User:Psjammu/sandbox

Bhai Mani Singh

After the departure of the tenth master, Guru Gobind Singh from this world, two personalities emerged in Sikh society--- Banda Bahadur, who militarily shook the roots of the Mughal empire in Panjab,and Bhai Mani Singh, who took care of  its  social, religious and spiritual organization. An idea of the importance of Bhai Mani  Singh can be  had from the fact that he is remembered daily in every prayer by all the Sikhs as a person whose body was cut to pieces at every joint  by the Mughal rulers. Bhai Mani Singh was related to Bhai Dyala, who was killed at Delhi by the Mughal administration by boiling in the hot water, when the ninth Guru Tegh Bahadur and others were executed at Chandni Chauk Delhi in 1732 B < 1>.According to Satbir Singh (2) Bhai Dyala was born in village  Kakru in Ambala district and his parents, Kalu and Daya migrated to Sunam area. If so ,he was the brother of Bhai Mani Singh because he was the son of Kalu. Since Bhai Dyala was an associate of the ninth Guru, it is probable that Bhai Dyala was an uncle of Bhai Mani Singh and brother of Kalu as stated by Sher Singh Sher (3). Thind (4) also holds that  Bhai Dyala belonged to the Kamboja caste.

KAMBOJAS IN SINDH AN ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTE
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,                                                                                                                           KAMBOJAS IN SINDH : AN ETHNOGRAPHIC  NOTE

Parkash Singh Jammu MIGRATIONS Around 4000 b.c. this tribe was living in Tajikstan, the state situated  in the southern U.S.S.R, to the north of Tibet and Afghanistan in the  Pamir-Badakhshan region(1), when most probably pushed by the Mongols from the northeast, its  members crossed the Himalayas through the Kura Kuram passes, moved southwards along the Indus, and traveling through Kashmir, reached Panjab and Sindh, contributed to the development of the Indus Valley Civilization, and merged with the Dravedian people. This process continued and the people reached Afghanistan and the areas further to its west, from where they  used to travel along the Silk route  to Europe to sell their horses, which they were expert in breeding and riding(2). During the third millennium they were well settled in Afghanistan, where during  the Vedic times they contributed to  the  creation, preservation and propagation of the Vedic lore and the formation of the Brahman varna, which explains the commonality of over two dozen clans/gotras  between the Brahmans and the Kambojas(3).Here the Kurus and the Kambojas, one tribe originally, split into two, but jointly participated in the Bharata war, in which they were defeated, and the Kambojas were taken by Krishna as war prisoners to Gujarat ,where they were a free people after thirty six years(4). An other section went to southern Panjab and Sindh(5). The Vedas mention boats  with hundred oars(6) sailing in the Panjab rivers, which may be taken to mean that many from this tribe moved to Sindh by boats. Besides the people have been moving from Afghanistan to  Sindh via Bolan pass along with their flocks, and it is probable that several from amongst this tribe reached Sindh as shepherd(7). THEIR FOOT PRINTS IN SINDH Scholars(8) mention Kambistholi in southern Panjab/Sindh during  the b.c. era, which means that a section of this tribe had been living here to have a town  associated with its name, and that it  must have  settled here centuries earlier to stamp its name on this place. Another town in this region is named Sarangoli ,which seems to be associated with Sarang, a clan of this tribe. During the janapada times Mc Crindle (9)   mentions Kamboga janapada in this region, where letter g seems to have been used for j. It is probable that Kambistholi was  its capital. Besides  Lambrick (10) notes place names in the Sindh region which are  evidently associated  with this tribe. Some of these are: Kabana/ Kaumana, a place in the Arabian sea in the Sindh region at the time of Alexander which was visited by Nearchues (p.124). Kambali, a town in Sindh, three days journey from Sehwan and two days from Debal (p.240). Kambu, a range of mountains in Sindh, facing Lakhi Hills across Baran valley, made  of limestones, twenty miles long and 2300 feet high, half way between Hyderabad and Karachi as the crow flies (p49). Kambah, a lake by the river, corresponding to the western Nara (p.156). Kio, an islet 123 feet above the sea level 1.25 miles off shore (p.124). Kai ,a township and a flat topped hill, a few hundred yards from  western Kohistan which is now inhabited by the Baloches .Evidently they formed an other stratum  over the area inhabited by the people, whose name changed from Kamboja to Kavoch and then to Kaoch,Koch and Cutch. This area was adjacent to Gujarat, where the Kambojas had settled around 1000 b.c. Runn  of Cutch like Kachha, seems to draw its name from this tribe (p.217). Kachhi are the people living in that area (p.108,218 ). Majumdar (11)  notes a place in the Sindh noted by Nearchues as Kaumana. There is a mountain called Kamb and a tributary of Indus named Kambh to its western side in the Sindh province of Pakistan (12 ). Kautilya in his Arthasastra (11.1.04.) mentions Kamboja Saurashtra Kshatrya shreni adayo varta shastra upajivinah_--Kamboja corporations of warriors, traders, farmers and shepherds  in western India. Chachnama mentions a river named Kanbah and the community  described as Kai and Ka'ab. These are just some of the footprints of this tribe in this region pertaining to the b.c. era, which have survived to these times, and many more can be found., but they suffice to mark  its presence here in ancient times. CHANDER GUPTA MAURYA STARTED FROM SINDH Alexander had to face stiff resistance from half a dozen states in Afghanistan around Koh-e-More area inhabited by this tribe, and during those days Sircar (13)  mentions twenty eight states in north western India,the last one of those was called Patalene, which had its capital at Bahmanabad, and it was ruled by two hereditary kings, one of which was named Moeres/Maurya. This state most probably belonged to the Kambojas, who were Brahmans belonging to the Chach clan of this tribe,who again ruled this area in the seventh century. According to Gupta(14)   Chander Gupta Maurya belonged to the Ashvak section of the Kambojas, and he was  called Maurya because he hailed from the Koh-e-More region of Afghanistan. It seems that his ancestors came from that area, but he belonged to  Patalene, and this explains his recruiting his men and procuring horses from this region, starting his fight from here, and after shaking the Greek dispensation invading Patna.There is no doubt that Chander Gupta belonged to Panjab and Vishnu Gupta was his teacher at Taxila, and both the Guptas executed the plan to conquer Patna. It was because of a  strong social base in this region that the Guptas could organize the resources to win the  victories that they did. After a fight with the Guptas the Macedonians, the political inheritors of Alexander, accepted him the monarch of India and established diplomatic relations with him, while the Guptas focussed their attention on eastern India. THE EMPEROR MAUES/ MOGA Meanwhile the citadels of the Macedonians started crumbling in northwest. Under these circumstances a local leader ,previously associated with the Greeks, perhaps as a satrap, captured part of their territories along  with  their mints, declared himself a king, and later on after capturing Taxila, king of kings.The Sakas/ Scythians and the Pahalavas who along with some other tribes had joined the Kambojas in the formation of the Achaemenian empire in Iran, and had moved to the northern regions to escape the onslaught of Alexander, came down to Afghanistan, formed an organization of five tribes under the leadership of Maues, reestablished themselves in Sakestan, and then moved to the east,captured areas up to Mathura, where a Saka general, Ranjuvula/ Rajula was appointed king/satrap in the first half of the 1st.c.b.c. From Sakestan/ Sindh they advanced to Gujarat with a view to capturing Ujain, but they were defeated by Vikermaditya, who celebrated the occasion by starting Vikerami time series, which corresponds to 57th b.c. Soon after that king Maues died,after him his wife, Machene ,managed that empire for a short while, but that slipped into the hands of the Sakas. The king Maues/Mayoy/Mauou(85-60 b.c.) has been described by almost all the scholars as a Saka, but the facts are that he belonged to the Udyana in Afghanistan, the home of the Kambojas; he was a Buddhist whose coins carried the image of Buddha and the Greeks ,while the Sakas who had just entered these areas were not Buddhists; he was associated with the Greek dispensation when the Sakas were nowhere around; his brother Arta, his son Khroshta  and the Varmans of Bajour were his relatives who ruled various parts of Afghanistan;  they spoke Kharoshti, the local language which they used on their coins; that the scholars ignored the role of the local forces in the power struggle and over emphasized that of outsiders because it  sounded them high; and they did not take into consideration the fact that Maues  could stand for Kamou ,because in  English in initial consonant clusters the sound k before a nasal sound m/n goes silent e.g. nit, nife, nob, nowledge  etc. Besides, they seem to have given undue consideration to the word Sakestan in the Mathura Loin Capital inscription of  the Saka satrap Rajula, and ignored the fact that that endowment was made by his chief queen Aiyasi Kamuia, who was a Buddhist and the daughter of the king Khroshta Kamuio, the son of the king  Arta, who again was the brother of the emperor Maues, also described as Moga ,and Mug/Mago is a clan of the Kambojas. Evidently all of them belonged to the Kamboja tribe (15) ,and it was an other occasion for the tribe to move to the Sindh region. After their initial defeat