User:Piotrus/Sandbox/Notes/3maj

3maj
Współczesny 48 (1934), 68–79
 * Henryk Kocój, Dyplomacja Prus, Austrii i Rosji wobec Konstytucji 3 maja 1791 roku, 1998, ISBN 8323310823
 * Henryk Kocój, Austria wobec Konstytucji 3 maja, 2006, ISBN 83-233-2155-8
 * Henryk Kocój, Berlin wobec Konstytucji 3 maja, 2007, ISBN 978-83-233-2366-2
 * Vatican on 3rd May: Zygmunt Zieliński. Polska w dyplomacji watykańskiej
 * Anglia: Obraz Polski po Konstytucji 3 Maja w relacjach posła angielskiego w Warszawie Daniela Hailesa (V 1791-VII 1792)
 * Litwa:
 * J. Trzciński, “Wpływ Konstytucji 3 maja na późniejsze konstytucje polskie”
 * 
 * Haiman, Miecislaus, Polacy wśród pionierów Ameryki : szkice historyczne, E184.P7 H135,
 * Miecislaus Haiman, The fall of Poland in contemporary American opinion, DK4182 H348 1935,
 * Goslicki's influence on the Declaration of Independence, Tytus Filipowicz, "The Accomplished Senator", Proceedings of the American Society of International Law, 1932; tenze, De optimo senatore a myśl polityczna w krajach anglosaskich, Przegląd
 * 
 * Piotr Stefan Wandycz, The United States and Poland,
 * Influence of the United States Constitution Abroad, The; Blaustein, Albert P., Oklahoma City University Law Review, 1987 (another ref for Polish const. being the second)
 * discusses how Polish constitution was influenced by the US one


 * Świętochowski - Historia chłopów polskich w zarysie, review (BŚ - na miejscu: P7  II   151120; P6   II   1063128; BSK_MA   II   535958)


 * Historia chłopów polskich / pod red. Stefana Inglota ; [aut.] Jan Borkowski [et al.]. - Wrocław : Wydaw. Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 1992 (BŚ - do wypozyczenia: BSK_MA  II   797856 (najlepsze!) / P7   II   89358 / P7   II   89359; na miejscu: CG   II   355428)


 * Ignacy Baranowski Wieś polska w dobie między unią lubelską a Konstytucją 3 maja, 1908; Materiały do dziejów wsi polskiej XVI-XVIII w., 1909, Wieś i folwark : studya z dziejów agrarnych Polski, 1914 (BŚ - na miejscu: P7  II   28919)


 * Izabella Bukraba-Rylska, Socjologia wsi polskiej, PWN, 2008, ISBN: 978-83-01-15530-8 (BŚ - do wyp: P6  II   1103640; na miejscu: CG   II   1101481)


 * Julian Bartyś i Jakub Golberg, Polska wieś folwarczno-pańszczyźniana w XVI-XVIII wieku, Warszawa : Państwowe Zakłady Wydawnictw Szkolnych, 1960, 1960 (BŚ - na miejscu: P8  II   177721)


 * Odrodzenie w upadku : wybór pism historycznych, T. Korzon (BŚ - do wyp: BSK_MA  II   476357, BSK_MA   II   475955; na miejscu: BSK_MA   II   475492) (str. 107=


 * Powstania chłopskie na ziemiach dawnej Rzeczypospolitej / B. Baranowski. - Warszawa : Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej, 1952. (BŚ - na miejscu P8  II   308003, P7   II   59700)


 * Strajki i bunty chłopskie w Polsce / Józef Gójski. - Wyd. 2. - Warszawa : Wydawnictwo Ludowe, 1949 (BŚ - na miejscu P7  II   151442, P7   II   58885)


 * Walka chłopów z uciskiem szlacheckim w Polsce w XVII i XVIII wieku : dokumentacja historyczna do mapy znajdującej się na wystawie "Historia wsi" w Muzeum Etnograficznym w Krakowie / Władysław Bogatyński. - Kraków : Muzeum Etnograficzne, 1955. - 82, [2] s., [1] mapa : il., err. ; 8". - Streszcz. ros., ang., franc., niem. (BS na miejscuŁ P7   II   84457, P7   II   84596)


 * Czytelnictwo na wsi / J. Danecki, A. Czerniewski. Warszawa : Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza, 1953 (BŚ - na miejscu P8  II   209800, P7   II   79604)


 * Sławetni i urodzeni : ruch polityczny mieszczaństwa w dobie Sejmu Czteroletniego / Krystyna Zienkowska. - Warszawa : Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1976. - 355, [4] s. ; 8" (BŚ - do wyp BSK_MA  II   484013, na miejscu II   485610)

Pastusiak

 * Longin Pastusiak, Polacy w zaraniu Stanów Zjednoczonych‎, Wiedza Powszechna, Warszawa, 1977
 * chapter: STANY ZJEDNOCZONE WOBEC KONSTYTUCJI 3 MAJA (E184.P7 P3)
 * p.176
 * The news of the passing of the constitution was received enthusiastically in the US.
 * First report: Columbian Centinel, 6 October 1791
 * something on reception in UK? Check!
 * p.177
 * Many positive reports in the press. Points of interest: support of Polish population for the constitution, lack of violence
 * Positive descriptions of Stanislaw August Poniatowski
 * p.178
 * praise by Edmund Burke (cited in US press), who saw Polish constitution as better than the French one
 * praise by diplomat poets: Joel Barlow and David Humphreys
 * praise by George Washington and Thomas Jefferson (Washington vocally praised Poniatowski)
 * chapter: STANY ZJEDNOCZONE A ROZBIORY POLSKI
 * p.184, 186
 * Americans criticized partitions of Poland. Critics included Jefferson, Henry Wheaton, James Monroe, John Hancock, Samuel Adams, Thomas Mifflin, Horatio Gates, Harry Lee, Stephen Moylan, Alexander Hamilton and John Adams.
 * chapter: AMERYKANIE W POLSCE XVIII WIEKU
 * p.190-193
 * Charles Lee (general) - friend of king Poniatowski, exchanged correspondence
 * p.194-p.198
 * Louis Littlepage - royal secretary to king August, see dedicated article
 * Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz corresponded with Jefferson
 * p.197
 * note of an undelivered (lost) letter of king Poniatowski to Washington
 * p.198-199
 * note of a second undelivered letter
 * p.200-203
 * Joel Barlow
 * considered Poniatowski the most englightened monarch in Europe
 * wrote a poem The Vision of Columbus about Poniatowski; Poniatowski in 1791 wrote a letter of thanks in return, they exchanged further correspondence, Barlow praised Constitution of 3rd May
 * he mentioned Poniatowski and Kosciuszko in his works
 * he visited Warsaw in 1812, where he died

