User:RobbieBall/sandbox

Social Mobility in Israel (Part of Standard of Living in Israel)

This is what was already added to Social Mobility...

Social mobility in Israel is high by Western standards. According to statistics from the late 1990s, which, based on other tests, are not believed to have changed significantly, class mobility rates in Israel are between 72-74%, higher than in other developed countries including the United States, United Kingdom, and France. Although there is relatively high equality of opportunity, there are still significant differences that remain. Ashkenazi Jews were found to be wealthier on average than Mizrahi Jews, who were in turn wealthier than Arabs.

These are my edits;

Israel is cited as having high social mobility due to the volume of Jewish immigrants in recent history. The current state of Israel shows fluid mobility among these Jewish immigrants .A possible reason for this ethnic difference in mobility is the relatively young age of the state of Israel and how it has changed economically and demographically through 21st century industrialization. Traditionally, there have been three endogenous demographics of Israel. These are Ashkenazi Jews, Mizrahi Jews, and Arabs. As the state of Israel was largely established as a home for Jewish people, immigrants of the religion rapidly migrated to Israel over the course of the 20th century. In terms of numbered population, there were 650,000 jews in Israel in 1948; however, by 1964 there were over 2 million. There are multiple arguments to how this mobility through industrialization occurred. The "liberal thesis of industrialization" argues that industrialization will provide a higher rate of upward mobility over downward mobility as well as improved social equality. The view favored by marxists opposes the liberal thesis, arguing that while industrialization did create increased social mobility in Israel, it has lessened over time and only remained for select groups of people. Both of these views show that there has indeed been a history of high social mobility in Israel in comparison to other developed countries; however, the absolute distribution and application of this high rate to all citizens is likely not fully universal.

An additional factor in social mobility is education. From the below table, average years of schooling are listed for workers, managers, self-employed, and employers. Because there is a significant difference between self-employed and employers (Owners) and managers, it should be evident that less education does not provide a statistical disadvantage in obtaining higher positions of ownership and consequently higher socioeconomic status. Ethnic occupational mobility in Israel has been viewed as a ladder between the three stratified groups, Ashkenazi Jews, Mizrahi Jews, and Arabs. Higher populations of a group are correlated with larger social communities; therefore, the potential to promote occupational and social mobility are increased. Occupations associated with yielding intergenerational mobility vary. Men in Israel who pursue professional or technical careers are often met with improvement for intergenerational occupational mobility. This is very evident today, with the development of "Silicon Wadi", a cluster of software and other global high tech industries near Tel Aviv. Whereas employment in this sector of Israel is highly associated mobility, employment in administrative and unskilled occupations are associated with a decline in mobility. For women, service sector occupation and social workers show higher levels of mobility compared to those in agricultural related occupations. In addition, means of social welfare have been instituted to better promote mobility through the provision of housing, education, health care, social services, and employment. These welfare programs were started in the 1970s as a means of combatting stratified ethnic class structure with the intended goal of social mobility. While these programs have prevented critical dangers such as mass hunger or homelessness, it is difficult to prove they have sealed the gap in terms of endogenous ethnic-class structure in Israeli society.