at the hands of Vikaramaditya the Sakas ,the Pahalavas, and the tribes present here during the time of Alexander, like  Shibois and the Maloies along with others,may be also the Kambojas, captured Sindh and Gujarat in the 2nd c.a.d., and this amalgam ruled these regions up to the 5th c.a.d. under the leadership of the Sakas, when they were overthrown by the Sahasies, perhaps an amalgam  of  brave  people from different tribes or a person named Sahas,who ruled for a couple of generations. This dynasty lost to the Chachs, stated to be the Brahmans. THE CHACHS OF THE SINDH (16) The history of the Sindh after this is relatively more clear. It is available in Chachnama originally written in Arabic by a distant ancestor of the Imam of Alor, Kazi Ismail, who inherited it and gave it to Ali Kufi in 1216 a.d.,who translated it into Persian for presentation to Nasir-ud- din Kabacha,  the son-in-law and a senior minister of Qutab -ud-din Aiback, with a view to securing some favors. English translation of some parts was available in Eliot's History of India, but full  translation of Chachnama was done by Mirza Kalichebeg Fredunbeg in 1900, the1970 edition  of which is available on internet. The account in brief reveals that Alor was ruled  by Sahras, who was killed by the Arabs and he was succeeded by his son Rai Sahasi. His minister, Ram, a Brahman, hired Chach son of Salaij also a Brahman as his assistant , who impressed Ram, Sahasi and his queen Suhandi so much  that he was appointed secretary and chamberlain. The queen fell in love with Chach, confined  her old husband to the interior of the palace  and helped Chach in capturing the throne after which he married her. Chach appointed his brother, Chander as his deputy Alor. The Chachs captured power in 632 a.d. and conquered Sikkah, Multan, Sivistan and fixed boundaries with Kashmir. He captured Brahmanabad ruled by Agham Luhana/ Lubana, married his widow and gave his niece in marriage to Sarhand son of Agham, fixed boundaries with Kirman and divided his state lying in-between sea and Kashmir into four provinces-- Sehwan, Brahmanabad, Uch and Multan. After his death his brother Chander took over and he was succeed by his son Daharsiah, who died of small pox. After him Dahar, younger son of Chach became the king. During his rule some predators captured, looted and imprisoned some Muslim pilgrims from Sarandeep/ Lanka going to Macca for Hajj, upon which  Hajjaj wrote to Dahar to get them released and punish decoits, but Dahar wrote back that he had no control over the sea men and he himself could deal with them. Thereafter Hajjaj sent two expeditions against Dahar under the command of Ubaidulla and Budail, but both of them failed. Then he sent his son-in-law, Mohammad bin Kasim, a young man of seventeen, whose forces were strengthened by the ruler of  Makran, and he succeeded in reducing Debal after a siege of one month and getting the prisoners freed in 711 a.d. After this Kasim advanced to Nerun, where the Buddhist subjects helped Kasim and the town was won. He then invaded Bachchra, a cousin of Dahar, where again the Buddhists/Samanis  sided with the invader and Bachchra  escaped at night. The Buddhists were honored by Kasim .He then advanced towards Raor and Jataur, where the people were the kinsmen of Dahar, who decided to fight in  the low lying area (bet) of the rive Mehran and sent his son Jaisiaha to face  Kasim as an advanced party, but he had to flee the scene ,and  at the advice of Siakar decided to fight at Bramanabad ,which was the seat of his ancestors, people  were friendly and where the godowns were full. On the one hand Dahar's fight with Kasim went on for four days, but he was killed in action on 10th of Ramzan in 93 h.,  his head was discovered in the mud  and it was sent to the Khalifa. On the other hand  Jaisiah stood the siege of  Brahmanabad for six months, where Daha's wife  Ladi was produced on the black  camel of Dahar to convince the people that Dahar had been killed ,where upon inmates got discouraged and conspired to surrender,so Jaisiah escaped to Kurij, from where he moved to Jallandhar. Here Siakar surrendered and he was rehabilitated by Kasim as his minister.After that Kasim conquered Aror, Behror and Dahlela from Fofi/Foff s/o Dahar, Babia from Chach s/o Daharsiah and Buddhia from Dhall son of Chander. Kakash son of Chander was retained by Kasim as his  personal advisor. .After that Kasim conquered Sikka and Multan, from where he got 230+1320=1500 monds of gold from two temples. By July 712 a.d. Sindh  had been conquered .Then from Udaypore he sent 10000 soldiers under Shaibani to reduce Kanauj ,but he was called back by the Khalifa  and he died on the way back. Dahar"s wife Ladi was taken as a wife by Kasim after purchasing her from her captors. Dahar's niece Hasana and thirty other ladies were sent to Hajjaj, two virgin daughters of Dahar ,Surijdew and Pirmaldew/Devi were sent to the Khalifa, but Dahars sister along  with several women committed Sati. It is difficult to imagine as to how many were enslaved, but the number might have been in tens of thousands. It also goes without saying that most of them, if not all ,embraced Islam. THE PRINCIPALITY OF KOHTEWAL			C. Ram Kamboja belonging to Dhot/Dhoat/ Dhaddi clan  founded the principality of Kohtewal near Burewal in Vihari district to the north of Multan in 6th c. a. d., where several villages were occupied by the Hindu Kambojas till 1947. His elder son  Ang Pal ruled from Multan. It was ruled by Raja Mahi Pal from this dynasty in the seventh century,who was married  to Kangna Brahm, the daughter of a Chuhnia based landlord belonging to the Ratanpal  gote, who gave her a village in dowry, and named it Kanganwal, which became a railway station later on. She gave birth to a son Mahachawar and a daughter. Dahar, the ruler of Sindh also married off one of his daughters to Mahi Pal, who gave birth to one daughter and ten sons,one of them being Suddh Ram,who succeeded his father, Mahi Pal and dug a canal from the Satluj called Dhoatbaha. Suddh Ram militarily helped Dahar, his father-in-law in his fight against Kasim, who after defeating Dahar  sent his general Ibn Ulhas  to subdue him, who met with stiff resistance, but ultimately defeated and arrested Suddh Ram, who was released  on the condition of paying war indemnity, and till this payment ,he handed over his step brother, Machawar as surety to Ibn Ulhas. Since he could not pay the promised money Mahachawar was presented to the Khalifa, where he embraced Islam and was named Hazrat Diwan Chawli Musaikh Rehmat Ullah. After his return he started preaching Islam, which his sister also embraced. However he was killed in 732 a.d. and his sister committed suicide after jumping from the window. In their memory Urs is celebrated on their Mazars in the beginning of July every year.Their death led to an attack from the Muslims leading to an exodus of many Kambojas to the north. This account is based on Hasan (1996)  and Dardi (2005),  which differs in one respect that while for the former the state met its end after that,  for the later it lasted till the 14th century. NASIR-UD -DIN KABACHA--THE KAMBOJA MUSLIM KING OF SINDH AND MULTAN Nasir-ud-din Kabacha was the son-in-law  and the Prime minister of Kutb-ud-din Aiback, the slave king of India. He distinguished himself in the battle of Andikui in 1205 a.d., as a result of which he was appointed the governor of Multan and Ucch and married to a daughter of Aiback. Kabacha accepted the sovereignty of Aiback, but after his death in 1210 a.d. he could not give the same deference to Iltutmish , who after pushing away Aram Shah in 1211 a.d. took over the kingship of Delhi. During the times of Aiback,  Taj-ud-din, the governor of Kirman, the successor of  Mohammad of Gazni and the sovereign of Panjab sent the armies against Kabacha, but with the help of Aiback he was driven away from Multan. Kabacha extended his authority  from Multan to Sindh, Lahore and upper  Panjab (18), and after the death of Aiback  he ruled over Ucch and Multan,  but according to  Shrivastva (19) he was the master of Multan, Bhatinda ,Kuhram (near Patiala) and Sarswati, and during the conflict between Aram Shah and Iltutmish he captured Lahore. In 1214 driven from Gazni ,Yildiz captured Lahore pushing Kabacha's  men out. Iltutmish  challenged him, and in the battle  of Tarouri, Yildiz was defeated and killed , and Lahore fell in his hands. In 1217 Kabacha again captured Lahore, but he was soon driven back by Iltutmish. Driven by Changiz Khan , Jalal-ul-din Mangburny sought shelter in Lahore, but Iltutmish wanted him to come to Delhi, which he did not like. He entered into an alliance with the Khokhars, married the daughter of their chief, reinforced  his army of 10000 with that of the Khokhars, attacked Kabacha  and got an exorbitant tribute. Later on after getting the news that Changiz Khan had discovered his refuge and was to follow him, he extorted more tribute from Kabacha, plundered Sindh and Gujarat and with a large treasure fled to Parsia (20). Shrivastava   observes  that Mangurny drove away Kabacha from Sindh Sagar Doab, and succeeded in  securing Multan in 1224. Iltutmish had recovered  Delhi, Bhatinda, Kurham and Sarswati from him, leaving only Multan and Ucch to him. After dealing with Bengal Iltutmish focused on Kabacha. So in 1228 he despatched armies, both from Lahore  and Delhi   to  attack Multan and Ucch, whereupon Kabacha fled to Bakr on the lower Sindh, asking his minister to escort the treasure left in Ucch to Bakr. On 9th February 1228 when Iltutmish reached  Ucch and despatched forces under his minister after Kabacha, he sent his son from Aiback's daughter, Allla-ud-din,Bahram to sue for peace, and an agreement was also arrived at, but perhaps it was not conveyed to the minister or was disregarded by him, who attacked Kabacha, who was drowned  in the Indus ,according to some(21)  accidentally, while for others (22) he committed suicide. A sentence