Haiman

 * Haiman, Miecislaus, Polish past in America, 1608-1865, Chicago : Polish Museum of America, 1974.
 * p.48
 * Poniatowski expressed warm sentiments for Americans as early as 1768, in a letter to Charles Lee
 * need to partition Poland prevented Russia, ally of England, from sending troops to aid the British, despite the Russian declarations
 * p.49
 * Poland was frequently mentioned by delegates to the Federal Convention of 1787, first by Alexsander Hamilton on June 18th
 * in turn, in the debates of the Great Diet, names of Washington and other Americans are often mentioned
 * Americans supportive of the Polish constitution (in addition to those mentioned by Pastusiak): David Humphreys, John Paul Jones, popular toasts for Poland in the years 1791-1795,
 * p.57-58: Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz came to US with Kosciuszko, and settled there till 1806

Prussia: W relacjach posła pruskiego

 * Henryk Kocój, Konstytucja 3 maja w relacjach posła pruskiego Augusta Fryderyka Ferdynanda Goltsa, Wydawnictwo UJ, 1000
 * August Friedrich Ferdinand von der Goltz (Polish: August Fryderyk Ferdynand Goltz) replaced Girolamo Lucchesini in Warsaw from 20 October 1790 to 5 December 1791
 * about feelings and attitudes of Polish society towards the constitution: peaceful and widely positive overall, although in time, opposition gains strength. Notes reactions of magnates, lesser nobility and burghers, notes the changing perception of some burghers, increasingly afraid that nobility will gain burghers privileges. Notes increasing number of pamphlets and other printed materials in Warsaw.
 * critique of the Stronnictwo Patriotyczne as too elitist and not representative enough
 * notes on the reaction of other diplomats to the constitution: surprised, no specific instructions, usually defaulted to being supportive of the constitution
 * notes on the SP motivation: political opportunity, but perceived: they are too optimistic, and interpret all international events in their favor

France: Francja wobec Sejmu Wielkiego

 * Henryk Kocój, Francja wobec Sejmu Wielkiego (zarys stosunków dyplomatycznych między Francją a 13. Polską w latach 1788 - 1792), Kraków 2001
 * French diplomats in Poland: Jean Alexandre Bonneau, Joseph Aubert
 * p.14, report of French minister to Russia, Louis Philippe, comte de Ségur, in Warsaw before the Great Sejm: everyone but the peasants were excited: L.P. Ségur, Memoiries..., t. III, p. 537-538: "...la fermentation agitait alors les espirits de tous les habitants de cette malheureuse contree, les paysans seuls conservaient cet air morne, cette physionomie sans expression, cette immobile apatie triste et constante. Au millie des villes et sur les places publiques ils se reunissaient et parlaient avec feu. Tout annocait la plus grande agitation."
 * overall, France (Bourbon) saw Poland as useless, and tried to keep its alliance with France
 * p.22, reports from the Great Sejm were published in French press, which discussed the impact of the French Revolution on Poland. Ex. "Gazette Nationale ou le Moniteur Universel" 25 XII 1789, p.485, "On dit que la revolution de France eveille dans le peuple de la republique un veritable espirit de liberte."
 * p.22 and vice-versa, Polish public opinion was quite interested in the events in France. Polish king to his representative (Filippo Mazzei) in France: "Vous n'ignorez pas combien la nation polonaise sympathise avec la francaise et que les nouveles de la France sont toujours attendues et receues ici, avec la plus grande avidite."
 * p.22-23: Polish aristocrats in France were not very supportive of the French Revolution, but lesser Polish nobles were members of all important French groups, including the jacobinists
 * Poland did not have a very active mission in France, only Mazzei, plans for something more were discussed, eventually there was the mission of Feliks Oraczewski
 * p.48-50 - French public opinion was very interested in goings on in Poland and quite supportive
 * but France didn't want to officially support Poland, seeing itself as too weak to engage in a possible war
 * p.53 - on his travel through countryside, he mentions encounters with revolutionary armed peasants [...] and critique that Poland will act against France as lackey of Moscow (it is unclear if this critique was levied by peasants); source AGAD, Zb. Pop., rps 418, Nr 104, letter of Oraczewski to King, Nion (Switzerland), 13 VII 1792
 * p.64 - more on public opinion in Poland looking favorably at events in France, seen as the role model. During the Great Sejm, on 3 February 1791 for example, a deputy Albin Kazimierz Skórkowski said: "As the desctruction of Bastille brings honor to the French, so the destruction of the Permanent Council brings honor to us."
 * 1791: arrival of Marie Louis Descorches in Poland - French diplomatic mission to Poland. He was highly supportive of the Patriotic Faction, but his superiors were more restrained. He was one of the proponents of the (unrealized) French-Polish alliance.
 * p.88 - Bonnet on the support of the Polish society for the reforms: "Telle est aujourd'hui l'enthousiasme qui entraine, telle est la concorde qui anime, telle est l'harmnie quui dirige les etats, qu'on ne parait plus appercevoir desormais, les traces du parti oppose, qui avait jusqu'ici, si non retenu, du moins trop longtemps retarde, les operations de la diete." He writes about support from lesser nobility and the burghers.
 * p.91 Deschorches notes that French ideas are especially popular among the "Polish youth". Polish official approval of the French Constitution of 1792 was widely reported in French press and met with much approval in France.
 * p.94 - more on Polish public opinion and "inhabitants of Warsaw" interest in French events
 * p.104 - note of a frequent discussions about Poland in the French Legislature Parliament
 * p.107 - note of a French newspaper being printed in Warsaw
 * p.114 - note that a Polish public opinion was very interested in French-Austrian relations
 * p.118 - note that the French press was very interested in Polish preparations for defense against the Russian invasion
 * note on the French volunteers who reported to Oraczewski in Paris to help Poland fight Russia
 * p.124 - note by Bonnet on how "middle and lesser nobility" are united to fight against the Russian invaders
 * p.128-p.129 - note on the widespread support of British public opinion of Poland, including collecting money to aid Poand, also p.137
 * p.130 - on Frech press, politicians and public opinion support for Poland and critique of Russia
 * p.139 - near the end of the war, marshal Małachowski started to spend more time on the map of Siberia than on the map of Poland, stating that he suspects that this is where he will soon be forced to resettle permanently
 * p.146 - Prussian envoy, Bucholts, describes Deschorches allies as "youth, Frenchmen and women"
 * p.153 - Polish public opinion was critical of the Prussian war with France and there were Polish volunteers, including among military officers, for the French Army
 * p.154 - note on the growth or pro-French and pro-revolution attitudes among Prussian youth
 * p.154 - note on the increase of printed pamphlets against Targowica in Warsaw, and note on other pamphlets imported from abroad, with accusations that they are printed in France
 * p.155 - a note on the Russian-inspired bounty in Warsaw to denouce people reading "French pamphlets"
 * p.156 - note on the French songs being sung in Warsaw, and French colors being displayed
 * p.156 - note on anti-Russian agitation even among the peasants (who are being advised by agitators to refuse to supply Russian army)

