User:Raquel Y Vazquez/Sexualities and Genders in Zapotec Oaxaca/Bibliography

Overview
Stephen Lynn author of Sexualities and Genders in Zapotec Oaxaca presents research that focuses on "two Zapotec" with the goal of demonstrating the "importance of historical continuities and discontinuities in systems of gender and their relationship to class, ethnicity (earlier coded as race), and sexuality." Lynn structures his research by dividing the research into the seven sections of: ZAPOTEC GENDER AND SEXUALITY 1: MUXE IN JUCHITAN, ZAPOTEC GENDER AND SEXUALITY 2: MARRIAGE, COHABITING MIGRANTS, AND BIZA’AH IN TEOTITLAN DEL VALLE, HISTORICAL ROOTS, ZAPOTEC SYSTEMS OF GENDER COMPLEMENTARITY AND THIRD GENDER ROLES, SPANISH GENDER AND APPROPRIATE SEXUALITY: HONOR, CHASTITY, AND PURITY OF BLOOD, THE VIRGIN OF GUADALUPE: NATIONALISM WRITTEN ON A FEMALE INDIGENOUS BODY, MIGRATION, POPULAR CULTURE, AND THE DEPLOYMENT OF SEXUAL IDENTITIES, and CONCLUSIONS.

= Zapotec Gender and Sexuality 1: Muxe in Juchitan = This city of Juchitan de Zaragoza (cite other wiki page) and its residents have in their own ways fought to decolonize its people in many forms. Zapotec culture is dependent on the embracement of indigenous roots which can be seen in their active use of the indigenous dialect of Zapotec (wiki ink), the fight for “local autonomy” (cite) against the military state, and the significant presence of Muxe (cite) individuals. Historically this fight for Juichitian autonomy is seen in “resistance campaigns” in opposition of the military based in Benito Juarez in 1848, in the years of 1911 through 1913 Che Gomez took a leadership role in local rebellions, and the political movements concerning the working class and students of the area (cite). Through each of these efforts for autonomy a sense of regional pride is embraced by the members of the community. Stephen describes another important aspect of culture seen in Juchitan that demonstrates how indigenous roots are still accepted despite the colonialism that engulfs the states and cities surrounding Oaxaca. The presence of Muxe’s (wiki link) hint at the gender systems used during the pre-colonial era of Mexico. Muxe’s  (wiki link )identify with a third gender role and can be described as someone who appears masculine but also embraces certain female characteristics. Despite presenting male qualities they are often imposed female responsibilities including “embroidery or decorating home altars” (link). Lynn describes this acceptance of Muxe’s being attributed to this gender role being “institutionalized for men… therefore [it is] socially tolerated” (link). Stephen also recognizes how sexuality is often allowed to be fluid and not strictly heterosexual. She uses the gathering of vela’s as an example of how women would use these events to take part in “sexual liaisons and relationships” with the other women in attending. Regardless of the inclusivity and the understanding surrounding the identity of Muxe’s and sexuality that did not conform to a heterosexual relationship, Stephen argues that it did not automatically make the city of Juchitan accepting of all lives. Despite the inclusion of a gender outside of the female or male option, Juichitan still uses the gender binary to enforce sexist hierarchies. These hierarchies have been used to continue the control over women’s bodies through  placing value and expecting women of the town to maintain their “virginity,” expecting serial monogamy in relationships despite the presence of “domestic abuse,” and enforcing traditions of “the showing of a bloody sheet on the wedding night”. All of these different practices enforces oppressive gendered practices despite the inclusivity of non-heterosexual relationships and Muxe identities. Another form of sexism is seen in the acceptance of Muxe’s by women versus men. Stephen explains that through her observation women seem to be more welcoming and accepting of Muxe’s, even to go as far as forming personal relationships with them. However, men seem to be more resistant in forming relationships or being affiliated with Muxe’s because they serve as a “constant reminder of the constructedness of masculinity.  Stephen concludes this section by presenting the assumption that women and Muxe roles out men in “positions of dominance” which can be due to the “Spanish colonial two-gender system which resulted in gender hierarchy and often subordinated women’s sexuality to that of men  (cite).