in R. . C. Majumdar  (23)   sums up his case: After  the  death of Kutb-ud-din Aiback, Multan fell to the share of Nasir-ud-din Kabacha, who defended it successfully against a Mongol attack in 1227 a.d., but lost it to  Iltutmish. Eliot, Dowson, Princep and Wilson, (24,) none could find out as to who this Nasir-ud-din was and what does Qabacha,which  was also written as Kabacha,Kabaja or Kabachaha  mean. But any Kamboja  living in western  Panjab, what ever his religion may be, can easily understand that Kabaja written on his coins means Kamboja. Persian translator of the Chachnama  Abu Bakr ,whose ancestors like those of Kabacha were the slaves of Kasim, who  fought  for the cause of Islam in  Ajam and Khurasan, is Kufi  which  smells Kou-Fu, the Chinese word for  Kamboja, and he wants to present this work to  Kabacha, a sakifi, which according to Eliot   means 'of the same tribe', which means that four centuries old linkages are sought to be used to curry favor. The Imam from whom Kufi procured the Arabic script has been stated in the Chachnama to be of the Arabic descent. Had it been so, he  could not have been able to write the history of the Chachs pertaining to the times prior to Kasim's invasion. It may therefore be inferred  that either Kufi himself wrote that part or the ancestors of the Imam were local people, most probably belonging to the Chach tribe,who were appointed to that post and who learnt Arabic later and wrote that book. So far as the question of the ethnicity of the Chachs is concerned it may be stated that Chach/Chachrey is a clan of Kambojas, belonging to the section of 84 clans ,who adopted the Brahmanical  identity, and Dahar/Dahrey/Dahri is still a clan of the Kambojas, though it is difficult to state as to whether this clan name was inherited by them or Daharey and Dhall clans started from them. This however ,seems certain that they all belonged to the Kamboja community, because a daughter of Dahar was married to a prince  from the Kohtewal principality governed by the Dhoat clan of this tribe. It seems that after the occupation of this region  by the Muslims most of them got absorbed into that society based on the commonality  of same ideas / Islam, and many of them adopted new identities like Zaberi ,Ka'ab and Quraishi. AFTER THE FORMATION OF PAKISTAN After the formation of Pakistan most of the Muslim Kambojas/Kamohs from eastern Panjab and Uttra Pradesh migrated to Pakistan. Most of them were allotted lands in the western Panjab, but many were dispersed in other parts, including Sindh. Hasan ( 25) after traveling extensively in that state has given an idea of the dispersal of this community in different districts and villages,  where  they have organized  associations ,Anjamans at village and district levels ,besides an association at the state level. It is difficult to give their exact number in the state, since caste wise data are not collected in the country, but it may be conjectured on the basis of the accounts given by Hasan that it may  be around  some tens of thousands. A significant number of them who pass on as Zaberies are engaged in services, professions and  business, but most of them living in the villages are agriculturists and some are even landlords, who more than once contested national elections. SUMMARY During the fourth millennium b.c. the  Kamboja  tribe was located  to the north of Kashmir and Afghanistan from where it moved south along the Indus reaching Panjab and Sindh and merging with the local people. They used to travel along the Silk Route to Europe to sell their horses, and many of them settled in Iran and other European countries .During the third millennium they occupied Afghanistan ,which was first called Kamboja and later on Afghanistan after their  nick name Ashvakan .From here many moved to  Sindh as shepherds along with their flocks through the  Bolan pass. During second millennium  b.c.they contributed  to  the  Vedic Vedic lore and the formation of the Brahman varna, and travelled down to Sindh through the boats plying in the Indus. After their defeat in the Mahabharata one section of their's had to accompany Krishna to Gujarat, while an other migrated to the Sindh. During Alexander's time they had at least one state in the Sindh region  called Patalene ,where one of the kings was Moereo/ Maurya ,an ancestor  of Chandra Gupta  Maurya ,who was a student of Vishnu Gupta /Kautilya at Taxila. These Guptas ,who were Kambolas according to H.R. Gupta, recruited their armies from the north western India, shook the roots of the Macedonian  dispensation and captured  Maghda/Patna. In the first c.b.c. the king Maues/Moga ,a Kamboja from from Afghanistan, invaded Sindh and  areas to its east, which means migration of many more from his tribe going to Sindh. All this explains several habitations, some rivers , mountains and islands bearing the stamp of this tribe's name, and  Kautilya mentioning the Kamboja corporations of warriors, traders  and  shepherds in this region. One also finds a mention of a Kamboga/ Kamboja janapada during the first millennium b,c, in this region, ruled most probably from Kambistholi. A Chach dynasty belonging to this tribe, captured Sindh and ruled the land between the sea and Kashmir for three generations during the 7th c a.d., but it lost to Kasim, a  Muslim invader. An other Kamboja principality of Kohtewal met with the same fate resulting in the conversion  of most of the Kambojas to Islam  and joining the Islamic forces. One of these wrote Chachnama in the beginning of the the thirteenth c.a.d. to be presented to Nasir-ud- din Kabacha/Kamboja,  the king of Sindh. Kabacha was also a descendant of the Kambojas, who embraced Islam five centuries earlier. He was exterminated by Iltutmish. After the formation  of Pakistan many of the Muslim Kambojas/Kamohs migrating from India were allocated to the Sindh, where traders and professionals settled in the urban areas, tend to call themselves Zaberies  ,while the agriculturists tend to organize their  Kamoh  identity.

REFERENCES 1.	For detailed description see Jammu P. S.; Kamboja; Antiquity And  Dispersal ,2013,pp 50-4; Dardi K.S.  Kamboja, Yugan De Arpar ;2005 pp.19-34: Vidyalankar J.C., Bhartya Itihas Ki Ruprekha, p. 531; D.C. Sircar ,  The Land Of Kambojas 1962,p. 250; B.N. Mukerji, Political History Of Ancient India,1996 p,718. . 2.	Jammu .P.S.; Kambojas:Antiquity and Dispersal, 2013 p.30. 3.	Kirpal Singh Dardi, Kamboja Yugan De Arpar, 2005, pp.19-32.: Jammu Parkash Singh, Kambojas :Antiquity And Dispersal, 2013 pp.50-66.; J.L.Kamboj, Prachin Kamboja Jana Aur Janapad, 1981 p.206-7 ; Pusalkar in Majumdar R. C.; History And Culture Of Indian People, The Vedic Age ,1965, p.2. 4.	Jammu P. S;. Kambojas :Antiquity And Dispersal ,2013  pp.76-80. 5.	Maloney Clarence, People Of South Asia, 1974 p.103, in Jammu P. S. 2013, p.78. 6.	Schwatrzberg Joseph .E. .Historical Atlas Of South Asia, 1978, p. 163. 7.	Hasan C. M. U. Tarikh Quom Kamboh, 1996 p. 215-16. ; Jammu .P.S, 2013 p. 181-82 ; Dardi K.S.,2005 p.205. 8.	In Jain K.C, Mc Crindle's Ancient India, 1972  pp.11; R. C, Majumdar, The Classical Accounts Of India ,1960-217., Panini,1V, 1-42 in Sethna ,1989 p. 262;  B,C. Law, Historical Geography Of Ancient India, 1967 p.103. 9.	Jain R.. C. Mc Crindle's Ancient India, 1972 p. X.. ; B.C.Law, 1967, p. 336 and R. S.Tripathy, 1960 p.57  mentions Pnini in his Ashtadhyai 11,1.72 referring to Koccha in westren India. 10.	Lambrick H. T, Sindh -A General Introduction ,1975 p., 108-215. 11.	Majumdar R .C ;The Classical Accounts Of India, 1961 p.308. 12.	Lamark. 1964,44 in Dardi K.S. ;Kamboja Yugan De Arpar, 200 p. 161. 13.	Sircar D. C.,Iranians And Greeks In Ancient Panjab, 1973 p. 17 ; Jammu P. S  Kambojas : Antiquity And Dispersal,  .2013 p.112. 14.	Hari Ram Gupta in History Of Panjab From Prehistoric Times, edited by Fauja Singh and L ..M.Joshi, 1977; Kirpal Singh Dardi, 2005, pp 140-43. ; Parkash Singh Jammu, 2013 pp. 134-39. 15.	Scholars differ on the question of the times as well as the ethnicity of Maues, but almost all of them describe him a Saka. Some of the scholars in this category are: Sastri N .K .A ;A. Comprehensive History Of India ,1957 pp. 192-98;. Smith V. A., Early History Of India, 1962 p.241 ; Sircar D.C, in Majumdar R.C., History And Culture Of Indian People ,1964 p.133 ;Raychoudhari Hem Chandra, Political History Of Ancient India ,1953 p.435; Rapson E.J. ,History Of India vol 1, 1968 pp.500-15. However, none is sure about both the questions. Tarn W,W. in The Greeks In Bactria And India ,1966 p.33 noted that  Maues  was a ruler from a  small tribe, who was holding  large tribes to a precarious allegiance, because his command alone gave promise of victory. Frye N.R. in his work The Heritage Of Persia, 1963 164-5 describes Maues as a Saka,but also observes that he was an Indo-Greek belonging to  Swat   area, and that the Kambojas never belonged to  the five Yueh Chih tribe For a detailed discussion see Parkash Singh Jammu, Kambojas: Antiquity And Dispersal, 2013 pp.147-156. 16.    This very brief account of the Chach rule is based on the internet edition of The Chachnama: An Ancient History Of Sindh  translated into English by Mirza Kalichbeg Fredunbeg, first published in  1900, reprint  1979. 17.	This account is based on Tarikh Quom Kamboh ,1996,p263 by Ch. .M .U. Hasan; Kirpal Singh Dardi, Kamboja Yugan De Arpar ,2005 ,pp.206-7. 18.	Haig Sir Wolseley, The Cambridge  History  Of India, Vol. 111, 1958 pp. 48-52 19.    Shrivastva Ashirwdi Lall, The Sulanate Of Delhi, 1969 ,711-1526 pp.95-7. 20.	Haig Sir Wolsley, The Cambrridge History Of India  ,1958 Vol.. 11 p.53. 21.	Haig Sir Wolsley, The Cambrridge History Of India  ,1958 Vol.. 11 p.53. 22.	Shrivastva Ashirwdi Lall, The Sulanate Of Delhi, 1969 ,711-1526 pp.95-7. 23.	Majumdar R. C. ,The Classical Accounts Of India, 1960, p.227. 24.	Jammu Parkash Singh, Kambojas: Antiquity And Dispersal, 2013 p.397. 25.	Ch. .Mohammad  Usif  Hasan, Tarikh Quom Kamboh ,1996.pp 396-418.