Prussia: Upadek w świetle korespondencji Fryderyka WII z Lucchesinim

 * Kocój, Upadek Konstytucji 3 maja w świetle korespondecji Fryderyka Wiljelma II z posłem pruskim w Warszawie Girolamo Lucchesinim (Fall of 3rd May constitution in the light of Frideric Wilhelm II correspondence with prussian envoy in Warsaw Girolamo Luchesini), 2002
 * Frederick William II of Prussia and Girolamo Lucchesini
 * FWII always prioritized Prussian territorial expansion, and from the very beginning considered how to abolish the Polish-Prussian alliance, restore relations with Russia, and undermine the 3 May constitution, which he saw as dangerous to the Prussian state
 * p.10 he argued that the alliance was nullified by the Constitution
 * p.11 he pointed out that pro-revolutionary politicians in both Poland and France were too optimistic and carefree. He saw much French influence in Poland.
 * p.12 he saw Polish reforms as better and more dangerous to Prussia as French
 * p.12-13 he didn't expect the Russian invasion of Poland

Saxony: Konstytucja w relachach Essena

 * Henryk Kocój, Konstytucja 3 Maja w relacjach posła saskiego Franciszka Essena (3rd May constitution in the letters of Saxsony's envoy Franciszek Essen), Wyd UJ 2000
 * correspondence between August Franz Essen and Frederick Augustus I of Saxony
 * p.9 - argued against FAI assuming the Polish throne
 * p.9 - positively commented about lack of violence associated with the changes in Poland
 * p.10 - argues that constitution is an intrigue of a tiny minority
 * p.18 - notes that troublemaking books are imported from France
 * p.20 - notes that some Polish emissaries are stirring peasants, including in borderlands and Russian/Austrian territories
 * he was predicting the fall of Poland

Austria: Obrady Sejmu Wielkiego w świetle relacji posła austriackego

 * Henryk Kocój, Bendedikt de Cache, Obrady Sejmu Wielkiego w świetle relacji posła austriackego w Warszawie, PIW, 1988, ISBN 8301086270
 * correspondence between Benedikt de Caché and Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz
 * p.8 Lepopold II was supportive of the Polish constitution, but Austria wanted to improve relations with Russia, and needed Prussia and Russia support against France
 * p.10 note of the influence of Polish democratic ideals on the "inhabitants of Galicia" ("less Galliciens")

Prussia:Dzialanosc dyplomacji polskiej w Berlinie

 * Maciej Kucharski, Działalnośc dyplomacji polskiej w Berlinie w latach 1788-1792, Katowice, 2000, ISBN 02086336
 * overview of historiography about Polish diplomatic missions of that period
 * p.9 - era of Great Sejm saw much development and growth in Polish diplomacy, for example, opening of missions in Copenhagen, Dresden, Haga and Madrit
 * p.17 - diplomatic mission in Berlin begun in winter 1772
 * p.108 - at first, Prussians officially were supportive of the constitituion, although internally they were opposed to it from the very beginning
 * p.114 - British diplomat in Berlin, Joseph Ewart, told Polish one that the Prussians are particularly unhappy about Constitutonal provisions granting freedom to peasants settling in Poland, afraid that this created favorable conditions for Prussian peasants (under serfdom) to escape to Poland. Poles also obtained a memo by Ewald Heinrich Hertzberg, who argued that reformed, strong Poland would be a danger to Prussia.
 * p. 118 - as of August, there was no reliable German translation of the constitution, and false rumors spread
 * overall view of Polish foreign diplomatic efforts is poor (same for the French one by Kocój)

