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The Amhara Genocide is an ongoing systematic massacre of ethnic Amhara and Agew people across Ethiopia since early 1990. Large-scale killings and grave human rights violations began with the implementation of the ethnic-federalist constitution. In most of the cases, the atrocities were silent with perpetrators from various ethnic militants - the Tigray TPLF/TDF, AKA: Weyane – የትግራይ ህዝብ ነፃነት ግንባር (ትህነግ)

The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) is also known as Weyane (ወያኔ) and was established in 1974 by ethnic Tigrayan students at Addis Ababa University under an association known as Mahber Gesgesti Behere Tigray (MAGEBT- Associations of Progressive Tigray People’s movement) (The Manifesto of TPLF, 1976; Paulos Milkias, 2003; Aregawi Berhe, 2004). The group was inspired by Marxist-Leninism. Later, when the struggle shifted to the countryside in Tigray, the name was changed to TPLF. In the beginning, the group’s objective was to secede and establish an independent Tigray (The Manifesto of TPLF, 1976). The TPLF mobilized Tigrayans to join its forces and fight the central government: the Derg regime. In 1989, the TPLF and two other groups which were established by TPLF — the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM) and the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) — created a coalition party called the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF – የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች አብዮታዊ ዲሞክራሲያዊ ግንባር). After 16 years of civil war, EPRDF took control of the central government in 1991 and formed a transitional government that developed a new constitution and implemented ethnic federalism. In 1994, the Southern Ethiopia People’s Democratic Front (SEPDF) was established and joined the EPRDF coalition (Lovise Aalen, 2002). EPRDF won the general election in 1995 and became Ethiopia’s ruling party. Until EPRDF was dissolved and replaced by the Prosperity Party on 1 December 2019, the TPLF dominated EPRDF and the central government. In 2019, the TPLF decided not to join the Prosperity Party and continued to govern the Tigray region until a new conflict erupted on 4 November 2020. Currently, the TPLF actively fights the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), the Amhara Special Forces, and the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) in the Tigray region. TPLF is led by Debretsion Gebremichael. In November 2020, it was estimated that the TPLF comprised around 250,000 fighters (Crisis Group, 5 November 2020). Those numbers have likely declined significantly throughout the course of the conflict.

https://epo.acleddata.com/actor-profiles/#1622661233120-27df4ed3-a6f5   Oromo OLF/OLA    who are also known as “Shene/Shane (ሸኔ)”  or “Oneg (ኦነግ)”, and the Gumuz armed groups.

Violence and abuses against the Amhara people are still active,  and numerous mass graves are still being discovered in multiple locations. Amhara intellectuals   and those who were suspected of investigating or counting details of the crimes have been targeted by both regimes, perpetrators, and collaborating state officials. Therefore, witness data were recorded discretely with many challenges. However, over a million Amhara are estimated as victims of the ongoing genocide. Additionally, based on two consecutive National Census analyses, at least 2 million Amhara could not be traced, i.e. considered “vanished.

In the 1960s, various “rebel” groups formed ethnic-based Liberation Front/ Liberation Army and drafter polarizing Manifesto narratives against ethnic Amhara people and they launched mass violence when the Tigray People's Liberation Front, TPLF controlled power in the form of EPRDF in the early 1990s- that lasted for 27 years. The EPRDF is a coalition of four political parties: the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), the Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM – which was renamed Amhara Democratic Party(ADP) in 2018), the Oromo Peoples’ Democratic Organization (OPDO – which was renamed Oromo Democratic Party(ODP) in 2018), and the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM). The group was established in 1989 as a coalition of ethnic-based opposition movements aimed at overthrowing the Derg regime. In 1989, the TPLF and the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (EPDM), which later became the ANDM, agreed to establish EPRDF. EPDM was founded by former members of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP – known in Ethiopia as EHAPA – የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝባዊ አብዮታዊ ፓርቲ). In 1990, the TPLF established the OPDO, which consisted of former Oromo soldiers of the Derg regime who were captured by the TPLF (John Young, 1997, p.166). The Southern Ethiopia People’s Democratic Front (SEPDF – which, in 2002, was renamed the Southern Ethiopia People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM)) was established and integrated as one of the political parties of the EPRDF coalition in 1994 (Lovise Aalen, 2002). EPRDF was the incumbent party from 1991 to December 2019. The coalition was dominated by the TPLF (Lovise Aalen, 2002). EPRDF was dissolved and replaced by the Prosperity Party on 1 December 2019. The TPLF decided not to join the Prosperity Party. From 1989 to 2019, EPRDF had three leaders. From 1989 to August 2012, EPRDF was led by Meles Zenawi. After the death of Meles Zenawi, Hailemariam Desalegn served as the chairman from September 2012 until he resigned in March 2018 (DW Amharic, 15 February 2018; BBC, 21 August 2012). Abiy Ahmed became the chairman of EPRDF on 28 March 2018 and led the coalition until December 2019 (BBC Amharic, 28 March 2018).