BHAI MANI SINGH AND HIS CASTE
BHAI MANI SINGH AND HIS CASTE

PARKASH SINGH JAMMU

After the departure of the tenth master, Guru Gobind Singh from this world, two personalities emerged in Sikh society--- Banda Bahadur, who militarily shook the roots of the Mughal empire in Panjab, and Bhai Mani Singh, who took care of  its  social, religious and spiritual organization. An idea of the importance of Bhai Mani  Singh can be  had from the fact that he is remembered daily in every prayer by all the Sikhs as a person whose body was cut to pieces at every joint  by the Mughal rulers. Bhai Mani Singh was related to Bhai Dyala, who was killed at Delhi by the Mughal administration by boiling in the hot water, when the ninth Guru Tegh Bahadur and others were executed at Chandni Chauk Delhi in 1732 B (1).According to Satbir Singh (2) Bhai Dyala was born in village  Kakru in Ambala district and his parents, Kalu and Daya migrated to Sunam area. If so ,he was the brother of Bhai Mani Singh because he was the son of Kalu. Since Bhai Dyala was an associate of the ninth Guru, it is probable that Bhai Dyala was an uncle of Bhai Mani Singh and brother of Kalu as stated by Sher Singh Sher (3). Thind (4) also holds that  Bhai Dyala belonged to the Kamboja caste.

THE LIFE OF BHAI MANI SINGH Mania/ Mani Singh was born at village Kambowal/Kaimbowal, now uninhabited.near Sunam, where his parents might have settled after migrating from Ambala. These villages were destroyed by the invading Muslims according to one (5) opinion and by the Bhatties or floods by an other (6 ). Now the site of Kambowal lies in the jurisdiction of the village Laungowal. According to Kohli (7) and Dardi (8) Bhai Mani Singh was born in a Kamboja family of the village Kambowal in 1669 C.E, but Satbir Singh (9 ) stated that he was born at village Kakru in 1629 b/1672 C.E., which was destroyed by the Gilzais and now is just a mound called Theh, in Ambala district. Several other authors (10) have stated that he was born in Kambowal, and Gazetteer of India, Panjab, Sangrur (11) describes his birth at Laungowal, which is understandable because the village Kambowal had long ceased to be. Mani Singh is stated to have been retained by the ninth Guru Tegh  Bahadur, when the family visited Anandpur to see him, and may be Bhai Dyala also. He was four years younger to Guru Gobind Singh. They grew together, played together, studied Persian and Arabic from Munshi Pir Mohammad (12) and the art of fighting in routine. Bhai Mani Singh remained celibate throughout his life, but  his brother Nighahia had seven sons, three of whom got their names registered in Sikh history(13). During Guru Gobind Singh's stay at Paunta, Bhai Mani Singh accompanied him, where he used to take part in literary activities. He also fought in the battles of Bhangani etc (14 ). In 1699 he was baptized by the tenth Guru along with 161 others( 15 ). After the death of Sodhi Harji in 1696, he was sent to Amritsar to take charge of Harmander Sahib, but was called back in 1700 to take part in the battles with the hill Rajas(16). When the Guru had to leave Anandpur on 5th December 1705, the family got separated while crossing the river Sirsa, which was in spate, and he escorted the wives of the Guru to Delhi, where he  lodged them in the house of Darbara Singh. They travelled in the guise of Muslims (17). When in 1706 they learnt that the Guru was at Talwandi Sabo, he escorted his wife, Mata Sundri to that place. During their stay there for about a year they prepared four copies  of the Guru Granth, the holy book of the Sikhs, which as per tradition was dictated by the tenth Guru and written by Bhai Mani Singh. It is however, probable that since Bhai Mani Singh was a Musaddi, who used to prepare the copies of the Granth Sahib for distribution among the Sikhs, he might have procured one from somewhere and prepared other copies from that. Here the writings of the ninth Guru were included in it, and this work was authenticated by Guru Gobind Singh and declared the eleventh and the last Guru for the Sikhs. In October 1706 he accompanied Guru Gobind Singh to Daccan to meet Aurangzeb, but on learning at Baghaur that  the king had died, they diverted to Delhi ,and after staying there for  a month they reached Agra to meet Bahadur Shah, who had taken over as the new king,  He accompanied the tenth  Guru to Daccan  but after the  his death he came back to Delhi along with the wife of the Guru. Here Mata Sundri, wife of the Guru  asked Bhai Mani Singh to collect the writing  of the tenth Guru and his poets and compile them( 18). After that he accompanied Guru Gobind Singh's maternal uncle, Kirpal  to Amritsar, where he was assigned the duties of the head granthi of Harmander Sahib (19). In 1709 he participated in the battle against Har Sahae of Patti, who was killed(20). In 1711 he appointed Sant Gopal Dass in his place, and during 1714-15 he went to Jhang district to deliver lectures on Sikhism and the sixth Guru (21). After the death of Banda Bahadur  the Sikhs were divided into two main factions - may be on the basis of caste - Tatt Khalsa and Bandai Khalsa, and in 1723   Mata Sundri asked Bhai Mani Singh to resolve the conflict. He immersed two slips with the name of the leaders at the Har Ki Pauri and since the slip bearing the name of the Tatt Khalsa came out first, it was declared the leader, but the truce did not last long. The second time the issue was sought to be resolved through a wrestling bout between Miri Singh son of  the Tatt Khalsa leader Kahan Singh and Lahora Singh son of Bandai Khalsa leader Sangat Singh, which again went in favor of Tatt Khalsa (22), but the bickerings continued and both the parties fought with weapons in which Amar Singh Kamoe leader of the Bandai Khalsa was killed by his opponents (23). In 1737 when Bhai Mani Singh was managing Harmander Sahib, he sought the permission to celebrate diwali on the promise of paying ten thousand rupees to the state, but the Governor of Lahore, Zakerya Khan decided to send Lakhpat Rai with 10000 men to kill  the Sikhs on their arrival. The scheme leaked and the messages were sent advising the pilgrims not to come. This affected the offerings and the ability to pay, with the result that Bhai Mani Singh was taken to  Lahore for non payment  of the promised money. He was offered the choice of conversion to Islam or death. He chose the later and was ordered to be killed by dismembering his body on all joints.This punishment was carried on at Nikhasit Khana/Shahid Ganj at Lahore in 1737 (24). Bhai Mani Singh took his  pahul/baptism from the last Guru and himself baptized hundreds including some top leaders of the Sikhs like Darbara Singh, Nawab Kapur Singh, Dan Singh,Tara/Taru Singh etc. He prepared several copies of the holy Granth and smaller  pothies, and also wrote its last and the final version which was authenticated by the tenth Guru.(25)  He started the collection of the writings of the tenth Guru and his poets in 1714  and compiled the  Dasam Granth in 1734 (26). It is also stated, which is denied/ignored by most, that he produced a version of the Adi Granth, originally organized  according  to the musical forms, as per the authors of the hymns - the writings of the Gurus  other saints written separately -  because of which he was cursed by the Sikhs ,and he had to apologize for that (27). He was the first prose writer of the Panjabi language,who wrote Gian Ratnavali, Bhagat Ratnnavali or Sikhan Di Bhagat Mala ; and the author of Gur Bilas Patshahi 10 admits that his work is based on the lectures of Bhai Mani Singh. He preached Sikhism through the word of mouth and started Giani Prampra/tradition which meant the interpretation of the Gurbani--writings of the Gurus - in relation to their  life stories, in place of just recitation of the Gurbani as done by the Nirmalas and the Udasies  After  Baba Buddha he was the most renowned Granthi of the Harmander Sahib(28). He was a great scholar, author, editor, preacher, organizer and a martyr who lived and died for Sikhism.