Łojek: Ku naprawie

 * Jerzy Łojek, Ku naprawie Rzeczpospolitej: konstytucja 3 Maja, Wyd. Interpress, 1988, ISBN 8322323247.
 * p.7-8 on the uniqueness of Polish system, which gave representative democracy to up to 10% of the society, notes the problem with liberum veto and consensus vs. majority issues; arguments that Poland was more of a confederation of sovereign states - ziemia - (hence liberum veto), rather then a federation
 * p.51 - "Reforms were to a great extent an outcome of external factors - conflicts, alliances and such - in Europe." also p.77
 * p.55-56 - only many months after the fall of Bastille Polish reformers would start to claim connections / sympathies to the French revolutionaries but the French did not. Changes in Poland were so different from those in France that many pointed to the differences, not similarities, between those revolutions. p.113 notes for example the difference in French and Polish kings attitude to the constitution, p.113-114 discusses the public opinion views of Polish events (revolution...) as a counterpoint to the French one. p.114-115 quotes NE (see below) on unrest in France (including peasants) compared to peace in Poland. However p.116 notes that French victory and Polish defeat significantly reversed the European views, since France was a success, and Poland failed.
 * p.65-68 - interesting notes on Polish-British and British-Russian foreign relations, about potential Prussian/British/Polish war against Russia
 * p.67 in March-May 1791 European public opnion was more concerned with the Prussian/British/Polish? - Russian war then with the French revolution
 * p.78- on cities. p.79 cities Tadeusz Korzon that there was about .5m of burghers with "national consciousness", and they were better educated then szlachta. Notes Hugo Kołlątaj and Jan Dekert inspired 24 November 1789 Akt zjednoczenia miast, 2 December 1798 Black Procession (Czarna procesja) - demonstration! - procession through the city delivering petition to the king. Despite criticism from many of szlachta, the procession is also credited with creating the image of the cities as a real force, and Great Sejm decided to create a "commission for the cities" (deputacja w sprawie miast). Notes rise in brochures discussing this issue. Interestingly (p.80-81) many opponents of the constitution were supportive of enfranchisement of the burghers. The opposition project, more generous then the original one, was passed as the Miasta nasze królewsie....
 * p.82 - notes that around 3 May Warsaw expected to hear news of the Prussian-Russian war
 * p.87 - on the day of the 3 may, notes crowds of burghers, agitated by the speakers of the Patriotic Party
 * p.97 - notes disfranchisement of poor nobility, intended to weaken magnates that bought their votes, but in fact anti-democratic
 * p.100 - notes that Staszic wrote many pamphlets about the poor conditions of the peasantry
 * p.101 - Constitution gave hopes to the peasants; in places where peasant leaders misinterpreted the constitution as abolishing serfdom, in summer 1791 unrest rose, requiring in some cases dispatching troops to quell them. Refusals to carry on serfdom duties were so common that they became a country-wide problem.
 * Interesting that this was a reaction to the constitution
 * p.101-102 - notes the reprecussions of granting liberty to foreign peasants, including a great increase in peasants who escaped abroad only to return to Poland as "foreign peasants" after a short period. Notes also that it was one of the more problematic parts of the constitution as seen by Russia, which was afraid of peasant escaping to Poland. Catherine said: "...half of the peasants of Belarus would move to Poland, and rest would be confused." Also notes that in the second half of the XVIII century peasants escapes from Russia to Poland was common, as conditions in Poland were better then in Russia (note: I have a better ref on that in needed)
 * p.103-104 - notes the uniqueness of the article that required periodical revisions and updates to the constitution (theoretically, everything could be changed!)
 * p.113 - notes that "international newspapers of Europe" (~20 French-language newspapers published mostly outside France, in Netherlands and Germany) widely discussed and popularized info on the constitution. Most important of them was the "Nouvelles Extraordinaires de Divers Endroits" published in Leiden fro 1660-1798 (in 10,000 issues, and found from Moscow and Istanbul to Madrit and USA, according to p.116). Second was the "Courier du Bas-Rhin" from Kliwia in Germany. On 1 July NE praised Polish events and criticized French ones. The newspaper published the full text of the constitution.
 * p.117 - notes great reception of the constitution in UK, including in popular press, and praise by Edmund Burke (who stressed peaceful way of the Polish revolution)
 * p.117 - notes the Italian translation of 1792/1793 in Florence, notes that there were "many other translations throughout Europe" but there is no work discussing them
 * p.121 - notes strong support of Emeperor Leopold II of Austria for the Constitution
 * p.131 - notes common meetings held in Warsaw between burghers and nobility, declaring common causes and solidarity, in May, after the constitution passed
 * p.137 - notes that the opposition to the constitution, centered on the Russian embassy and hetman Branicki, numbered about 30 deputies and represented about 10% of Polish public opinion. Notes that there were others who were unhappy with the constitution, but refused to ally themselves with Branicki, Jerzy Czartoryski for example said: "I dislike the constitution, but I consider anybody who will cause unrest in the country a bandit."
 * p.138-139 - Branicki planned to kidnap the king and force him to sign an act denoucing the constitution which caused much uproar in Warsaw
 * p.141 notes gives a novel argument for the Russian part of the partition: not reasons of the state, but desire of private individuals to get Polish lands, and the rise of 19t century Russian land magnates on the Polish partitioned lands
 * p.142-143 - sejmiks of February 1792 approved the constitution, not a single one denounced it, showing support of the masses (of nobility)
 * p.163 - Russian response to Polish constitution was read in Warsaw on May 18 (so information passage from Warsaw to St. Petersburgh was about a week)
 * p.165 - Ludwig von Wurtemberg, a mercenary in command of the northern (Lithuanian) army, betrayed Poland from the start, sabotaging his orders and secretly informing Russia he has no intention of carrying out his orders
 * p.166 - the war showed that Polish troops are better organized and trained then Russian; Poniatowski was redying for a major battle (he had 40,000 troops, including fresh 9,000 gwardia) but the battle never occurred due to king's capitulation
 * p.177-178 discuss the king Poniatowski - Empress Catherine letter of 22 June 1792, proposing an interesting alliance
 * p.187 - Poniatowski's access to Targowica was seen with contempt even in Russia
 * p.197-198 - notes changing perception of the Constitituion in the nation, creation of its legend, how its very memory was censored by the Russian partitioners
 * p.199-200 notes that the archive of the Great Sejm were moved to St. Petersburgh in 1795, and only some were returned to Poland in 1960s. Following pages discuss more source materials and historiography
 * p.213 mentions the existence of pamphlets about peasant issues: 5 tomes of Matriały do dzieła Sejmu Czteroletniego from 1950s