https://epo.acleddata.com/actor-profiles/#1622661473815-5187bac9-9c31 The large-scale killings of the Amhara resumed with the current Oromo-dominated Prosperity Party ruling since 2018.

Amhara in Welkayit/Welkait and surrounding lands that were annexed to Tigray, and in other regions and provinces- Benishangul-Gumuz/Metekel, Oromia, Hararghe, Southern, and in Amhara have been targeted and silently massacred for decades. Motives vary from region-to-region, and with perpetrators. High-level human rights violations against the Amhara include gruesome mass killings, abductions,  forced disappearance, rapes & sexual violence, expulsions & blockades. The many forms of systematic demographic modification mechanisms that are applied to Amhara include induced infertility, deliberate infant mortality, and forced inter-marriage & pregnancies. Enslavement, arbitrary arrests and tortures,       abuse of rights to property, and prohibition from speaking & learning in own language are also among the serious violations.

In the most recent Northern Ethiopia war that started in 2020, Tigray forces invaded Amhara and Afar regions,Tigray War mass murdered civilians of both people, and committed War crimes. These include mass murders and summerly executions, and gang-rapes of women & children at gunpoint. Amhara children were also coerced, as front-line war shields. Additional human rights violations include the pillage of civilian property, schools & health facilities, and ransacked villages, towns and cities, farm animals, harvests, and religious institutions that led to the displacement of over two million Amhara and Agew IDPs. Mass graves of the victims are still being discovered in many TPLF-shelled towns and villages.

Such violations can only be stopped with immediate measures. The Amhara made calls for actions- to prevent citizens from these violent attacks, for urgent humanitarian support, and to hold to count those responsible. Although the atrocities have been going on for over thirty years, the Amhara cause didn't receive enough campaign nor presented at the UN Security Council. However, it needs to be acknowledged that due to the most recent heavy attacks by Tigray forces, the Amhara cause began to receive encouraging but selective coverages. Communities worldwide ask influential groups to give due attention to the suffering of Amhara in Ethiopia, as in the case of other recent high-profile international cases that received global support.

Highlight on Amhara
Historically, the Amhara people live in every part of Ethiopia, and more than 80 percent of them are traditional farmers. Among other Ethiopians, Amhara contributed to the Nation's Building, Civilization, and the long historical accounts of the country. Agriculture is the main source of Ethiopia's nutrition and Amhara farmers supply significant volume of production. Similar to most Ethiopians, the Amhara people have also been stricken by draught therefore most of them are still living below the poverty line. 

Perpetrators and map of the violence
The 1994 constitution and its core doctrine, “ethnic self-determination to secede from the nation,” is widely criticized by scholars as a “divisive mechanism” and root cause for ethnic atrocities in Ethiopia. The large-scale mass killings of the Amhara began in early 1990 in Assosa. Benishangul-Gumuz/Metekel region by the armed Oromo OLF/OLA groups and their collaborators. After sometime of the Tigray TPLF taking power, in late May 1991, similar groups massacred Amhara in many parts of the Oromia region and the Hararghe province. crackdown on the intellectuals and public figures followed these attacks- in 2019, multiple Amhara region leaders were assassinated.