THE CASTE OF BHAI MANI SINGH The caste system is almost a unique Indian institution that forms the basis of the Hindu society. Buddhism was the first to to negate it, and it seems that it proved quite effective in doing so. Islam was also opposed to it, but it had a very limited success. Sikhism made special attempts to demolish it by making  institutional arrangements of  Sangat, collective worship and Pangat, eating together and freedom of occupational choice, and the hold of caste on the Sikh society loosened also, but it is difficult to say that the caste system among the  Sikhs was eliminated. In the present context Kesar Singh  Chhibber writes the caste of almost every body he mentions ,and the division among the Tatt Khalsa and the Bandai khalsa was caste based. When in the twentieth century the Sikhs were organizing for the control over the  Gurdwaras and  later on in the political process, the caste factor became more prominent, as the people would ask others about their contribution to the Sikh cause. In this context some writers initiated a process to write a history, wrongly associating themselves with the prominent Sikhs with a view to elevating their position in Sikh society. Bhai Mani Singh's caste has been used as a tool for this purpose. Sikh historiography presents three main views on this issue, which need examination and settlement. These are: 1. Bhai Mani Singh was a Kamboja, 2. Bhai Mani Singh was a Dulat Jatt, and 3. He was a Rajput. Several books have been written on these topics, but here only a very brief account of these can be presented. 1 . BHAI MANI SINGH WAS A KAMBOJA During those days most of the Sikhs did not mention their castes or clans with their names ,though the scholars, who were mostly the Brahmans,did mention the caste/clans of the Gurus and the important Sikhs, they wrote about. That is what Kesar Singh Chhibber does in his Bansavalinama (29), who, while writing about the Sikhs, writes the caste /clan of the persons he is writing about,and if he does not know it he mentions his village,  and he writes the first name of the person only if he does not know either of these. This system of writing has a functional value because it tells which of the several Tara Singhs or Parkash Singhs in being referred to. as there used to be many Sikhs with these names. He belonged to  a family which had been associated with the Gurus house for the last four generations (30), that had made supreme sacrifices  for the Sikh cause, and the author  Kesar Singh Chhibber  spent the whole of his life( 70 years) in collecting and verifying the facts (31),  and he did all this out of his commitment to the SIkh  religion ((32). He had in fact  witnessed several incidents, seen some of the persons he wrote  about  and heard and verified (33)  the facts he wrote about. Any serious student of history should think  several times before controverting the contemporary evidence recorded by such scholars. Chhibber writes several things about Bhai Mani Singh  e.g. his coming to Amritsar  along with Mama Kirpal ,staying at  Akal Bunga, working as the  Granthi of the Harmander Sahib, collecting the writings of the tenth Guru and his poets and preparing the  Dasam Granth ,and  re-editing the Adi Granth according to its writers, the Gurus and the Bhagatas separately, for which he was cursed by a Sikh  and he was killed at Lahore etc. He mentions the caste of Bhai  Mani Singh twice. At one place (34)he states-that then Bhai Mani Singh belonging to the Kambo caste, who  had no equal among the Sikhs also reached Amritsar; and at an other (35) writes that Bhai Mani Singh Massaddi from the Kambou caste got the material of the Granth, Avatar Lila. He is so specific and clear about the caste of Bhai Mani Singh that there is hardly any  scope of any doubt in it. However since he writes that he was a child  when he met Bhaj Mani Singh the critics (36)  of the 'Bhai Mani Singh Kamboja' theory conclude that he being a child made a mistake  about his  caste. In response to this criticism it has been stated that on two occasions when Chhibber met Bhai Mani Singh, in 1727 and 1736, he was twenty eight and thirty seven years old; he was certainly not a child, and he  has said so only to show deference to  great man, and made no mistake(37). Most of the scholars hold that Bhai Mani Singh was born in  Kambowal/Laungowal  and he belonged to the Kamboj caste. Thus Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha (38), stated that as per traditions and beliefs prevalent in society Bhai Mani Singh belonged to the Kamboja ' Vansh' i.e.caste. Surinder Singh Kohli (39) concluded that Bhai Mani Singh was born in the village Kambowal in a Kambo agricultural family. According to Satbir Singh (40)  he was born at village Kakru in Ambala distric, but his family shifted to the Sunam area and in the opinion of Kartar Singh Classwalia (41) he was born at Laungowal. This issue was discussed in length in a conference in Ram Dass Khalsa High School Amritsar under the presidentship of Udham Singh Nagoke,the then president of the S.G.P.C, and an M.L.A., in which a Gurdwara Inspector, Randhir Singh(42), connected with the Sikh History Society, concluded that he was a Kamboja. Giani Thakar Singh (43) also held that he came from a Kamboja  family  and that was the view of Harbans Singh also (44). Several other scholars and historians like Kirpal Singh Narang, Hari Ram Gupta, D.R.Sethi, Giani Lall Singh hold that he was born in Kambowal (45). Gazetteer of Sangrur District (46), has also noted the birth of Bhai Mani Singh  at Laungowal, as the village of Kambowal had ceased to exist long ago. Nayar(47) found no valid reason to disbelieve  Kesar Singh Chhibber, a contemporary,  that  Mani Singh Shahid was a Kambo, who could be from Kambowal. This is, in fact ,a tradition that has come down the generations -- the tradition so faithfully cherished in the area-and there is no genuine cause to upset it. Major Gurmukh Singh Warraich, (48), a researcher  for the  Encyclopedia of Sikhism, after examining different viewpoints also upheld the description of Kesar Singh Chhibber ,who himself, being a Brahman  from a family of the diwan of the Gurus, had no  parochial or caste motive in  stating that Bhai Mani Singh  Shahid was a Kambo  from the village  Kambowal, that now lies flattened in the revenue limits of Laungowal. It may be mentioned here that none of the above mentioned scholars belonged to the Kamboja caste. As a result of these findings the entry on Bhai Mani Singh Shahid in the Encyclopedia of Sikhism (49) had to be changed  accordingly. Findings of the researches of Dardi(50) and Jammu(51) also supported this view point.

2. BHAI MANI SINGH WAS A DULAT JATT This idea was advanced by Giani Gian Singh in the second edition of his book Panth Prakash ( 52), wherein  he states that one of their ancestors, Rai Pathora ,a  Chohan Kshattri served In Delhi and his brother Bira Rae lived at Agra, which they had to leave due to the pressure of the Turks, whereupon  they migrated to Sunam area and settled at the village Gujri Seona;  and when Ala Singh inhabited the village Laungowal in 1806 B, i.e. 1749 C,E., they  shifted  there, as Ala Singh gave them the property rights /Sardari of the village, where one of their ancestors, Himmat Dulat  had got a well dug earlier. Here lived one Chaudhari named Kala, who   had two sons - a saintly person  Nigahia Singh and  Mani Singh, who got his body chopped at every joint  for the cause of religion. Nigahia Singh had seven sons: Dargaha Singh, who became a nirmal saint, Tharaj Singh, Agar Singh, who became martyrs, Maraj Singh, Ruya Singh, Bakhta Singh and Sujan Singh. Bhag Singh was the son of Bakhta Singh and Gian Singh, the author of the Panth Prakash and the Tawarikh Guru Khalsa was the son of Bhag Singh.This is, in brief, how Gian Singh traces his descent to Nigahia Singh, the brother of Mani Singh, but in the first (53) edition it has not been stated  so. May be this idea came to  him after that, and he incorporated  it in the second edition. It may also be mentioned that Giani Gian Singh visited Kurukshetra along with some of his  brothers in 1915  B./1858 C.E. to get their genealogy registered, and as per page 411 about the Dulat Jatts of Laungowal in the records of Shri Kanth son of Pandit  Lakhshmi Kant, the names of Hamir Singh, Maharaj Singh, Tara Singh and  Rugha Singh do not occur in the list given above by Gian Singh, and even if Maraj Singh and Ruya Singh are taken as Maharaj Singh and Rugha Singh, Hamir Singh and Tara Singh are missing in Giani's list. This inconsistency in the names of his ancestors  reflects badly on the facts given by the scholar(54). These ideas of Giani Gian Singh have not found favor with most of the scholars. Thus Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha (55), while recording the above formulations of "Mani Singh a Dulat Jatt ' of Kambowal, also observed that this has been stated only by Giani Gian Singh. Many scholars  believe that Bhai Sahib  was born in a Kambo  family.  Nabha(56) also states that  Giani Gian Singh of Laungowal, after observing that  the Panth Prakash   was not  up to the mark according to the meters of poetry, added new stories to it ,including several poems of Nihal Singh of Lahore, and created a new Panth Parkash,  the first edition of which was published in 1937B./1880 C.E. Evidently  Bhai  Nabha is accusing Giani Gian Singh of misstatements of facts and  plagiarism.          Giani is  highly inconsistent in the facts described by him.  