Łojek: Geneza i obalenie

 * Jerzy Łojek, Geneza i obalenie konstytucji 3 Maja, Wydawnictwo Lubelskie, 1986, ISBN 8322203136. Also covers foreign relations of the Commonwealth 1787-1992
 * on political opportunity: p.23 - in addition to Russian-Ottoman War, there was a Russo-Swedish War (1788–1790), but they were both seen in Poland (and Europe) as less important than highly expected war between United Kingdom, Prussia and Netherlands (the Triple Alliance (1788)) and Russia.
 * notes on the excellence of Russian diplomacy, which undermined the Triple Alliance, and how Russians have penetrated (bribed? blackmailed?) British politics of that era, engineering the British parliament crisis
 * some names: Halles - British envoy to ?, Reede - British envoy to Netherlands, Charles Whitworth, 1st Earl Whitworth - British envoy to Russia, Semyon Vorontsov - Russian envoy to Britain, Stiepan Kołyczew - Russian diplomat, Michał Kleofas Ogiński - Polish diplomat to Britain, working for the Russians
 * p.130 - Prussia and Prussian king were expecting this alliance to come through and were surprised and annoyed when it didn't
 * p.23, p.32 - from mid-1780s there was a growing and strong demand by Polish public opinion for reforms. "Do or don't, Poland was damned."
 * p.26 - there were discussions of Polish alliance with Russia, but Russia did not want to ally itself closer with Poland and thus recognize Poland as a sovereign country
 * p.33 - failure of Poland to recognize that the alliance with Prussia was temporary
 * note that the time of a courier to travel from Warsaw to London was ~15 days
 * p.103-104 - note on the Cossack unrest against the Russian Empire, and Cossack feelings whether Poland or Prussia would come to the aid of their uprising. See Antoni Zabłocki (Polish diplomat in the region), Vasily Kapnist (Cossack envoy to Prussia). Notes that this issue is "mostly unknown even to Russian historiography"
 * p.152+ - interesting discussion of the Stronnictwo Patriotyczne
 * p.154 - notes involvement of middle and lesser nobility and burghers in politics (nothing on peasants)
 * p.157 - Klub Przyjaciół Konstytucji - discusses how it is incorrectly seen as the first Polish political party (and a proto-Jacobin party)
 * p.172-173 - discussion of irrationality of Russian foreign state policy, which was less for the state but more for the powerful individuals who currently held positions of authority
 * p.180-181 - on the great man theory - how the decisions or fate of some individuals were crucial to the future events. Grigory Potyomkin demanded invasion of Poland, but was blocked by Platon Zubov, so as long as he lived, Russia, ironically, would not invade Poland. When he died, Zubov usurped his plan to invade Poland and this became the Russian policy. More exampes: death of Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor, supporter of the constitution, and betrayal of Michał Ogiński, who ruined the chances for Polish-British alliance.
 * p.183 - notes that there were few opponents in Sejm of the Constitution
 * p.189 - notes the support of burghers of Warsaw for the Constitution,
 * p.206 - another note on the failure of the Polish diplomacy, this time to form an alliance with Austria, which was friendly to Poland till the death of Leopold
 * p.265 - woroncow, the leading figure of contemporary Russian diplomacy, was in favor of the C3M
 * p.264 - Russian public opinion had much contempot for the Polish Targowica traitors
 * names of important Russian politicians: Alexander Bezborodko (in favor of dealing in Poland), replaced by Arkadiy Ivanovich Morkov (who wanted to attack Poland)
 * p.307 - discusses the issue of (not created) burghers militia; the burghers had the will but some nobles and the king were afraid of them
 * p.380 - European public opnion towards Poland, p.382 mentions much support in UK, including officers volunteering and money collection
 * p.421 - mentions unrest in Warsaw after the capitulation, burghers and nobility were close to rioting, and the army was unhappy
 * p.293, p.402 - on the War in Defense of the Constitution

The Linguistic Image of the Peasant in Journalistic Texts at the End of the 18th Century

 * Jaworski, Józef; Językowy obraz chłopa (rolnika, włościanina) w tekstach publicystycznych końca XVIII w. [The Linguistic Image of the Peasant in Journalistic Texts at the End of the 18th Century], Polish Language (1/2007), Pages: 55-65,
 * Abstract: Among the peasant’s characteristics, there is an overall predominance of positive traits like diligence, perseverance, patriotism, decisiveness, determination and valour in military actions; the negative traits relating to vices like drunkenness and conservatism. These traits, highlighted in particular configurations, constitute a relatively complete conceptual model (gestalt) of the peasant – considered here in the perspective of the journalistic texts from the end of the 18th century.
 * notes that the issue of peasants was often discussed in contemporary publications, for example in Monitor (Polish newspaper)
 * many members of Great Sejm were interested in it, such as Józef Pawlikowski, impoverished noble whose father was a smith

Wewnętrzne dzieje - Korzon

 * "Wewnętrzne dzieje Polski za Stanisława Augusta: (1764-1794) badania historyczne ze stanowiska ekonomicznego i administracyjnego" 1897 Kraków Korzon Tadeusz wydanie Akademii Umiejętności w Krakowie, also online [www.rebkow.za.pl/wewnetrzne.htm], [www.rebkow.za.pl/buntchop.htm]
 * notes the unrest among peasants AFTEr the passage of the constitution, notes activity of "agitators" among peasants, notes that news of the French Revolution have spread to peasants, which were mentioning France in their discussions
 * peasants were under the impression that the constitution made them free
 * there was little violence, peasant leaders were sentenced to flagellation and/or public humiliation
 * nonetheless, Korzon notes that those events were relatively rare

Literary activities and attitudes in the Stanislavian age in Poland (1764-1795)

 * Jan IJ. van der Meer, Literary activities and attitudes in the Stanislavian age in Poland (1764-1795), Rodopi, 2002, [ISBN 9042009330
 * p.84 notes limited access peasants had to literacy
 * p.151: "After subtracting certain whole classes (the uniate clergy, Jews, tenant farmers, and peasants), and an estimated percentage of women, children, and men who were either illiterate or did not have the level of education Łojek arrives at the conclusion that approximately 2.25% of the population or 196,00 people were potential readersof journals and papers in 1791." He further estimates that 80% of newspapers and journals were bought by residents of Warsaw (this presumably also includes local nobles, not only burghers).
 * p.156 - notes that farmers were "predominantly illiterate"
 * p.205 - notes that the petty nobility had little interest in literacy (note from p.154: rich nobility - 318.000 (3.6%). lower nobility or gentry with land (yeomen) or without land - 407000 (4.6%), Catholic clergy (including the orders) - 10.000 (0.1%), uniate clergy with families - 40000 (0.5%), Christian middle class (burghers) - 500.000 (5.7%), Jews - 900000 ( 10.2%), Tatars - 50000 (0.6%), tenant farmers and peasants • 6.565.000 (74.7%))

Historia gospodarcza Polski

 * Andrzej Jezierski, Cecylia Leszczyńska
 * p.77 - notes that while Poland was peaceful, there was constant unrest in Ukraine, and that in 1788 there was a small peasant uprising at Pohrebysk (source. T. Korzon, Odrodzenie w upadku, str. 107

Everyday forms of peasant resistance

 * Jacek Kochanowicz, Between Submission and Violence: Peasant Resistance in the Polish Manorial Economy of the Eighteenth Century in Forrest D. Colburn (ed.), Everyday forms of peasant resistance, M.E. Sharpe, 1989 ISBN 0873326229 (GPrint and mirror). Pages 34-65
 * p.55 - notes the difference between passive Polish peasants and more active and violent Cossacks (military frontiersmen); notes rebellions in Ukraine in 18th century (Haidamaka, although the last major one, Koliyivschyna, was in 1768)
 * p.55 - "There were no peasant insurrections in Poland" (but he doesn't define insurrections, and writes that there were "many local rebellions" - defining them to include non-violent forms of protest)
 * p.56 - notes that there were less rebellions in 18th century then in 17th
 * p.57 - notes that the peasants were generally illiterate