Map of the violence broadened further with more killings of Amhara and Agew people in various locations. In addition to Oromia, more attacks were carried out in Benishangul-Gumuz/Metekel region, in Tigray- the annexed Amhara towns, Southern and other regions including Afar and Amhara. The key perpetrators are from ethno-nationalist extremist groups and their state official collaborators, including, the Oromo OLF/OLA, Tigray TPLF military forces and armed groups, Gumuz extremists, and other perpetrators.

Timeline and Phases
The Amhara genocidal process can be classified into four phases:
 * 1) The preparation and the Manifesto phase that led to the Ethnic-Federalist Constitution, prior to 1991
 * 2) The launch of massacre across many regions from 1991 to 2018 under the Tigray, TPLF/TDF ruling with a recorded early mass killing case since January 1990
 * 3) The scaled-up simultaneous mass killings of Amhara under the current Oromo-dominated ruling, since 2018, and
 * 4) Ongoing wide-scale attacks have been launched along with the Northern Ethiopia war. Invasions by the Tigray forces with simultaneous Amhara mass killings by the Oromo OLF/OLA and Gumuz groups in other locations, since November 2020

Alleged crimes against the Amhara
Based on the UN Genocide Convention and the ICC Rome Statue, the alleged crimes against the Amhara include the three articles.

I. Genocidal Acts (Article 6 of the Rome Statute)
Ethnically-motivated gruesome mass killings of the Amhara through organized violence across many regions in Ethiopia, causing serious bodily and mental harm using rape, sexual violence and with gruesome killings of Amhara with dismemberment, forced miscarriages, immolation, and point-blank executions. Deliberate population reduction mechanisms with induced infertility injections to prevent birth in the Amhara region, forced pregnancy in other regions for demographic changes, and creating deplorable living conditions in the annexed and outside of the Amhara region by preventing Amhara from accessing medical treatments. Other violent actions include the forced removal of Amhara by burning their homes, looting their farm animals with the destruction of their hospitals, schools, and other necessities including water sources and harvest, and prohibiting Amhara from speaking and learning with own language in the annexed and outside of the Amhara regions.

II. Crimes Against Humanity (Article 7 of the Rome Statute)
Houses and businesses of Amhara were labeled and symbolized in Mai-Kadra (a place that was annexed to Tigray region) and surroundings when thousands of Amhara were mass murdered. In addition to the ones known, the Gondar University research team began discovering multiple mass graves of the Amhara in Welkayit/Welkait zone. Survivors and witnesses reveal that perpetrators also used similar approaches in the ongoing massacre of the Amhara in the Oromia region- by bringing name lists to Amhara neighborhoods for door-to-door executions. In other cases, the alleged armed groups gathered multiple people from their residencies and gruesomely murdered them in groups. Some perpetrators were reported targeting Orthodox Christian Amhara however, in other cases, both Muslims and Christians were murdered and mass-buried in the same graves- using inhumane burials with excavators. Amhara are also victims of abductions of women & children, enforced removal and disappearance, torture, enslavement, blockades, and detentions. Rape, sexual violence, enforced pregnancies, and population reduction mechanisms were reported among other violence that induced infertility injections that prevented birth in parts of the Amhara region. Deplorable living conditions and preventable death by limiting Amhara from accessing general public health, such as malaria treatments, and other systematic oppressions/Apartheid approaches such as persecution, physical and mental abuses with arbitrary imprisonments also reported.

Reports show majorities of the cases have been executed in multiple regions with large-scale cases being in Oromia, Tigray, Benishangul-Gumuz/Metekel, Amhara and Southern SNNPR regions. List of places where the alleged crimes of Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity committed are:


 * 1) The Wollega (Welega) massacre in various zones
 * 2) The Burayu massacre
 * 3) The Arusi (Arsi) massacre
 * 4) * The Shashemene massacre
 * 5) * The Arba Gugu massacre
 * 6) The Bale massacre
 * 7) The West Hararghe massacre (Gelemso, Anchar, Daro Lebu, Wefi Dance and others)
 * 8) The East Hararghe massacre (Gara Muleta, Asebot Monastery, Gelemso, Bedeno & Weter)
 * 9) Mass violence in Dire Dawa
 * 10) The Jimma massacre
 * 11) The massacre in Western Shewa (Ambo and others)
 * 12) Various massacres in Benishangul-Gumuz region (in all Assosa, Metekel and Kamashi zones)
 * 13) The Welkayit or Welkait massacare (including the Mai-Kadra massacre)
 * 14) The Gonder or Gondar massacre
 * 15) The massacre in Gojjam
 * 16) The massacres in Shewa (Efratana Gidim and others)
 * 17) * The Ataye massacres
 * 18) * The Majete massacre
 * 19) The Gura Ferda massacre in Bench Maji zone of the Southern Region (SNNPR)
 * 20) The mass violence in Abay Negeso village of Afar
 * 21) Others (Somalia and Gambela regions)

