User:Neutrality/workshop2


 * Autocratic regimes often adopt "the institutional trappings" of democracies, such as constitutions, despite the fact that authoritarian rulers tend to violate or unilaterally amend constitutional provisions when politically or personally convenient for them. Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue that argue that "while autocratic constitutions do not typically set limits on executive authority in a direct way as they do in a democracy," they nonetheless serve the functions of allowing new elites to constrain the actions of the dictator; aiding in legitimizing, strengthening, and consolidating the dictator's political authority; and protecting the property rights of elites. (pp. 54 & 80)


 * Mark Tushnet has developed the concept of "authoritarian constitutionalism" as a type of regime distinct from both "liberal constitutionalism" ("the sort familiar in the modern West, with core commitments to human rights and self-governance implemented by means of varying institutional devices") and pure authoritarianism (which entirely rejects the idea of human rights or constraints on leaders' power).  Tushnet writes that an authoritarian constitutionalism state as (1) a authoritarian dominant-party that (2) "does not arrest political opponents arbitrarily, although it may impose a variety of sanctions on them," such as libel judgments; (3) "allows reasonably open discussion and criticism of its policies"; (4) "operates reasonably free and fair elections," without systemic intimidation, but "with close attention to such matters as the drawing of election districts and the creation of party lists to ensure as best it can that it will prevail—and by a substantial margin"; (4) reflects at least occasional responsiveness to public opinion; and (5) "mechanisms to ensure that the amount of dissent does not exceed the level it regards as desirable."  Tushnet cites Singapore as an example of an authoritarian constitutionalism state, and connects the concept to that of hybrid regimes.



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