Socjologia wsi polskiej

 * Izabella Bukraba-Rylska, Socjologia wsi polskiej, PWN, 2008, ISBN: 978-83-01-15530-8
 * p.119 - notes that petitions (supliki) were one of the most common forms of peasant protest

Odrodzenie w upadku

 * p.109 - notes passivity and obedience as common traits of Polish peaasants, contrasts them with violent and militant Ukranian ones
 * p.109 - notes that nobility was overestimating and overreacting to gossip about peasants uprising
 * p.115-120 - discussion of individual pro-peasant reforms of nobles

Historia chłopów polskich - Świętochowski

 * Świętochowski - Historia chłopów polskich w zarysie (1928) GPrint
 * p.299-300 - notes the difference in resistance forms of Polish (passive) and Ukrainian (active) peasants
 * p.303-310 - discussion of petitions, notes the suplika tarczyńska of 1767 and suplika płaczliwa of 1789; the latter asked the Great Sejm to defend the peasants against the abuses of the nobility (common theme); only a few petitions asked for larger reforms and political representations
 * p.308 - notes that more elaborate petitions were likely written by/with the aid of non-peasants (nobility?)
 * p.308 - notes that the period of Great Sejm gave hope to peasants and resulted in larger number of written petitions (which were not very effective)
 * p.324 - examples of individual noble reformers
 * p.334 - examples of polemics, prints, and such written for the peasant cause, notes that a few said to be written by the peasants but most likely weren't
 * p.395 - notes that the Great Sejm overall didn't prioritize the issues of peasantry
 * p.397 - notes that the Sejm however paid attention to fears and gossip of possible peasant revolution, particularly in Ukraine

Historia chłopów polskich - Inglot

 * Historia chłopów polskich / pod red. Stefana Inglota ; [aut.] Jan Borkowski [et al.]. - Wrocław : Wydaw. Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 1992
 * p.85 - most peasant rebellions in PLC were in Ukraine, and often connected to the Cossacks - militant and never broken to serfdom
 * p.92-93 - notes that the peasants supported PLC in military conflict, even if they were not promised much in return, which can be taken as a sign of their existing/growing national consciousness
 * p.101-103 - notes that the literacy among peasants increased in late 18th century with the spread of the edicational network of Komisja Edukacji Narodowej but also notes that this was mostly limited to Catholic peasantry - there was little effort to create educational networks among Orthodox peasantry

Powstania chłopskie na ziemiach dawnej Rzeczypospolitej

 * Powstania chłopskie na ziemiach dawnej Rzeczypospolitej / B. Baranowski. - Warszawa : Wydawnictwo Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej, 1952
 * p.73-74 - notes the suplika tarczyńska
 * p.79 - notes that peasants had knowledge of France (but as always, instances are given, not enough proof to say that this knowledge was widespread)
 * p.80 - notes that there was some unrest in the years of the Great Sejm (but nothing very significant)

Walka chłopów z uciskiem szlacheckim w Polsce w XVII i XVIII wieku

 * Walka chłopów z uciskiem szlacheckim w Polsce w XVII i XVIII wieku : dokumentacja historyczna do mapy znajdującej się na wystawie "Historia wsi" w Muzeum Etnograficznym w Krakowie / Władysław Bogatyński. - Kraków : Muzeum Etnograficzne, 1955.
 * p.54 - draws a link between suplika tarczyńska and haidamak's revolution
 * p.62 - notes that some Polish peasants knew about France
 * p.73 - notes that the center of peasant insurrections in PLC was in south-east - Podhale/Tatry, Subcarpathia, Eastern Borderlands - Ukraine, Volhynia, Poldasie, Belarus
 * p.95 - gives dates of notable peasant rebellions: 1630-1633, 1648-1654, 1670, 1751, 1753, 1755 1758-1759, 1763, 1768-1769, 1784-1788, 1789

McNeil

 * Polyethnicity and National Unity
 * p.46-47: argues that the reason why there was no revolution in Poland (he speaks more generally of non-West) was lower population density, thus less incentive for the peasants to demand change due to them running out of land to farm

Questions

 * lack of pressure from below (till Kosciuszko in 1794) - elites only? Staszic was not a noble...
 * reception of the constitution abroad
 * France, UK, USA, Russia, Austria, Prussia, HRE, Spain, Italy...?
 * foreign travels, connections, education, and influences of people close to the constitution-making process
 * how widespread was the knowledge of French throughout Polish nobility and burghers?

to research

 * wieś polska a rewolucja francuska

Kowecki

 * Jerzy Kowecki (ed.), Konstytucja 3 Maja 1791 (Warsaw: PWN, 4th edn 1991)
 * p.32 - notes the tameness of the Polish burgher movement, exemplified with the fact that the demands of the Black Procession were significantly shaped by Hugo Kołłataj (a noble and a priest) and consulted with the king himself before being delivered to him (another source - check - notes that the king did not meet with the burghers officially, but unofficially, and it was orchestrated as an accident, but in fact pre-planned by both sides).
 * p.46 - notes that the concept of the nation in the constitution included all inhabitants, including peasants

Bardach

 * Juliusz Bardach, Boguslaw Lesnodorski, and Michal Pietrzak, Historia panstwa i prawa polskiego (Warsaw: Paristwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987
 * p.304-305: background
 * subsequent pages: sections describing the constitution:
 * social system
 * nobility
 * burghers
 * peasants
 * religion
 * nation and citizens
 * political system
 * on federation and union aspects
 * supervision by the nation, division of power
 * sejm and sejmiks
 * king
 * Straż Praw
 * governmental commissions
 * courts
 * treasury
 * military
 * ends with the historical significance on pages 317-319
 * continues with the fall of the Constitution

Bauer - Uchwalenie i obrona

 * p.22-34 - interesting overview of the Commonwealth economy with stats and numbers
 * p.34-35 - notes on the burgher class, and how compared to French one it was smaller, less influential, and still looking up to nobility as an example rather then something to bypass
 * p.38 - on clothing, notes how Ignacy Potocki switched his Western garb for a Cossack-influenced traditional one, thinking it would appeal more to the public opinion
 * p.47 - clearly states that reforms of the Great Sejm were possible only because of the external events (conflict between Polish neighbours)
 * p.47 - clearly states that reforms of the Great Sejm were possible only because of the external events (conflict between Polish neighbours)