III. War Crimes (Article 8 of the Rome Statute)
(i) Wilful killing; invasion of Amhara region by Tigray TPLF/TDF forces since June 2021 and still some parts occupied .Summary executions,

(ii) Torture or inhuman treatment, including biological experiments: summary executions under their custody, poison in Woldeya and near towns

(iii) Wilfully causing great suffering, or serious injury to body or health: gang rapes of women and children at gunpoints, and sexual violences

(iv) Extensive destruction and appropriation of property, not justified by military necessity and carried out unlawfully and wantonly; pillages of civilian properties, farm animals, harvest, houses, villages and towns, services (hospitals, schools,.....religious institutions)

(v) Compelling a prisoner of war or other protected person to serve in the forces of a hostile Power: coercing Amhara children and other population groups as front line war shield

(vi) Wilfully depriving a prisoner of war or other protected person of the rights of fair and regular trial: summary executions

vii) Unlawful deportation or transfer or unlawful confinement

(viii) Taking of hostages:

Phase 1. Polarizing Manifesto and events leading up to ethnic violence
There are over 80 ethnic groups in Ethiopia that have been living interdependently with fair interactions and inter-marriages since ancient times. The 1970s Manifesto is described by many as a doctrine developed by rebel groups, with the Marxist–Leninist ideology of the time. Key drafters include the TPLF (Tigray People's Liberation Front), OLF/OLA (Oromo Liberation Front/ Oromo Liberation Army), EPLF (Eritrean People's Liberation Front), WSLF (Western Somalia Liberation Front), and others.

The divisive narratives embedded in the Manifesto that portray Amhara as the all-time “sole ruler,” are criticized as a political mechanism to plant ethnic sensitivity between various groups and to label Amhara as the common enemy to the many country-level issues. Historical records show that the origin of Ethiopia's governance was “multi-ethnic” in its nature, and Geez, Amharic, Tigrigna, Agew, and many other languages were instrumental in all cases. In Northern and central Ethiopia, most ruling and successions were tied to the Solomonic and Zagwe ruling systems. This umbrella included rulers from Tigray, Amhara, Agew, and a few other ethnicities.

In addition to the jurisdictions in the South and Western Ethiopia, those with Oromo- or Oromized/ assimilated- bloodlines also took administrative roles in some semi-northcentral parts of Ethiopia, in the era of Zemene-Mesafint and on-wards. The aggression of the Oromo that followed the Islamic invasions, in the 16th century and subsequent settlements to central Ethiopia brought some changes to parts of the historically Amhara jurisdictions. These include assimilation of non-Oromo groups, renaming of many Amhara lands and surroundings, intermarriages, power exercise, and governing the country for centuries among other rulers with multi-ethnic backgrounds, that is Tigray, Amhara, Agew, and others.

The diverse Southern, and remaining regions with over 56 ethnic constituents have also been practicing their ancient customs to elect their leaders and for maintaining their history and cultures. Historians recorded exceptional cases in which many tribes were forced to assimilate into the Oromo with Mogassa and Gudifecha mechanisms. Despite the manifesto doctrine and ethno-nationalist propaganda, collaborative customs between these complex ethnicities have been widely practiced. In previous cases, most acted together when major national threats were projected against Ethiopia.

