas where they were necessary!- Ashley Nava (talk)

The Egg and Sperm
In the article, The Egg and the Sperm: How Science Has Constructed a Romance Based on Stereotypical Male-Female Roles, Emily Martin provides insight into how metaphors that are used to teach biological concepts reflect the social constructed "definitions of male and female".[5] She focuses on fertilization and how words such as "debris", "sheds", and "dying" opposed to "amazing", "produce", and "remarkable" insinuate that as "female biological processes" are inferior to male biological processes, so then must women be "less worthy than men".'' Women’s reproduction system is portrayed as a failure because during their menstrual cycle, they are expelling one gamete per month while the male’s reproduction system is producing millions of sperm each day. Scientific accounts of reproductive biology that produce images of the egg and sperm often rely on stereotypes that prove to be key to our cultural definitions of male and female, which imply that the female biological processes are less worthy than that of the male. The language to describe the egg is more feminine, waiting to be rescued, while the sperm is described with a more masculine vocabulary. However, Martin dispels this stereotype through research that proves that the egg is more aggressive than how it has been previously described. Researchers ask the question about the mechanical force of the sperm’s tail and concluded that the sperm is weak, therefore the female egg is more aggressive due to its’ adhesive molecules that can capture a sperm with a single bond and clasp it to the zona’s surface.'' [5]

I wrote the italicized on 11/26/13.

Dorothy Roberts
Dorothy Roberts points out that welfare reform is a racial issue that targets Black people especially single Black mothers because they are blamed for raising children who become delinquents and dependent on welfare. The point she makes is that “many whites hold deeply embedded beliefs about the dangers of Black reproduction that infect any scheme to solve social problems through birth control; therefore, race and class politics work together to propel coercive birth control policies.”

Norplant is made up of six silicone capsules that are filled with levonrgestral, a synthetic hormone. This gets implanted under the skin of a woman’s upper arm. Although the procedure takes ten to fifteen minutes, the longevity of the effects last up to five years in which low doses of hormones are released into the bloodstream to suppress ovulation and thickening the cervical mucus to prevent the sperm from contact with the egg. Norplant was considered as the most convenient and successful form of contraceptive because it didn’t require cooperation from a woman’s partner, didn’t interrupt the frequency in which women had sex, and women didn’t have to remember to take it daily. Norplant is now distributed in the United States through Wyeth-Ayerst Laboratories and legislation is now using it as a means of population control. Poor Black women are targeted and persuaded with welfare financial incentives to Norplant because they are deemed as incapable of supporting their children. It was made to be available to women through Medicaid, although the cost was $365 for the capsules and $150-$500 for the implantation. The government mandated for women to be notified about the accessibility of Norplant.

This is my contribution 12/2/13.

From Norplant to the Contraceptive Vaccine, The New Frontier of Population Control
Norplant is made up of six silicone capsules that are filled with levonrgestral, a synthetic hormone. This gets implanted under the skin of a woman’s upper arm. Although the procedure takes ten to fifteen minutes, the longevity of the effects last up to five years in which low doses of hormones are released into the bloodstream to suppress ovulation and thickening the cervical mucus to prevent the sperm from contact with the egg. Norplant was considered as the most convenient and successful form of contraceptive because it didn’t require cooperation from a woman’s partner, didn’t interrupt the frequency in which women had sex, and women didn’t have to remember to take it daily. Norplant is now distributed in the United States through Wyeth-Ayerst Laboratories and legislation is now using it as a means of population control. Poor Black women are targeted and persuaded with welfare financial incentives to Norplant because they are deemed as incapable of supporting their children. It was made to be available to women through Medicaid although the cost was $365 for the capsules and $150-$500 for the implantation. The government mandated for women to be notified about the accessibility of Norplant.

Dorothy Roberts points out that welfare reform is a racial issue that targets Black people especially single Black mothers because they are blamed for raising children who become delinquents and dependent on welfare. The point she makes is that “many whites hold deeply embedded beliefs about the dangers of Black reproduction that infect any scheme to solve social problems through birth control; therefore, race and class politics work together to propel coercive birth control policies.” Roberts argues that, “because class distinctions are racialized, race and class are inextricably linked in the development of welfare policy.” Therefore, because most Blacks are poor and are disproportionately reliant on welfare, the idea of welfare becomes associated with Black people and poor Black women are labeled as the “welfare queen”. The prevailing myth that describes poor Black mothers as devious in having more children in order to receive a heftier monthly paycheck from the government supports America’s persistent belief that these mothers will pass on their lazy mindset to their children. As a result, Black children will grow up to be criminals, lazy, and dependent on welfare as well.

Teenage pregnancy is deemed as a Black cultural trait even though the rate of births out of wedlock for whites has nearly double since 1980 compared to the birth rate of Blacks who has risen only 7 percent.

Norplant is mostly distributed in inner-cities where the population is dominated by Blacks.

Although the use of Norplant is best suitable for teenagers and decreases the likelihood of pregnancies, Roberts raises the question of does Norplant solve the social issue of teenage pregnancy? Norplant does not prevent teenage girls from sexual assault or STD prevention. Roberts argues that, “distributing long-acting contraceptives to young girls unfairly shifts the spotlight away from the adult men who are largely responsible for the problem.” Also, teenage girls who are grew up in poor environments are not given enough of an incentive to avoid teenage pregnancy.

I added this on 12/3/13