Kalinka

 * Władysław Kalinka, 1991. "Sejm czteroletni". Warszawa
 * volume 1
 * p.200 - brief mention of rumors of peasant unrest or rebellion on Ukraine, but does not attribute more than a single passing mention on this page to this topic (this very incident is discussed in more detail on p.328-329)
 * p.304-305 - mentions the above rumors about unrest among peasants on the eastern (Russian) frontier (Ukraine) raising again in the period of late 1788 - early 1798, with the reference to the relatively recent memory of the Massacre of Uman and Koliyivshchyna (1768-1769). With the exception of small incidents, those remained unconfirmed, exaggerated rumors, that were however, often repeated.
 * p.311 - the rumors are said to be encouraged by the Russian agents in the region
 * p.314 - quotes prince Czartoryski who notes that the reason for peasant unrest is less the Russian provocation, and more the poor treatment of them by Polish nobles
 * p.315 - Sejm's temporary solution was to send more military to the region, to scare the peasants and the foreign agents
 * p.322-323 - more of the same rumours, still being a popular topic in the Sejm
 * p.328-329 - discusses the murder of a Polish noble family in Ukraine, leading to another wave of rumors about the peasant rebellion
 * p.330 - notes the King's orders to the military to not aggregate the peasants without a reason, and that the local officials should ensure the peasants are treated fairly
 * p.331-334 - notes that any incidents were rare and exaggerated; discusses some examples of persecution of peasants in the Volhyni reason by overacting dignitaries; at least several were tortured and executed
 * p.334-336 - discusses the persecution and execution of some Orthdox clergy who supported the peasants;
 * p.337-338 - more of the same; concludes that this lead to the growth of anti-Polish sentiments among the peasants in Volhnyania
 * p.341-343 - about how more reasonable officials quelled the tensions in Ukraine; about how most of the real incidents were caused due to unsubstantiated rumors and fear mongering leading to persecution of peasants by officials
 * p.446-452 - discuses the towns and Jan Dekert
 * volume 2
 * p.300-366 - overview of major political pamphlets, brochures and authors of the era
 * p.355, 384-390 - on the debates about the royal succession

Grześkowiak-Krwawicz

 * A. Grześkowiak-Krwawicz, O formę rządu czy o rząd dusz? Publicystyka polityczna Sejmu Czteroletniego, Warsaw, 2000
 * p. 41 - talks about a 100-fold or so increase in the political pamphlets publishing, estimating the number of such publications in the era of the Great Sejm as 600 to 700, and that number is conservative, ignoring prints of speeches or proposals of new legislation
 * p. 42-43 - at least some of the above works had a circulation of several thousands
 * p.45 - Kollataj was the author of the large number of works (11). Seweryn Rzewuski published about 20.
 * p.46 - majority of authors were nobles, but a small minority of townsfolk authors became visible around that time (Staszic, Dekert, others) [Dekert publshed a letter-testament that was one of the notable political publications of its time).
 * p.164 - notes that towsfolk moved from making requests to being co-discussants on the issue of the country's future
 * p173 - notes that one of the major arguments of the anti-townsfolk nobility was the fear that king-townsfolk alliance would move the country on the authoritarian path
 * p.49 - argues that Kollataj Forge might have been a much looser organizationn than some older historians have considered it to be
 * p.58 - notes the myriad of topics, all of which could be summarized as "on the Commonwealth".
 * p.60-61 - major areas included governance (in particular, the question of royal succession - should the free election be retained, or should hereditary succession be (re)introduced? the size of the military, and taxtation) and the municipal reform (rights of townsfolk). With regards to the peasant question, it was a minor topic, just like the issues of the status of Jewry or the Cossacks.
 * p.180-181 - notes that with the notable exception of Kollataj lesser known Jan Pawliowski and Tadeusz Morski, no other influential publisher, politician, or faction were significantly concerned with the need to change the situation of the peasantry
 * p. 184 - 185 - notes that the early 1789 the peasantry topic was most popular, due to the rumors of unrest in Ukraine

Comments on essay

 * "what is striking about the case of the precocious Polish constitution is the apparent absence of significant pressures from below" - we need to define the "below". It is my understanding that this is used to meant peasantry, but without def it can be misleading in some context. Some (Łojek) note that there was pressure from general public opinion (nobility, burghers). But indeed the peasant masses (~75%) didn't seem to be significantly more active
 * "The Polish elite were not bowing to popular pressure" - according to Łojek, they were - the popular pressure from nobility (mostly) to "do something"
 * "the Second Partition, on the other hand -- itself triggered by those elite reforms generally and the constiution in particular -- set in motion important plebian mobilizations, some self-activated" - I don't recall much self-motivated mobilizations; the primary one was the Proclamation of Połaniec of Kościuszko
 * "not under any significant pressure from below before the plebian mobilizations of 1794" - indeed seems correct
 * "the threat of destruction of a Polish state surrounded by powerful neighbors capable of acting in concert against a Poland lacking in useful allies" - note quite. Not all neighbors were always hostile (although all took part in the 1st Partition); and Poland had a chance to get allies, plus many thought that Prussia was an ally...

Marx

 * Karol Marks. Przyczynki do historii kwestii polskich (Rękopisy z lat 1863-1864) [Notes to history of Polish issues (Manuscripts from the years 1963-1864)]. Translated by Zygmunt Bogucki. Edited by Helena Michnik and Stefan Bergman. Ksiażka i Wiedza, Warszawa 1971.
 * p. LIII - contain the discussion of the works covered.
 * German title of the originals:
 * Materialien zur Broschure: Deutschland und Polen. Politish-Militarische Betrachtungen Bei Gelegenheit Des Polnischen Aufstands von 1863 [Materials for a brochure: Germany and Poland. Political and military thoughts with regards to the Polish Uprising of 1863]
 * Polen-Preussen und Russland [Poland-Prussia and Russia] (in two drafts)
 * ? [Prussians (bastards)] (sic!) (missing first 20 pages, and pages 38-43)
 * materials on the French attitude to Poland
 * Wstęp [Introduction] by Celina Bobińska.
 * p. I. This is a work collecting manuscripts of unpublished works of Marx from 1863 and 1864, and his related notes.
 * p. XVII-XVIII. Marx read several works on the Constitution of 3 May, and saw it rather favorably. Notably, he read the German translation of "O ustanowieniu i upadku Konstytucji 3 Maja" [On the Estabilishment and Fall of the 3 May Constitution] by Kołłataj, Dmochowski and Potocki.
 * p. VI, XXXV and others. According to Marx, the rise of Prussia required the fall of Poland.
 * p. XXXVI-XXXVIII. Marx agrees that the partitions were caused by Poland's neighbors feeling threatened by the Polish reforms. He calls the Constitution a "state revolution". He notes that the factors outside the Polish state itself played a role in preserving its archaic, feudal structure, which in turn spurred the reform movement inside to act more quickly to combat the anarchy, state inefficiency, and self-rule by magnates. He sees the Constitution as giving equal rights to the burghers (making them equal to the nobility). He sees the Constitution as a "unique" act of the nobility, with its progressive faction facing of the traditional oligarchy (magnates/aristocracy). The progressive nobility was the Polish third state. At the same time, he notes it did not do enough to address the peasant issue, and thus failed to spark popular support of it among the peasantry. He praises it, saying that "with all its faults, the Constitution can be seen on the background of the Russian-Prussian-Austrian barbarism as the only work of freedom that Europe has independently created." (p.153)