Phase 2. Article 39- ethnic self-determination to secede
The documented Amhara genocide goes back to 1990 when most of the Northern Ethiopia regions were invaded by the Tigray TPLF. At this time, the Oromo OLF/OLA groups launched the Amhara massacre in Assosa, Benishangul-Gumuz/Metekel region. In 1991 the Tigray TPLF-dominated ethno-nationalist ruling was established. The constitution that was written on ethnic secession ideology was ratified in 1994, and ethnic-based regional demarcations were effected subsequently. The most condemned Article 39, “Nations, Nationalist, and People Self-determination,” was incorporated into the constitution to grant “unconditional right” for ethnic groups to secede from the country.

Polarizing narratives
The repressive Tigray TPLF ruling which is also known as EPRDF            l  lasted for 27 years, from 1991 to 2018 with multiple reported rigged elections that led to mass killings of innocent people in Addis Ababa and other places. During this phase, ideologies of ethnic federalism were thought of in school systems and highly promoted in the media. This inevitably led to deep-rooted ethnic divisions and heightened ethnic sensitivity in the country. Core narratives were designed to make the Amhara the root cause of socio-economical and historical issues. As a result of these, Amhara is portrayed as the common enemy.

Systematic Annexations
The 1970s TPLF manifesto also consists of invasive acts to ultimately form the “Republic of Greater Tigray,” which involves annexation of lands from neighboring Amhara- North-West Gonder, and Bethe-Amhara (Wollo), with a coastal possession plan from Eritrea. The territorial expansion into the Amhara became effective when the TPLF took power. From the northwest part of Amhara- Welkayit/Welkait, Humera, and more lands before the Tekeze river/border were forcefully annexed with a new name, “Western Tigray. From Bethe-Amhara Wollo province, the Raya and Almata lands were also forcefully annexed to Tigray.

Based on the 1994 systematic boundary rearrangements, the Amhara region consists of its homeland provinces- Shewa, Gonder, Gojjam, and Bethe-Amhara Wollo but many of its lands are annexed to other regions. Historically, Amhara remain one of the largest proportion in Addis Ababa & surroundings, Hararghe, and in some other regions. However, they are treated as minorities, with no political representation outside of the Amhara region and exposed to ethnic-based violence. Additional systematic regional annexations became effective with forceful inclusion of the Agew and Amhara, from Gojjam/ Metekel which is considered as heartland of the Nile river into the Benishangul-Gumuz region. Similarly, Dera and the surrounding Amhara lands in Shewa were also annexed into the Oromia region. The detachment of Amhara from its historical and resourceful lands, especially in Metekel, reflected the motives of the ethno-nationalist ruling powers to control the economically and geopolitically strategic Amhara resource, the Nile which is also the critical element of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, GERD infrastructure. Ethnic cleansing has been carried out following these annexation acts.

Early massacres & crackdowns
During the second phase, the Amhara atrocities began in Assosa and further spread out to various Oromia zones and in Hararghe.

Gruesome killings and crackdown on intellectuals began with the new regime. Professor and Surgeon Asrat Woldeyes along with other members of the All Amhara People Organization (AAPO) imprisoned and abused by TPLF. Dr. Asrat Woldeyes was denied timely medical treatment and died of a series of illnesses. In the 27 years long and systematic Amhara killings,      heinous crimes have been orchestrated in many regions, including in Oromia, Tigray, Benishangul-Gumuz, Southern, Afar, and Amhara regions. As a result of these parallel and long-term attacks, many forms of crimes were committed against the Amhara people. These include gruesome mass killings and various forms of human rights violations.

Phase 3. Transition to the Oromo-dominated Prosperity Party ruling
A slight hope emerged   when the TPLF-dominated regime was replaced in 2018 with a new Prime minister, the 2019 Nobel Peace prize award winner, Abiy Ahmed Ali. He came to power from Oromo Democratic Party (ODP) and Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP), and he currently serves in both as chairman. Disappointments built quickly    and his regime was criticized for ethnic Oromo power sweeping, over the critical military, governmental, and foreign affairs positions.

State Incitements & continued polarizing narratives
Oromia became one of the hostile regions for the Amhara since the ratification of Ethnic-Federalism but more so since the ethno-nationalist groups dominated government positions. In this recent instance, the Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed Ali was heavily condemned for his decision to bring back the exiled, armed Oromo OLF/OLA rebels who launched the Amhara killings in the 1990s   and other diaspora social media activists who were accused of hate speeches.

