User:PaulFimbres/MamaLolaDraft

Marie Thérèse Alourdes Macena Champagne Lovinski (born 1936, Haiti[1]), commonly known as Mama Lola, is perhaps the most famous Vodou priestess practicing in the United States, rising to prominence in America following the publication of noted anthropologist Karen McCarthy Brown's ethnographic account of her life, Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn. According to Brown, " ... Alourdes combines the skills of a medical doctor, a psychotherapist, a social worker, and a priest.” (5) Mama Lola, as she is more commonly known as, continues to be a prominent and active spiritual leader within the religious practice of Vodou in America, serving on occasion as a manbo for Vodou Authentica[2], a cultural center located in New Orleans, Louisiana.

Biography
INFORMATION ON BIRTH OF HER CHILDREN?

(Also, dates would be helpful)

Alourdes became pregnant with her first child at the age of 14 (293).

At age 16, Alourdes found her first job earning $62/month as a singer in Haiti’s Troupe Folklorique, a career which ended when she got married (164). The marriage, however, would eventually end in divorce.

Alourdes's daughter, Maggie, was born weighing 17 pounds and 10 ounces (August ????). Alourdes remembered that she had suffered a lot when she had Maggie (267). The name of Maggie's father is Charles (293).

After losing her job as a tobacco inspector, she and her children were befallen with economic challenges (164). In order to buy food, pay for rent, and put her two children through school, "she was driven to sell sexual favors more directly and more frequently," and adopted the alias "Marie-Jacques" (164).

When Alourdes was in her twenties, she made the difficult decision to leave Haiti for America in order to work toward creating a better life for her family. Thus in 1962, she left her three children, Jean-Pierre, Maggie, and William, with her mother, Philomise, in Port-au-Prince, Haiti and immigrated to Brooklyn, New York (70-71).

Her early years in the United States were tumultuous. In December of 1963, she became seriously ill and was hospitalized twice (once at Jewish Hospital, once at Wycoff Hospital <--- is this necessary information?) (73). After her second discharge, she met a woman named Yvonne Constant, who would provide her with food and shelter(72-73); the two would become family friends (74)

Soon after, Alourdes learned that Beatrice, her sister-in-law, had had [sic] a dream instructing Alourdes to return to Haiti; the messenger in the dream was suspected to be Kouzen Zaka, a Lwa (spirit) (73-74). In Haiti, Alourdes would discover the remedy for her illness.

Through various means and with the help of Constant, she was finally able to gather enough funds to finance her trip back to Haiti; soon after arriving, the spirit of Ogou possessed her mother and revealed that she was to be a mambo (priestess) (75). During those two weeks in Haiti, she received instruction from her mother (77), who had also been a mambo (75).

During the time between her first and second trip, she worked in the laundry section at the Brooklyn Hebrew Home for two years before quitting. After which, she began to employ the skills her mother had taught her and started making a living from home; it was also during this time that her relationship with the spirits grew stronger (77)

In 1965, she was finally able to raise enough funds to bring her children to live with her in Brooklyn after establishing herself as a respected Mambo among the Haitian immigrant community in Brooklyn (along with working several side jobs) (225). Because initiation into the Vodou priesthood is an elaborate set of rituals, it took a second trip to Haiti (and seven hundred dollars) before she was fully initiated into the priesthood (76-77). As Alourdes was preparing to travel back to Haiti for her initiation into the Vodou priesthood, a fire broke out and destroyed her home; for a while, Alourdes and her family lived with friends (127-8). In time, she would eventually be able to return to Haiti and complete her initiation.

[NEED INFORMATION ABOUT FOURTH CHILD: "KUMAR"]

In 1978, she was introduced to Karen McCarthy Brown by Theodore B., who had met Brown on her first trip to Haiti in 1973 (1).

Some time after the publication of Mama Lola, Alourdes "made Ocha" (initiating herself into the Santeria religion) (400). However, this did not mean she had given up Vodou; as Brown described it, "Lola wants more spirits" (400). She wants more protection for herself and her family ... and it keeps her far too busy to worry about abstractions like 'the African Americans" and 'the Latinos' in Oakland" (400). Currently, she practices three religions: Haitian Vodou, Puerto Rican Santeria, and Irish Catholicism (xii). As Brown described in her preface to the book, "Alourdes's approach is ... pragmatic:"You just got to try" (11). "See if it work [sic] for you."

In 2007, Mama Lola made a guest appearance on Tori Spelling's reality TV show, Tori and Dean, performing a healing rite on Tori and assembling an ancestral altar for the couple in their home.