At one place (57) he states that the village  Kaimbowal was destroyed by Nadir Shah, while at an other place (58), he notes that it happened due to the vagaries of nature--kalchal. Again at one place (59) he holds that Laungowal was rehabilitated by Ala Singh in 1806B/1749 C.E. whereas at other places (60) the years have been noted as 1788.B i.e.1731 C.E and 1741, while according to the Encyclopedia of Sikhism (61) the villages of  Sheron, Dirba, Uppali, Chhajli  ,Chaththe and Laungowal etc. were rehabilitated by Ala Singh during 1722--1730. It may be mentioned here that Nadir Shah invaded Panjab in 1739, and if he had destroyed it, it could not have been resettled before that. and that what ever the date of the destruction or  resettlement of this village between 1720 --1749 might have been, Bhai Mani Singh could not have been an ancestor of the Giani,  and Mani Singh had evidently born somewhere else--Kambowal-he was very old  during these times and had died in 1737. It is probable that the Dulats came here after 1749; and had  village been the property of Dulats, it would have been inhabited by them only, like most of the one clan villages. However the fact is that  only  one of the about a dozen wards, patties of the village belongs to them--- others being inhabited by other Jatt  clans like Sidhus  ,Chahils and others, besides service castes. According to one version(62) Chaudhari Kala inhabited the village Laungowal in1806 B. while as per an other (63) a brave Dulat warrior Loka Singh founded this village and also Himmat Dulat (62) had dug a well earlier ! Again at one place (64) he notes that  Bika along with his son, Mani Singh Jatt, a martyr and writer, met  the tenth  Guru at the village Akoi in Malwa, but  in the second edition (65) Kala and his wife along with their son, Mania, met the ninth Guru at   Anandpur, where the Guru asked Kala to leave the child with him to provide company to  Dashmesh; and still at an other place (66) Kala Chaudhary met the sixth Guru at Akoi along with his sons, Mania and Nigahia ! Some times the father is Bika and some times it is Kala or Kala Chaudhary; some times he meets the sixth Guru at Akoi, some times the tenth Guru, while at an other time the ninth Guru at Anandpur. And the same person and his children meet the sixth Guru (1631-2 C. E,), ninth Guru (1674 ) and the tenth Guru,may be  during  1690..s.  Not only that, Kala met the sixth Guru in 1631 C.E, when he should be  at least twenty  five--born in 1606 -- being the father of two sons,and he is said to be living with Ala Singh in 1749 i.e. alive at 143 years of age!. In the first edition  of the Panth Prakash (67) he writes that on the basis of the information he got from the bards, Sahsies and Bhatts, he came to know that one of his ancestors, Nigahaia, brother of  Mani Singh, was a notorious decoit, while in the second (68) he states that he has written about  Mani Singh  on the basis of the facts,, he got from very old persons. By this time he seems to have decided to adopt Nigahia as his ancestor. Sant Singh Sekhon seems to be right when (69) he  writes that Giani Gian Singh was a staunch  Sikh, but he was not a critical  historian. The incidents, their order, dates and facts do not come up to the levels of scientific investigation. As per tradition the name Dulat is explained in terms of etymology. It is held  that  since the children in their family used to die in infancy they prayed before a female deity that if they survived they  would visit her twice for the mundan, tonsure ceremony , and since they preserved the tufts of  hair-lat-- of the child twice they were called  Dulats. Author of these lines came across the clan named Dolat among the Meo community living in the  Mewat region south of Delhi, from where the Dulats are stated to have hailed. Rose (70) writes that an ancestor of  the Dulats, Rae Khanda, had an estate near Delhi, where Raghbir was killed by Nadir Shah, but Jagbir  escaped to  the village Seona  Gujriwala, now uninhabited, in the state of Sunam, where he married the widow of his brother and fell from the status of Rajput to that of a Jatt. This version was partly substantiated by Jarnail Singh, son of Amar singh, a cousin of Gian  Singh during an interview with this author in December1996, who stated that their ancestors were the descendants of Rae, a brother of Prithavi Raj, who held an estate of seven villages,from where they were pushed out by Nadir Shah, after which they settled in the village Laungowal inhabited by Ala Singh. They were the Rajputes, but became Jatts because of the occupation (farming) that they had to pursue. Nadir Shah came in 1739 C.E. (71) and if they were driven out by him, they could have come here after that, may be around 1749 according to  one version of Giani Gian Singh. So Bhai Mani Singh could in no way be their ancestor, because he had died in 1737 C.E.  According to an other (72) account, an uncle of the Giani, was an officer in the army of Khande Rao, who had an estate in Jhajjar, and after the fall of the Marathas, (brought about by Nadir Shah ), that area was purchased by the Patiala State, where Giani was given service because of the position his uncle held. Evidently the Dulats came here in the forties of the eighteenth century. Since the Dulats had lost status by having to become Jatts from the Rajputes, the Giani adopted Bhai Mani Singh as their  ancestor to elevate their position in the Sikh society. And that is what Gurmukh Singh (73) means by noting that Giani Gian Singh has described Bhai Mani Singh a Dulat with a view to using the martyr's name  for the exaltation of  his own clan.

3.  HOW MANI  RAM BECOMES  BHAI MANI SINGH RAJPUTE The third view about Bhai Mani Singh and his caste was propounded by what may be called Rajput group, consisting of Giani Garja Singh, Piar Singh ,Piara Singh  Padam etc. It appeared in the book titled Shahid Bilas Bhai Mani Singh, published by Panjabi Sahit Academy Ludhiana in 1961. It is stated to have been written by Sewa Singh Kaushish  son of Kesar Singh Kaushish in Bhatakhshri   and translated into Panjabi  by  Chhajju Sjngh Bhatt   in 1937B/1870 C.E.which Garja  Singh, its editor, got  from Mohlu Ram Bhatt  through the good offices of Man Singh Bhatt of Jind. Giani Garja Singh does not write when he got it, but from the foreword written by Piar Singh it comes out that he got it in 1928 and edited it for about thirty two years before its publication(74). Encyclopedia of Sikhism(75) however, contains a separate entry on one Mani Ram  based on Shahid Bilas of Sewa Singh, the book in question, which notes  the features contained in this work. According to it Mani Ram(1644-1734), a Panwar Rajput was the third of the twelve sons of Naik Mai Dass of village Alipur in  Muzaffargarh district, now in Multan. His grand father Balu Rao died in the battle of Amritsar, fighting for Guru Hargobind in 1634 C.E. Mani Ram was brought to Guru Har Rai at Kiratpur in 1657. In 1659 he went back to get married to Sito. He used to serve in the kitchen/ langar of Guru Har Rai and Guru Har Krishan. He had several sons, five of whom Bachittar Singh, Udey Singh, Anik Singh, Ajaib Singh and Ajab Singh got baptism/ pahul from the tenth Guru  and died fighting for him, when he left Anandpur in 1705. Thereafter Mani Ram lived with his remaining two sons and several grandsons and died on 24th of June 1734. At an other place(76) Mani Ram son of Naik Mai Dass, whose five sons took pahul in 1699 and died for the Guru are included in the caste of  Vanjara  Sikhs, which clearly shows that Bhai Mani Singh and Mani Ram were two different persons. Writing about this book Shan(77) states that the name of Mani Ram's mother was Madhuri, Most of the descriptions in the Shahid Bilas tally with those of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid: that he participated in the battles of Bhangani and Nadaun, wrote scriptures, organized Diwali at Amritsar, could not pay, but his date of execution has been given as 24th of April 1734, which is different. Shan also notes that the author of Shahid Bilas, Sewa Singh son of Kesar Singh Kaushish was the Bhatt of Mani Ram's grand son settled at Ladwa as a Jagirdar under Raja Ajit Singh, and  Mani Ram was a Rajput of Panwar clan. While evaluating this work Shan(78) observed that the account given by Shahid Bilas has not yet received firm acceptance; neither the original manuscript in Bhattakhshri nor its Gurmukhi script is available. Date of the creation of the Khalsa does no tally with other accounts.Two historical personalities, Mani Ram, a Rajput warrior and Bhai Mani Singh scholar, who met a martyr's death in 1737, have been mixed. Sewa Singh Bhatt is panegryzing the former ancestor of his patron Sangat Singh, identifying him with the later. The veracity of the work must await further research. Giani Garja Singh was  an Akali activist who was elected a member of the Shromani  Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee  ( S.G.P.C. ) in 1936. Since the Rajputes were well placed in the Hindu society, they moved to Sikh society rather late. In such bodies members do question the contribution of each other to the Sikh cause ,and it is probable that Garja Singh might have taken exception to some thing. No wonder Garja Singh used his influence  on Gurbakhsh Singh, Shamsher Jhubalia, who had been commissioned by the Nankana Sahib Gurdwara Committee in 1935 to write a book on the martyrs of Nankana, to include in it a biographical article on Buddh  