Highly criticized hate remarks were made openly by the President of the Oromo region, Mr. Shimelis Abdissa at a large Oromo public gathering. His speech, “we broke the Neftegna (Amhara)” was broadcasted on national television. This propaganda led to waves of violence against Amhara including mass killings and displacements in many regions with no obvious punitive measures or acknowledgments from officials.

The Burayu Massacre
The public incitements made by State officials instigated new waves of mass murders and abuses of civilians. In September 2018, the Burayu residents from Southern origins including Gamos, Wolayitas, Guraghes, Amhara & other ethnicities were massacred in the outskirt of Addis Ababa. This was one of the first violence that occurred after the new Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed Ali took power, and it became the start of a new phase of the massacre.

Mass killings and looting in Shashemene, Oromia
The motives of the killers seem to vary from place to place. For the 2019 Shashemene massacre, the coordinated attackers targeted Amhara and Orthodox Christians from other ethnicities, including Guraghe, Wolayita, Gamo, Tigre, Oromo, and other Southern groups. Religious leaders and their families were abused and killed, churches turned to ashes, and treasures and literary works have been destroyed. Similar violence have been orchestrated in many regions and heinous acts were executed by the Oromo, Gumuz, and Tigray perpetrators. Witnesses describe that the killers in Shashemene demanded conversion to Islam when executing Christians. These violence started following the assassination of a popular Oromo singer, Hachalu Hundessa. The shooter is still not identified but the default blame was put on Amhara. As a result of this allegation, over 200 people were massacred by armed Oromo groups with no clear punitive measures.

The Activist Social Media call that led to mass killings
Another mass murder occurred in Oromia when a controversial political elite, Jawar Mohammed, made a social media call to his supporters, complaining government's decision to remove the personal guards assigned to him. Following his call at night, organized Oromo actors came out and massacred at least 86 Amhara.

Abductions of University girls
In parallel to the mass killings in Oromia, 17 University students of Amhara origin were abducted in 2019 by the Oromo OLA/OLF armed groups, in Dembi Dolo, Wollega province. The families of these girls reported that their children never returned. This case is open with no obvious action from officials.

The Ataye massacre and alleged State official collaborators
Multiple attacks were also launched by the Oromo OLF/OLA with aggression to the Amhara region, Northern Shewa. Ataye was once a vibrant Amhara business and a tourist city before the multiple attacks launched by the OLF/OLA armed groups, since 2020. The attacks in North Shewa, included door-to-door mass executions in Ataye, Shewarobit, Jebwuha or Jewha, Senbete, Majete, and the surrounding villages. The three consecutive attacks against Ataye within a short time ruined the majority of the city. Ataye was in the process of recovering from the destruction when the 3rd attack occurred in 2021. Similarly, Majete and the surrounding towns were also pillaged frequently by the same attacking groups who were well-equipped and murdered ordinary people, with state-of-the-art snipers and artilleries that are difficult to access in the country. Local and IDP witnesses allege systematic collaborations between Government Officials and the attackers.

Demonstrations in Amhara and the crackdown
In April 2021, a series of peaceful demonstrations took place in the Amhara region asking the government to protect Amhara and to take measures against the perpetrators and their collaborators. The demonstrations followed the waves of attacks that occurred in and outside of the Amhara region. “Beka or በቃ or No More” has been the lead slogan. In response to the human rights demonstrations, authorities detained and abused the protesters.

Acts of ethnic restructuring in Addis Ababa
At the start of the 2018 new “Prosperity” ruling, attacks in and around Addis Ababa, the Capital of Ethiopia, began with the Burayu mass killings of non-Oromo residents, which caused many to flee the area. Forced removals of other ethnic groups from the Capital and systematic settlements of large Oromo population, continued under the current regime. Frequent attacks against residents by the extremist Oromo Querro youth,  and police shootings, murders, and abuse of those turnout to public & religious celebrations, with Green-Yellow-Red tri-color cloth or items, are some of the violence against citizens. Blockage of roads to Addis Ababa, preventing other ethnicities from entering the Capital, gunmen ambushing, and killing of those traveling to Addis Ababa are criticized as acts of ethnic “engineering” mechanisms.