Known Family Members
She has four children: Jean-Pierre, Maggie, Kumar, and William. Of the four, only William was born outside of Haiti (115).

She has a half-sister named Irma (different mothers) who regularly participates in her Vodou rituals (56).

Her mother, Philomise Macena was a manbo in Port-au-Prince and now watches over her daughter outside Alourdes's altar room (290).

The spirit Ogou is her chief counselor from the spirit world (94). Alourdes credits him with the security she now enjoys (128).

She has an older brother named Frank and a sister-in-law named Rita (293).

[might want to include information regarding her relationship with the spirits: Ogou, Kouzen Zaka, ... Danbala?

Book Overview and Themes
Karen McCarthy Brown describes Mama Lola as an “ethnographic spiritual biography.” Although it does not follow a traditional biographical chronology, it details Mama Lola’s impoverished childhood in Haiti, her immigration to the United States, and the path by which she becomes a priestess in the Vodou tradition. The second edition includes an afterword that describes a trip to Africa, subsequent to the publication of the first edition. In this afterward, Brown describes the tension that emerges between herself and her protagonist.

In the "Preface to the 2001 Edition" of Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn, Karen McCarthy Brown explains, "an ethnography is written by making meaning out of others' processes of meaning making" (xi). Even so, ethnographic research is "continuous, dynamic, [and] reciprocal" (xi). The ethnographer engages with a culture and people, and is simultaneously engaged by this culture and people (xi). Brown admits that "at the same time and in the same places" she was attempting to understand the Haitian diasporic tradition and culture, the people that constitute this culture were attempting to understand and negotiate life in America (xi). Mama Lola is not simply an ethnographic study; it is the result of ethnographic exchange. While Brown is conscious of this and while her intentions are to portray "three-dimensional people," she admits she cannot completely achieve this representational goal (14). Alourdes herself voices displeasure at this limitation when she explains about the book, "I change and it doesn't" (399). In fact, it seems as though it is important to both Alourdes and Brown that the reader would be aware of the limitations of representation. Even as Brown attempts to show Mama Lola as complex and dynamic, as human, in reality Alourdes' complexity and dynamism, her humanity, extends far beyond the more than four hundred pages of the book.

Through her conversations with Mama Lola, Karen Brown shows the reader how, "Haitian Vodou is not only one of the most misunderstood religions in the world; it is also one of the most maligned" (Preface). Brown also notes that the images of spirits in Haitian Vodou are intrinsically linked to Catholic iconography; e.g., Virgin Mary = Ezili, Saint Patrick = Danbala, Saint James = Ogou, etc.(3); another characteristic Brown lists as being important in both traditional Haitian Vodou and Alourdes' practice, is that the priestesses (mambo) and priests (houngan) are viewed by their religious community as "healers" tasked with performing "treatments" for the faithful" (4-5). According to Brown, "there is no Vodou ritual, small or large, individual or communal, which is not a healing rite" (10). Religions are meant to ease the pain of life. [citation needed?].

Another central theme of the book is that the Vodou religion connects people to a loyal force of love. According to Mama Lola, "Poor people don't have no true love. They just have affiliation" (166). Vodou religion was the end of Mama Lola's involvement in sexual givings, and the beginning of when, according to Brown, the Spirits embodied the qualities of "ideal lovers" (167).

Book's Structure/Chapter-by-Chapter Summary
Some chapters in the book are in more of a biographical context about Mama Lola herself while other chapters focus more on mythical memories and the supernatural world of Vodou.

(XIV) Plot Summary Please[CHAPTER BY CHAPTER-- one line per chapter]

Chapter 1: In a dream, Joseph Binbin Mauvant tells Manman Marasa that he has left for Africa so that the Mauvant family has no need to worry about him (33).

Chapter 2: An important Vodou spirit called Azaka reminds followers of their roots, the importance of family, and their connection to their land in Haiti (36).

Chapter 3: Alphonse Macena and Mary Noelsine Joseph (Sina) develop a romantic relationship that is inherent with an instant mutual attraction and a belief of escape from their respective worlds that they saw in one another; while alternatively resulting in a disastrous courtship that instills wisdom in Sina(81-87).

Chapter 4: The Ogou possession performances remind Haitians of their paradoxical military and political history, which allows them to analyze its lessons and apply them to their own lives where power is the issue (95).

Chapter 5: A baka, which is evil reincarnated, is called into being by a neighbor who could no longer bear the jealousy he felt towards the Fouchard family, and results in a legacy with heavy family responsibilities and servitude to the spirits (143).