Zapotec Gender and Sexuality 2: Marriage, Cohabitating, Migrants and Biza'ah in Teotitlan del Valle
Stephen not only focuses on the town of Juchitan to demonstrate the different perspective of gender and sexuality; she expands her observations to Teotitaln del Valle which is much closer in proximity to Oaxaca City. Stephen remains on theme by focusing on the theme of sexuiality and introducing another example of a third gender known as Biza’ah. Despite Stephen focusing aspects of culture, there is a distinction in the roles gender and sexuality practiced in Teotitlan del Valle in comparison to Juchitan. Starting off with similarities, Teotitlan del Valle embraces its history through the conservation of the indigenous language of Zapotec (wiki link), continuing “local religious traditions” and having a significant “agricultural community”  which includes the “production of wood textiles” (cite). Teotitlan del Valle also has a small population of the third gender, Biza’ah. Despite not having a clear description that describes the Biza’ah’s physical appearance, they were “identified by their speech and way of walking”. Another indicator of their gender identity is their assigned responsibilities such as “making ceremonial candles” which was a craft “they shared with a few women in the community”. Overall, the presence of the Biza’ah in Teotitlan was accepted and members went as far to say they “appreciated” them because of their “special artisan skills”. Despite the progressive acceptance of this third gender, Teotitilans strict relationship with gender influenced the expectations placed onto the women of the town, and created an environment that is “strongly separated by gender”. This includes the separation of men and women in the settings of work, "ritual occasions,” and parties such as quinceaneras (cite). Additionally, the community placed value and importance on the concept of “preserving virginity” and maintaining women’s “sexual reputations” . This societal pressure placed onto women is a double standard that is not expected of the men of the community. Women are “strictly watched and not allowed to walk the streets alone after the age of 10 or 11” in comparison to men being told “experiment before they settle down” . It is also important to note that many of the residents of Teotitlan migrate towards major cities such as Rosarita, all the way to the United States. Ultimately, the traditions, double standards, and acceptance of the third gender Biza’ah can be attributed to migration. The traditions and sexist ideology “suggests the influence of Spanish colonial… and U.S cultures and experiences”. Altogether, Stephen closes this section of the article by affirming her audience that the presence of the third gender Biza’ah implies the significant impact left by “indigenous systems of gender”.

Zapotec Systems of Gender Complementary and Third Gender Roles
Through this section of the article Stephen focuses on how a binary system of gender has consistently been a tool to control indigneous communities while simultaneously maintaining elitist communities and ideology. Stephen structures this argument of describing the purpose of third genders in indigenous communities, the fluidity of sexuality accepted by these communities, and how the observations of non-natives were often critical of these practices. The author goes into detail about the spirituality that is often assigned with either identifying as a third gender or being assigned a third gender at birth. Within the indigenous communities of Mixtec, Mexica, and Zapotec they shared similarities in their understanding of “gender systems”  and spirituality based on their acknowledgement of “other deities and religious ideas of into local and regional cosmologies”. Another example is the belief that third genders were a physical representation of the female and male identity placed onto the moon and the sun (citation). Sexuality was fluid as well, the practices of “sodomy” and not enforcing the practice of sexuality to be tied to the goal of “reproduction” was also common within indigenous communities. Through Stephen’s examination of “gender ambiguity” and sexuaility, she establishes this understanding of cultural practices that may go against colonial practices such as the gender binary and the promotion of heterosexual relationships. Stephen continues her piece by summarizing the observations and criticisms written by different explorers. For example, Cortes commentating on the “widespread practice of same-sex relations” in Mexico, Bernal Dias del Castillo discovery of art displaying natives partaking in “sodomy”  in Yucatan, the observation of third genders in the indigenous group of Timicu native to Florida which allowed non-heterosexual marriages, or the discovery of the third gender within the tribe of Zuni. All of these observations were not specific to one region but spread across North and Latin America. Stephen further elaborates on explorers refusal to accept third genders and non-hetersexual sexuality through her analysis of language used against specific gender identities and sexualities. Explorers would describe men who participated in same sex intercourse as “grandisimos putos,” “cochones” and third genders such as Ilhamanas (native to the Zuni tribe) would be reffered to as “putos”. Stephen structures her piece by explaining the acceptance from indigenous peoples and refusal from non-indigenous individuals surrounding the concept of third genders and sexuality and how it contributes to colloquial homophobic language seen today. Ultimately, Stephen analyses supports the argument that the promotion of heterosexual and “hierarchal gender system” by non-natives is a tool used to place more value on masculinity in stead of femininity and purposely separating “elites” and “commoners” from one another.

Spanish Gender and Appropriate Sexuality: Honor, Chastity, and Purity of Blood
Just as the gender binary is argued to be a tool that promotes elitism and class division within rural Oaxaca, the practice of racial of purity was meant to separate the upper class from commoners and working class people. The process of racial purity was also known as “purity of blood”  that aimed at creating a line of geology that did not include the ancestry of “Moors, Jews, … heretics in Spain or Indians or blacks”. Because of this goal of maintaining what elites believed to be a superior race, the responsibility of upholding this lineage was placed onto the women of elite families, resulting in the restriction of “female sexuality’ through monogamous, heterosexual marriages. Yet, these same standards did not apply to men; rather they were allowed an opportunity to explore same-sex sexual relationships because there was not a possibility of “producing offspring”. By enforcing the “purity of blood” among the elite and not having familial ties with members of marginalized communities it created “racial castes” and promoted the “limpieza de sangre” of blood. It also deterred non-elites who had mixed ancestry from entering “important political and clerical offices or entering universities, religious and military orders, and certain guilds”. In conclusion, Stephen highlights how the practice of racial purity throughout the country of Mexico created a rippling effect impacting the roles assigned to certain genders and the controlling sexuality, which impacted communities like Zapotec, Oaxaca.