Ongoing systematic annexation acts against the Capital, Addis Ababa
The controversial aggressive approaches that have been taken by the Oromo regime to annex the Capital of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, to the Oromia region raised great concerns to many Ethiopians. Analyses indicate that this special interest of the “Prosperity” ruling is driven by claims and terms agreed upon between the ethno-nationalist groups, before coming to power. Questionable actions of the current power involve enforcement of new policies and systematic administrative changes to Addis Ababa and surrounding jurisdictions. These actions have faced resistance from residents, civil voices, and from Balderas Party. Previous annexations following the 1994 TPLF regional demarcation include forceful integrations of Welkayit/Welkait and Raya to Tigray, the Metekel land to Benishangul-Gumuz, and the Amhara land in Shewa, also known as Dera, to the Oromia region.

Phase 4. The Northern Ethiopia War and Amhara Massacres
The killings in the high-risk regions (Oromia & Benishangul-Gumuz/Metekel regions) worsened with the parallel “Northern Ethiopia” war that began in November 2020. At the start of the war, the Tigray TPLF groups mass murdered over 1500 Amhara in Mai-Kadra town within a short time. Witness accounts reveal the symbolization of Amhara houses before the attack by Samri groups. After 9 months of fighting between the National Defense Forces and the Tigray TPLF/TDF, the well-armed Tigray rebels advanced, and have been aggressively attacking Amhara and Afar since late June 2021. TPLF and its social media activist’ are accused of misinforming international media, rights, and other influential groups by claiming images and stories of the Amhara victims as their own- the actors themselves vying for victimhood position. Similarly, the Oromo perpetrators and their collaborating officials have also been discrediting memories and experiences of the Amhara victims.

Invasion of Amhara and Afar by the Tigray TPLF/TDF
After 9 months of the war and the withdrawal of the National Defense forces from Tigray, the TPLF/TDF invaded both Amhara and Afar and massacred civilians under their custody. Villages burned down to the ground, various forms of violence were committed against women & children, farm animals killed, institutions and service centers ransacked and harvests burned down. Over 2 million Amhara and Agew IDPs fled to the south but those who stayed behind were gang-raped at gunpoint, looted, and abused. Witness accounts exposed that Tigray rebels coerced Amhara children as front-line war shields. The government was criticized for underestimating these forces. The attacks continued for a long time in both Amhara and Afar regions with little to no support from the government when protection is needed. Ethiopian Defense Forces stopped fighting with Tigray forces after Abiy Ahmed Ali claimed victory even if invaders continued attacking both Amhara and Afar. Civilians in both regions had to pick up arms to defend themselves. The Tigray TPLF forces are still occupying some parts of Amhara and Afar. Due to this invasion multiple Amhara massacres in the Amhara region occurred across multiple villages and towns of Gonder (Gondar), Bethe-Amhara Wollo, Shewa and other provinces occurred. 

“Strategic retreat” directives
Those who fought against the Tigray TPLF rebels in the Amhara region stated that they were ambushed with military directives, which led the TPLF/TDF forces to advance. Some of the accusations include Oromo extremists' infiltration into key federal military positions. Questionable commands such as for fighters to retreat south, leaving weapons and armored vehicles behind, are heavily criticized. In December 2021, many international organizations made calls to their citizens for urgent evacuation from Ethiopia, as the TPLF rebels advanced in the direction of Addis Ababa. In Bethe-Amhara Wollo, Northern Shewa, and Afar regions, the Tigray TPLF and the Oromo OLF/OLA armed groups carried out joint attacks against Amhara and Afar. Recovery from the brutal destructions in both regions is estimated to take decades.

The case of the Afar region in North East and other Southern minorities
Even if there are over 80 ethnic groups in Ethiopia, except for the Tigray minority that dominated government powers for 27 years, most other ethnic minorities are relatively small in number, lack fair representations in the political and military structure, and remain at risk of silent atrocities and possible cultural genocide. The 2003 Gambella, Anuak or Gambella massacre was carried out by the Tigray TPLF ruling power. With the new Oromo-dominated regime, human rights concerns have been expressed for the Amaro or/Korre ethnic group and other Southerners. Threats include coercing the groups to speak & write in the Oromo language, forced assimilation, and imposing  rituals.

