User:Nonsenseferret/sandbox/BC

1992
In November a London Underground plan to cut 5000 jobs and "revolutionise working practices" led to RMT calling for an indefinite strike of all Tube workers. London Underground was uncompromising in their approach, sending letters to staff warning that they would face dismissal if they strike, and also if they refuse to sign new contracts of employment under the planned new working arrangements. The London Underground representative Ian Arthurton rejected the union's call for more talks through arbitration and claimed after 12 months of Acas meetings, the time for talking had gone. In this dispute, the newest member of the RMT executive committee Crow was recognised as a key leader, whose recent rise had turned the position of Jimmy Knapp as general secretary into a figurehead. The Evening Standard ran a profile of Crow at this time, describing him as "Committed, hard Left, articulate and intelligent, he has risen steadily to a position of power in the Underground." They reported that Crow had built up a reputation as "one of a new breed of activist-orators in public transport", noting that he "vigorously pursued a policy of confronting what he and his colleagues saw as intimidatory management." Crow said that "our key argument is that independent arbitration through the Wages Board has not been exhausted", and said his members were prepared to strike for as long as it takes to ensure a return to the negotiating table. The Evening Standard reported that the effects of the London Underground plan, although raising the earnings for a typical train driver from £20,250 a year to £23,000, would make 21 percent of staff worse off. The Times also profiled Crow as "the pin-striped militant who will bring the capital to a standstill". The newspaper reported that the proposed strike would mean "four-hour journeys to work for some" and "cost London at least Pounds 25m a day". The Times repeatedly refers to Crow as a communist and describes the legacy of union leader "wreckers" in previous disputes at British Leyland, News International and Ford's Dagenham plant. The paper reports Crow's accusations from the Morning Star that the management were seeking a "Japanese-style totally flexible workforce" to enable a "sell-off to the fat cats in the City", noting that London Underground at the time strenuously denied any plans to privatise its service. The company plan included proposals to: scrap higher pay rates for bank holiday and weekend working, limit overtime to unrostered hours, and cut the number of staff grades. The plan included 5,000 job cuts, and pay rises for senior staff. The Conservative Government spokesman Steven Norris accused the RMT leadership of "a Neanderthal attitude" for opposing the changes. After an intense weekend of negotiations between RMT and the London Underground management at Acas, the strike was called off at 11pm on the Sunday before the strike was due to begin. The deal represented a compromise which would allow the union to refer disputes to the Wages Board themselves without binding the management to third party arbitration. During these negotiations the influence of Crow, who was described as the "rank and file champion among Tube workers" was influential in gaining the support of the union's members for the no-strike deal.

1993
In April 1993, the RMT union launched a series of strikes about a proposal to cut 7,000 jobs within British Rail. This strategy was seen to mark a change in the politics of the union: the generally pragmatic leader Jimmy Knapp was seen to have lost influence and the more confrontational strategies of executive members Crow, along with Mick Cash and Derek England had gained more support within the union's membership. The Evening Standard reported that it was inevitable at this point that Crow's high profile and strong grass-roots support would soon lead to him being promoted to a more senior role within the union.