Chapter 6: Kouzinn is an empowering female spirit that demonstrates the survival skills of a machann (market woman) in a patriarchal family structure; the savings earned through their business dealings provide Haitian women much needed leverage in an otherwise male-dominated society (156).

Chapter 7: Rapelle requests Philo's aid in healing his son because of his dream about her; and in an attempt to explain her healing abilities, Philo tells him the stories of how her own dreams allowed her to come to trust the spirits inside her (207).

Chapter 8: The Ezili are several female spirits that are best understood collectively but all discussed in this chapter; together they provide a remarkably accurate and detailed portrait of the forces that shape women's lives both in contemporary Haiti and Haitian immigrant communities such as the one in which Alourdes lives (220).

Chapter 9: The spirits go after Maggie and give her a sickness that the doctors have no control over; Alourdes says the spirits want Maggie to become a manbo and serve them (263).

Chapter 10: Maggie finally agrees to serve the spirits and in a dream it is revealed that the spirit Danbala was content with her good intentions (301).

Chapter 11: Karen goes through with the initiation and marries Papa Ogou despite objections from some people (315).

Chapter 12: The spirit of death called Gede is primarily a healer who uses humor in painful situations, even in death (330).

The Biographer
Karen McCarthy Brown currently serves as a professor of Sociology and Anthropology at Drew University[4]. She is well known within the fields of anthropology, religious studies, women's studies, and ethnic studies for challenging the social stigmas associated with Haitian Vodou through her authorship of the spiritual biography entitled Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn (originally published in 1991; revised, updated, and republished in 2001). She earned a Bachelor of Arts from Smith College (1964), an M.A. from Columbia University (1966), and a Ph.D. from Temple University (1976[5]. She received funding to begin researching and writing Mama Lola from the National Endowment for the Humanities in 1979[6]. From her first meeting with Mama Lola in 1978 to the publication of her book in 1991, she would spend 12 years working on Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn (ix)

Throughout the course of her research, Brown became good friends with Mama Lola, transforming from a passive observer into an active participant, eventually undergoing an initiation herself in June of 1981 with a marriage to the spirit of Ogou (137).

After completing Mama Lola, Brown became the director of the ethnographic research institute called the Drew Newark Project[3]. In addition to writing and teaching, she has conducted field research in Haiti (1973-present) and has also conducted researched among Vodou immigrant communities in Brooklyn (1987-present). Her research has also led to her to numerous other locations including: the Republic of Benin, Ghana, Togo, and Bermuda[3].

In a time when popular and even some academic representations of Haitian Vodou were stereotyped or otherwise inaccurate, Karen McCarthy Brown dared to explain the misunderstood. Unlike sensationalist books and articles about "Voodoo," Brown chose to concentrate on the reality of the religion, accurately explaining its meaning and the lives of those practicing it (Corbett). By fully immersing herself within the culture, traditions, and everyday happenings of Mama Lola's life throughout the course of her research, Brown was able to achieve incredible insight into what the practice of Haitian Vodou actually means to active practitioners. This commitment to understanding the truth and meaning behind Haitian Vodou is what has allowed Brown's work, Mama Lola, to become renowned within multiple academic fields.

Reception and Legacy
Since its first publication in 1991, Mama Lola has played an integral role in bringing attention to the discrimination and marginalization that has continuously plagued the practitioners of Haitian Vodou. Prior to Brown’s publication of Mama Lola, the primary frame of reference through which Vodou was interpreted was intrinsically linked to the stereotypical stigmas that associate “Voodoo” with dark magic and satanic practices. The crowning achievement of Mama Lola was thus Brown’s ability to provide the academic community with a lens through which Vodou could be understood and interpreted within the culturally rich contextual framework of Alourdes' lived religion. According to the University of California Press, the publishing firm behind Mama Lola, "[this] classic book shatters stereotypes of Vodou by offering an intimate portrait of African-based religion in everyday life" [7]. Furthermore, "Mama Lola is also an important experiment in feminist ethnographic writing designed to address current questions in the field" [7].

This book is referred to as a “ground breaking work of feminist ethnography” (Doctor Jennifer Hughes)

Perhaps, the book's greatest legacy is its ability to explain the Vodou religion within a historical, cultural, and phenomenological context that allows the religion to move beyond the stereotypical ideologies of the past and into a future where people can come to understand Haitian Vodou for what it truly is. To this day, "Brown's work endures as an important experiment in ethnography as a social art form rooted in human relationships"[7].

In 1991, Mama Lola was awarded the American Academy of Religion Award for Best First Book in the History of Religion, and in 1992, the book was awarded the Victor Turner Prize in ethnographic writing by the American Anthropological Association[8].