 * From Marx himself:
 * p.145: calls the Great Sejm "the beginning of the regeneration of the Polish nation"
 * p.153: Marx writes: "[The Constitution] came uniquely from the privileged class, the nobility. World's history does not know any other example of such generosity of that class."
 * I'd however disagree with this, and point to the growing role of the burgher class, which Marx should've not omitted here

articles

 * 80-84: discusses the era as the one when the concept of Polish nation was evolving from that of "nobles only" towards "all social classes included"
 * discusses the impact of R.'s and M.'s idea on the Polish thinkers
 * discusses the impact of R.'s and M.'s idea on the Polish thinkers


 * notes that the process of constitution-making is very poorly understood
 * "public will to make major constitutional change is unlikely to be present unless a crisis is impending"; then identifies "fear of regime collapse" as a factor inducing the constitution-making process in the 1791 case;
 * identifies upstream, downstream and self-imposed constrains, as well as motivations - personal, group and individual interests, passion and reasons
 * identifies upstream, downstream and self-imposed constrains, as well as motivations - personal, group and individual interests, passion and reasons


 * Origins of Polish constitutionalism can be traced to the 13th centuries, at which time the government by consensus and representation was already well established in the young Polish state. The emergence of parliamentary bodies, the sejm and sejmiki, followed. By 17th century, Polish emerging legal and governmental tradition was characterized by the development of parliamentarism and a system of checks and balances on the power of the state, further limited due to decentralization;  and the raise of the concept of individual liberties and the concept of duties owed by the monarch to his subjects, tied with the idea of a contractual state, represented by major significance of the documents such as Henrician Articles and the Pacta Conventa.
 * ""This foreign aggression spurred a desperately needed rethinking of traditional constitutional values". "In August of 1790 King Stanislaw August Poniatowski declared that "the 'only method of assuring to Poland the integrity of its possessions, and of preserving it from the ruin which foreign politics were preparing for it was to establish a Constitution which should secure its internal independence."
 * ""This foreign aggression spurred a desperately needed rethinking of traditional constitutional values". "In August of 1790 King Stanislaw August Poniatowski declared that "the 'only method of assuring to Poland the integrity of its possessions, and of preserving it from the ruin which foreign politics were preparing for it was to establish a Constitution which should secure its internal independence."


 * the title suggests that it focuses on myths (mostly idealizations in Polish press, culture and historiography) of some of the aspects of the constitution, but they are not really discussed in any detail save for those listed below. In either case, the author's polemic is primarily with a single paper, that of Wagner (1991) discussed below
 * offers an interesting criticism: "was a measure designed to guarantee thecontinuation of a stratified class society, the civil rights and property of thegentry and clergy, and the domination by the Catholic Church through directparticipation of the hierarchy in the government and through imposition ofChurch laws and ideology... It is a mistake to put the Polish Statute on the same level with the American Constitution, with its Bill of Rights, or the French, with its Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen. The latter documents broke with traditional feudal ways, abolished a hereditary class structure of society, broke with ecclesiastic domination by separating state and church, and introduced absolute freedom of conscience." and later "Moreover, the nobility was designated as a dominating class having exclusive access to all public offices. Thus the explicit purpose of the Constitution was to reaffirm them aintenance of the feudal system in Poland. "
 * discusses some influences of Enlightenment on Polish thinkers
 * provides a history of reform movement in Poland from 17th century up to the constitution
 * offers a critique of the counter-reformation in particular, and religion as a force limiting freedom in general; a major part of the article discusses religious tolerance in Poland, and how the constitution was less liberal than the Warsaw Confederation (1573) in that regard
 * on peasants: "though peasants in Poland did not have personal freedom, it was granted to the immigrants to thecountry. Peasants in many places read this as a release from serfdom andrenounced obedience to theirm asters. The King published a proclamation onAugust 2, 1791, in which he condemned the peasants' revolt and called uponlocal authorities to use troops to "maintain peasants in submission andobedience to their masters." and "[The constitution] did not bring any change in the social position of peasants. It maintained the old feudal class system. The King and the ruling class were afraid of social changes such as those fashioned by French democratic ideas, and against granting peasants freedom. That fear, however, had no real basis since the lower classes in the Polish society were not organized nor ideologically prepared for action on the scale of the French Revolution."
 * on peasants: "though peasants in Poland did not have personal freedom, it was granted to the immigrants to thecountry. Peasants in many places read this as a release from serfdom andrenounced obedience to theirm asters. The King published a proclamation onAugust 2, 1791, in which he condemned the peasants' revolt and called uponlocal authorities to use troops to "maintain peasants in submission andobedience to their masters." and "[The constitution] did not bring any change in the social position of peasants. It maintained the old feudal class system. The King and the ruling class were afraid of social changes such as those fashioned by French democratic ideas, and against granting peasants freedom. That fear, however, had no real basis since the lower classes in the Polish society were not organized nor ideologically prepared for action on the scale of the French Revolution."


 * discusses the Reciprocal Guarantee of Two Nations document forming a part of the constitution
 * discusses some differences between the laws and legal traditions in the Crown of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania
 * discusses some differences between the laws and legal traditions in the Crown of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania


 * notes that the Polish constitution evolved, unlike many others, in the context of more of external than internal threats and dissent
 * overview of each article of the constitution
 * overview of each article of the constitution