In the ongoing Northern Ethiopia war, Tigray forces invaded Afar, but with heavy resistance from the people even if many lives were at stake. The Afar strategic land for accessing Djibouti and its people have been heavily shelled from late June 2021. Afar pastoralists attacked, civilians have been murdered, children were burned with chemical weapons, villages were looted and institutions have been ransacked. The Tigray rebel groups were defeated and expelled from most Afar lands. However, Tigray forces discarded explosives in public areas- due to that Afar children are being killed and maimed.

National and international reactions
Nationally, the State-owned media provides very limited coverage for the violence against Amhara. Due to alleged collaborations between the state and Oromo and Gumuz perpetrators, crimes in Oromia and Benishangul-Gumuz/Metekel regions, state media are accused of misrepresenting victim stories and ignoring the violence. Frequently, independent Amhara voices and journalists are exposed to arbitrary arrest and detentions. In response to the International pressure related to the Northern Ethiopia war in which Tigray invaders massacred Amhara and Afar, state media selectively covered the crimes committed by Tigray forces while excluding Oromo and Gumuz perpetrators from important reports.

The response of Rights, influential groups and media
The early 1990s OLA/OLF atrocities against the Amhara in Arba Gugu, Hararghe, and across the Oromia region were somewhat reported by human rights and influential groups. However, the recent grave violations are undercover and reports are generally released late. One can say that there is a general international interest in Ethiopia, especially towards Tigray but less so in the Amhara, Agew, and Afar causes. Both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have been criticized for biased statements released in favor of the Tigray TPLF/TDF rebels. Although the atrocities have been going on for over thirty years, the Amhara cause didn't receive enough campaign nor presented at the UN Security Council. However, it needs to be acknowledged that due to the most recent heavy attacks by Tigray forces, the Amhara causes began to receive encouraging coverages. Communities worldwide ask influential groups to give enough attention to the Amhara suffering in Ethiopia, as in the case of other recent high-profile international cases that received global support.

Key media outlets including, the BBC, the Guardian, and CNN have been accused of “misusing” the causes and images of the Amhara & Afar and for reporting them as Tigray stories. Due to this repeated disinformation, groups from the victim's side questioned the ethical and quality standards used by these media outlets.

Social media controversies
Activists and advocates complained against most social media platforms, including Facebook, Twitter & YouTube, for restrictive censorship and silencing their voices. Typical issues include, organized mass reporting against targeted “Pages and Channels.” Numerous Amhara accounts have been frequently suspended, in most cases, due to the lack of tailored investigation for foreign language posts. On the other hand, these platforms have been abused for hate speeches and to spread incitements against Amhara.

The controversial “#NoMore” campaign
In April 2021, peaceful human rights demonstrations took place in the Amhara region using a social movement slogan, “Beka or በቃ or No More.” In late 2021, the same slogan has been “misrepresented” by certain activists on Twitter hashtags to mobilize campaigns protesting potential sanctions against the ruling Prosperity Party. The group in the movement claimed themselves as “Pan-Africanist,” however many criticized it as a State-funded, politically motivated, and selective campaign that failed to represent human rights violations and other urgent events that needed attention on the ground. Currently, this movement has significantly reduced its effort and is dying. The #NoMore demonstration that was planned for January 2022 was canceled following the release of high-profile Tigray TPLF/TDF and Oromo OLA/OLF political prisoners with Amnesty. Few arbitrarily arrested general public figures and journalists were also released around the same time.

Calls for measures
The ongoing Amhara atrocities can only be stopped with immediate measures. The Amhara communities made calls for action- to prevent citizens from the violent attacks, for urgent humanitarian support, and to hold to count those responsible for the massacres. Although the atrocities have been going on for over thirty years, the Amhara cause didn't receive enough campaign nor presented at the UN Security Council. However, it needs to be acknowledged that due to the most recent heavy attacks by Tigray forces, the Amhara causes began to receive encouraging coverages. Amhara communities worldwide ask influential groups to give enough attention to the Amhara suffering in Ethiopia, as in the case of other recent high-profile international cases that received global support.