Singh Nihang, a  teen aged half brother of the Giani ,tracing the descent of the family to Alam Singh Nachhana, a Sikh, in the ratinue of Guru Gobind Singh, spreading in to 24 pages, while  other entries covered 4.6 pages on the average. This person finds no mention in work of Garmukh Singh Musafir. In this very context Garja Singh  advanced the idea of Bhai Mani Singh as a Rajpute from Alipur, through  Gurbakhsh Singh Jhubalia, that was published in the Akali Patrika in September 1935, which was contested by  Giani Randhir Singh Patialvi, and the controversy continued  in Panjabi news papers till 1943 (79). Garja Singh seems to have gone through the works of Gian Singh and Kesar Singh Chhibber and started his work  on Shahid Bilas  by rejecting those. He rejects Chhibber(80) with the plea that he was a child when he saw Bhai Mani Singh, but does not understand that on two occasions he met Mani Singh in 1727 and 1736, he was  28 and 37 years old, and he uses for himself  the words Nikkra and Balak just to  express his  deference for the senior man and scholar. Again he rejects the ideas of Gian Singh by stating 1.that these are based on heresy, 2. that the Panda Wahi at Kurukshetra does not note Mani Singh in the  records of Dulats of Laungowal, 3. that in the first edition of the Panth Prakash, Bika is is stated to be the father of Mani Singh while in the second it is Kala, and 4. that he concedes the presence of two Mani Singhs. After having stated so he presents his idea that Bhai Mani Singh Kambo and Mani  Ram  Panwar Rajpute  of Alipur, whom he calls Singh are one and the same person ,and to prove it he produces evidence  from the Bhatts and other sources, both of which needs  be examined. So far as the question of Bhai Mani Singh and Mani  Ram of Alipur as the same person is concerned,  it may be stated that  Bhai Santokh Singh mentions two persons--Mani Singh Shahid in  Shri Guru Nanak Prakash (81) and Mani Ram son of Mai Dass,and the father of Bachitter Singh etc. in  Shri Gur Pratap Suraj  (82). Here Mani Ram produces his five sons to take pahul, but there is no mention of him taking it. Koer Singh( 83) and Chhibber also do not mention Mani Ram taking pahul, whereas Bhai Mani  Singh took it along with 161 others(84). Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha (85) notes  Mani Ram Rajpute of Alipur and  Mani Singh Shahid as different persons. The Bhatts used to tell their patrons about their ancestors and get presents. Sewa Singh was family Bhatt of Sangat Singh,a grand son of Bachitter Singh and a great grand son of Bhai Mani Ram Rajpute .So he combined  Mani Ram Rajpute and  Bhai Mani Singh Shahid to please his patrons, Sangat Singh and his collaterals  (86). In fact the Institution of the Bhatts and the Panda Vahis commanded  respect in  the olden days, and courts would accept those as evidence to  decide cases of inheritance, but it was discovered that in many cases they were tailored, so the courts stopped accepting those. Garja Singh has himself pointed out the discrepancy in what Gian Singh writes and what their family records in the Kurukshetra Vahis state. Dardi(87) examined the Panda Vahis at Haridwar and found several inconsistencies, manipulations, entries in-between in a small space between two entries and the variations in what Garja Singh has written and what one finds in those. Once Gurmukh Singh told this author that while interviewing the descendants of the Bhatts referred to by Garja  Singh, he asked some questions about  their work, to which they had no answer, they told him that they could substantiate if he had some such work. Since no record is available of the Bhattakhshri script mentioned by Garja Singh ,who knows if that was not of this type ? If the work was translated in 1870 C.E. .why was it  not published earlier and why the translator  continued waiting for  58 years to hand over the translated version  to Garja Singh? All that one gets is the extracts of the work as given by the editor, Garja Singh;  original of neither  Bhattakhari nor Panjabi  version is available, and these are not valid documents  for scientific investigation (88). Even if it is accepted for analysis, one finds that the dates of several incidents are five years in advance of those given in other sources. For example the dates  of birth of  Guru Hargobind, Baba Gurditta and Guru Gobind  Singh are given  as 1590,1608 and1661 instead of 1595,1613 and 1661 respectively; and the date of the creation of the Khalsa is given as 1695 instead of 1699. Besides there are several factual mistakes ; e.g.  he describes  Guru Ram Dass as son of Thakur Dass and grand son of Hari Dass, whereas  as per  Guru Granth  Sahib, Guru Ram Dass was the son of  Hari Dass. In Shahid Bilas the death of Bhai  Mani  Singh is given  in 1734, which is the date of the death of  Mani Ram Rajpute. Ratan Singh Bhangu (89) ,who is the most quoted authority on the topic, and the author of  Prachin Panth Prakash, states that the martyrdom of Bhai Mani Singh took place in 1737, which  seems correct because around  1733  Zakaria Khan, the governor of Lahore was trying to make peace with the Sikhs by giving them  estates and Nawabies, so during these days he could not have killed Bhai Mani Singh or filled the holy tank with dirt as stated  by the editor of  Shahid Bilas. It happened after 1735 when the governor broke the convent and adopted the policy of persecution of the Sikhs (90). The editor of Shahid Bilas attaches a Hukamnama, supposedly written by the tenth Guru in favor of  Bachitter Singh etc, to the far off sangats  urging them to take care of them,  in which Mani Ram has been written as Mani Singh. This has been considered to be a forged document created to collect darshan bhet, alms, from the Sikhs living in different areas, may be by the Bhatts, and used by the editor to establish the credibility of his work. There is no valid reason to issue it in 1703, when the persons for whom it is said to have been written, are living with the Guru and fighting for him in battles. Besides it is different from other Hukamnamas of the same time issued by the Guru in terms of the initial formula,  formation of the letters and vowel symbols, use of bars instead of  continuity, or full stop, absence of the number of lines of the text  as given in other Hukamnamas and the use of a beautiful margin on this, not found in others.This Hukamnama finds no place  in 34 Hukamnamas of the  Gurus and others published by Ganda Singh in 1967, Had it been a genuine  document it would have been included in that, since Shahid Bilas had been published in 1961 (91). Garja Singh has included a letter in Shahid  Bilas, page 96,  stated to have been written by  Bhai Mani Sjngh from Amritsar to Mata Sundri at Delhi in 1711. which has no mention in the text of Shahid Bilas. Evidently it has been added to enhance the reliability of the work. Had Bhai Mani Singh  belonged to Multan it would have reflected the influence of the Lahndi. It was referred to  Dr. Harkirat Singh,an eminent linguist of Panjabi language by the department of the Encyclopedia of Sikhism, who  wrote that, after examining the letter carefully  I have come to the conclusion  that this letter contains no element of Lahndi/Multani. No phrase or sentence belongs to Sadh bhasha. Effect of eastern Panjabi is quite clear. Dardi (92) noted several  inconsistencies in its language  which could not be expected from a  scholar like Bhai Mani Singh, it has been written by a metal nib not available in those days ;and Daljeet Singh did not find it reliable. While carefully examining it, Ratan Singh Jaggi (93) encountered several doubts about its genuineness: Garja Singh does not describe the name of the family of Delhi from which he got it in 1929, on the basis of which it could be verified. It seems he got it created by some one. The forms of letters and sub- letters--akkhar te matra - used in it are different from the old writings and nearer to the new ones. This letter mentions 303 Charitrao Pakhian,  which is mentioned as 404 Charitrao Pakhian in the Dasam Granth. Such an incongruent and baseless statement can be made only in some unreliable letter. SUMMARY Born at village Kambowal in Sangrur district, Bhai Mani Singh was a great scholar, a warrior, a preacher, a martyr and a highly respected person in Sikh society after the tenth Guru, who never got married and lived and died for the cause of Sikh religion. Writing about those times in 1769, Kesar Singh Chhibber, a contemporary, twice  stated that he belonged to the Kambo/Kamboja caste. In the next century Giani Gian Singh, born in 1822, in the second edition of his work, traced his descent to Nigahia, the brother of Bhai Mani Singh, stating that he was a Dulat Jatt ,which finds no mention in the first edition ;and to substantiate it he made many changes, turning his work into a bundle of contradictions. During the 1928-1961 the' Rajpute' group, led by Giani Garja Singh, on the basis of the tailored documents like Bhatt Vahis, a letter by Bhai Mani Singh and a Hukamnama by the tenth Guru, produced the Shahid Bilas, arguing that  Bhai Mani Singh who was killed in 1937 and Bhai Mani Ram Rajpute of Pawar clan of Multan,  who used to serve in the langar/common kitchen,who was married and had about a dozen sons, and died in 1734,were the same person. Taking these to be different persons the Encyclopedia of Sikhism wrote separate entries describing Mani Ram Rajpute as a Vanjara Sikh. Gurmukh Singh, himself a Jatt Sikh belonging to the Waraich clan, and a researcher in the Encyclopedia department, after research found no valid reason to controvert  Chhibber's account, and stated that both Giani Gian Singh and  Garja Singh  are motivated to use  the great martyr's name for the exaltation of their clans, and most of the scholars take Mani Singh as a Kamboja born in Kambowal. REFERENCES (1)  Dardi K.S, Kamboja :Yugan De Aarpar,2005 p.239. (2)  Satbir Singh  ,Sada Itihas ,part 3 1970 p.96.in Dardi, 2005 p.239. (3)  Sher Singh Sher,  Glimpses of Sikhism and Sikhs 1982 p.207. (4)  Harbans Singh Thind ,Kamboja Itihas ,1973, pp.114-7. (5)  Giani Gian Singh,  Panth Prakash , Language Department Panjab Patiala, 1970 p675. in Dardi, 2004,p.30. (6)  Dardi K.S. ,Bhai Mani Singh -Ithasic Paripekh,Jalandhar. 2004 ,p.25. (7)  Kohli  Surinder Singh,Bhai Mani Singh. Language Department Panjab,1961 p,85. (8)  Dardi K. S. Bhai Mani Singh -Ithasic Paripekh  2004.p.18. (9)  Satbir Singh, Sada Itihas  1970 p.97 in Dardi 2004, p18. (10) Kirpal Singh Narang, Hari Ram Gupta, D.R. Sethi, Giani Lall Singh state that he was born the Kambowal  of Malawa and Mata Sundri looked upon him as her son. Panjab Da Itihas, Delhi, 1955, p.266, in Dardi 2004 p.19. (11) District Gazerrer Panjab, Sangrur  1984,p447. (12) Dardi K.S.2005 p.104. (13) Encyclopedia of Sikhism ed. Harbans Singh, vol.3. Patiala 1997 p39. (14 ) Encyclopedia of Sikhism ed.Harbans Singh vol. 3  1997 p16. (15) Encyclopedia 0f Sikhism ,1997 ,p15. in Jammu P,S. 2013 P443. (16) Encyclopedia of Sikhism ,1997 ,p15 in Jammu P.S. 2013 p443. (17) Dardi K.S. Bhai Mani Singh Shahid; Itihasic Paripekh 2004 p195.on the basis of Hari Ram Gupta's book History of  Sikh Gurus 1973,p286. (18) Encyclopedia of Sikhism, vol. 1v.1998.p.277. (19) Chhibber Kesar Singh, Bansavalinama  Dasan Patshahian  Ka, Chandigarh 1972. (20) Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Vol 1v 1998 p.311. (21) Encyclopedia of Sikhism, vol 1v 1998 ,p311. (22) Encyclopedia of Sikhism ,Vol.!V  1998 p16, 337, (23) Panth Prakash, Giani Gian Singh, 1970 pp 531-2. (24) Encyclopedia of Sikhism,  Vol 3 ,1997 p40 ,Kesar Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama ,1972, S, 388. (25) Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Vol 2, 1996 p,77. (26) Dardi K.S., Bhai Mani Singh 2004 p.129 on the basis of J.S. Grewal, Guru Gobind Singh 1987. (27) Kesar Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama  1972 ,saloks 382-38, Piara Singh Padam, Bansavalinama…1997pp24-5 in  Dardi K.S. 2004 pp.55-6. (28) Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Vol,2.1996, p109. (29) Kesar Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama ,1972,11-12, mentions the caste/ clan names of all the Chaudharies who meet Mama Kirpal at Amritsar and the Masaddies appointed by him. (30) Kesar Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama ,1972 ,S,11-21  His father Gurbakhash Singh Chhibber was appointed Daroga of Harmandar Sahib, with whom he lived at Amritsar and observed the ongoings ,his grand father Dharam Chand was the Diwan of the tenth Guru and his ancestors Dargaha Mall and Dwarka Dass were the Diwans of the 7th and the 8th Gurus. in Jammu P.S. Kambojas :Antiquity and Dispersal,2013 p.447: Dardi. 2004 .p.48-9. (31) Kesar  Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama ,1972, S.624,626  Jammu P.S., Kambojas: Antiquity and Dispersal,2013 p.447. (32) Kesar  Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama ,1972, Salok , S.624,826. Dardi K.S. Bhai Mani Singh, 2004 pp46-7. (33) Kesar Singh  Chhibber, Bansavalinama  ,1972. pt 14 s, 190. (34) Kesar Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama 1972, Pt,13.Salok 20;21 (35) Kesar Singh Chhibber, Bansavalinama, 1972 ,Pt/ charan 10. S,381 (36) Ratan Singh Jaggi, Bhai Mani Singh, 1983   Garja Singh ed. Shahid Bilas, 1961 etc. (37) Gurmukh Singh, Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid , Proceedings of Panjab History Conference,Session 22, March 1988 p,83 in Panjab Past and Present 1989. (38) Kahan Singh Nabha, Mahan Kosh, 1974 p.951, Gurmat  Sudhaker 1970 p.221 (39) Surinder Singh Kohli ,Bhai Mani Singh  1961,p85. in Dardi K.S. 2004 p .18. (40) Satbir  Singh, Sada Itihas pt. 2.1990p 97 .Dardi K.S. 2004 p. 18.. (41) Ajit and in Dardi K.S. Shahid Bhai Mani Singh, 2004 p.18. (42) In  Kirpal Singh Dardi ,Shahid Bhai Mani Singh ,2004 ,p.18;  Gurmukh Singh in Panjab Past And Present 1989, p. 82. (43) Thakar Singh ,Sidki Jiwan, 1907. 1n Dardi K.S. 2004,p.18. (44) Harbans Singh Thind  ,Kamboja Itihas ,1973.pp.122-3 in Dardi K.S. 2004, p.18. (45) Kirpal Singh Dardi ,2004,p.18. ; Panjab Da Itihas, Delhi ,1955,p.266. (46) District Gazetteer of Sangrur ,1984.p.447. (47) Nayar G. S. in Panjab Past And Present, 1989. p.81. (48) Gurmukh Singh, Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid in Panjab Past And Present, 1989. p.88. (49)  Encyvlopedia Of Sikhism, Vol 1v ,1998  pp .95-6. (50)  Kirpal Singh Dardi, Shahid Bhai Mani Singh  ; Itihasik Paripekh  ,  2004 ,has been written with a view to clearing the mist about the caste  identity of Bhai Mani Singh. (51)  Parkash Singh Jammu in his work Kambojas : Antiquity And Dispersal, 2013, has examined the life and various theories about the caste identity of Bhai Mani Singh pp.443-60. (52)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash  1970 ,p.951,1317-8 ; in Dardi 2004, pp.20-1. (53)  Giani Gian Singh,  Panth Prakash ,1937 B/1880 C.E.. (54)  Kirpal Singh Dardi, 2004 pp 21-2. (55)  Kahan  Singh  Nabha, Mahan Kosh, 1974 p. f.n 951.,1315 (56)  Kahan Singh  Nabha,  Mahan Kosh   1974 ,p 951 ;Dardi K.S. 2004 .p23. (57)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash ,1970 .p.675 in Dardi K.S. 2004 p.30. (58)  Giani Gian Singh, Twarikh Guru Khalsa part 3.1894 pp 673-4. (59)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash 1970,pp.1315-8. (60)  Giani Gian Singh,  Twarikh Guru Khalsa 1894, part 3, 673 (61)  Encoclopedia Of Sikhism, Vol. 1. 1997  p.77. (62)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth  Prakash ,1970 p. 1317-8. (63)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash ,1970 p. 20-1. In Jammu P.S.,2013,p.451. (64)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash. 1970 1st edition section 43 ,32-39. (65)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash, 1970  pp 676-7. (66)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth  Prakash, 1st edition  ,section 43  salok,39. (67)  Giani Gian  Singh, Panth Prakash  1st edition  ,section 43, salok 43 in Dardi 2004 p.33. (68)  Giani Gian Singh, Panth Prakash   1970 p1317,  Lahore ed.p278. in Dardi 2004 p.33. (69)  Encyclopedia Of  Sikhism,Harbans Singh  ed.,vol. 1v 1998 p,254. (70)  Rose, H.A. ed. A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Panjab and North-West Frontier Frontier Province, Lahore 1911 ,Patiala,1970. (71)  Hero  Dalip   The Timeline History of India, New York  2005, p.153, (72)  Vidyarthi, Devinder Singh, ed. Sri Guru Gobind Singh Abhinandan Granth,Amritsar 1983.p.983. in Dardi K,S. 2004 p.24. (73)  Gurmukh Singh,  Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid, Panjab Past and Present, Patiala, 1989,p .88. (74)  Parkash Singh Jammu, Kambojas: Antiquity and Dispersal  ,2013 ,p445. (75)  Encyclopedia of Sikhism,  Harbans Singh ed. Vol. 3.1997, .pp 39-41. (76)  Encyclopedia of Sikhism, Harbans  Singh ed. vol.1V. 1998 p,406. in Jammu P.S. 2013 p.455 (77)  Encyclopedia of Sikhism ,Harbans Singh ed,  vol.3. 1997, pp,95-6. author Harnam Singh Shan. (78)  H.S. Shan in Encyclopedia of Sikhism ed, Harbans Singh vol,1V, 1998,p.96. (79)  Gurmukh Singh, Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid  in Panjab Past and Present, Patiala 1989,p.82. (80)  Gurmukh Singh, Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid in Panjab Past and Present , Patiala ,1989 p.83. (81)  Purvadh Adhyay verse 70-1, in Gurmukh Singh,  Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid, Panjab Past and Present  1989, p.84. (82)  Rut 3,Ansu 20, f.n. in Gurmukh Singh , Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid , Panjab Past and Present,1989 .p.84. (83)  Author of Gur Bilas Patshahi 10,1751, in Gurmukh Singh, Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid ,Panjab Past and Present 1989 p.84. (84)  Kahan Singh Nabha, Guru Shabad Ratnakar Mahan Kosh, Patiala ,1987, pp .950-1 (85)  Kahan Singh Nabha Mahan Kosh 1987 p951 in Gurmukh Singh ,Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid in Panjab Past and Present 1989 p .84. (86)  Gurmukh Singh, Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid,Panjab Past and Present 1989 p.84-5. (87)  Kirpal Singh Dardi ,Shahid Bhai Mani Singh:Itihasic Paripekh, 2004,pp61-7. ( 88)  Gurmukh Singh ,Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid in Panjab Past and Present ,1989,p.86, (89)  Gurmukh  Singh, Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid in Panjab Past and Present ,1989 ,p.87. Prachin Panth Prakash, Khalsa Samachar edition 1962,p227.; Ganda Singh, Kaura Mall Bahadur, Amritsar,1941,p,38. (90)  Gurmukh Singh, Identity of Bnai Mani Singh Shahid ,in Panjab Past and Present ,1989 ,pp.87-8. (91)  Gurmukh Singh, Identity of Bhai Mani Singh Shahid, in Panjab Panjab Past and Present, 1989,p88; Dardi K.S. Shahid Bhai Mani Singh :Itihasic Paripekh 2004 ,pp 67- (92)  In Dardi K.S,. Shahid Bhai Mani Singh;Itihasic Paripekh, 2004 p,76. Daljit Singh in Dardi 2004,p77,; (93)   Ratan Singh Jaggi, Bhai Mani Singh ;Jiwani te Rachna , Patiala,1983,p.45-6.

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