User:Sbbarker19/sandbox/Trade Unions in Mexico

Relationship with the State
Unions' political participation depend on the state: especially (especially WHAT) during the regiemes of Obregón, Cárdenas, and Echeverría.

Casa del Obrero Mundial
1912: Casa del Obrero Mundial forms with anarchist influence. The institute started as a place for philosophical discussions, as one of the creators noted, "reformist trade unionism of a Marxist-socialist huie was left aside and attention was centered on...anarcho-syndicalism, without an ounce of bourgeois or proletarian politics." In the mission to be apolitical, the leaders removed workers from the political struggles of the groups fighting for power. (WHO)

1914: Carrancista's won and the Casa established an alliance with them. At first, President Venustiano rejected the alliance, claiming it "reneged on the Fatherland" and believed it served him little purpose. After his forces were pushed out of Mexico City by Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa, his leutinents (including Álvaro Obregón) sealed the pact with the Casa. In February 1915, Casa's leaders promised to "suspend trade union and syndicalist organizing and enter into a different phase of activity in view of the urgent need to propel and intensify the revolution" (WHO SAID THIS). The Casa appointed a "revolutionary committee", cementing the alliance with Carranza in return for laws to benefit workers. The Casa organized six military units made up of about 10,000 men called the Batallones Rojos to defend the Constitutionalist government. The workers, led by opportunists, fought to suppress and extinguish members of their own class: the peasants revolting with Villa and Zapata. According to Mexican historian Jean Meyer, this collaborations was "a fatal step which would place the Mexican labor movement under the tutelage of the government, a tutelage which has persisted until today." Some groups refused to join teams with the Constitutionalist government. (WHO; WHAT HAPPENED)

Between 1915 and 1916, there were strikes by a variety of trades: elementary school teachers, trolley car operators, electricians, all miners in Mexico state, some led by Casa. The government intervene until workers demanded to be paid in metallic coin rather than paper during the monetary crisis of 1916. Then, Carraza repressed unions and leaders who supported this, eventually leading to the demise of the Casa.

In 1917, while many labor leaders were imprisoned, the draft of the new Constitution included some labor demands in Articles 27 and 123. Carranza didn't agree with these articles, but accepted them to avoid the resurgence of organized opposition. He did not make any concessions which hurt the interests her represented.

Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana
In 1916, the Federacion de Sindicatos Obreros del Distrito Federal (FSODF) (WHO) called a labor congress to create a central federal union to include the various isolated labor groups. As a result, the CROM was created and Louis N. Morones was elected the leader.

In hopes of controlling organized labor, Carranza issued a manifesto-invitation to labor congress in Saltillo, Coahuila on May 1st, 1916 announced through the governor of Coahuila, Gustavo Espinoza Mireles. Some organized refused to attend in objection to a politician trying to control the labor movement. After the discussions, delegates from 18 states formed CROM. CROM's policy makers were a group of young leaders, heade by Morones, called the Grupo Acción. In 1919, they created the Labor Party in support of Alvaro Obregon;'s candidacy. After Carranza was murder and Adolfo de la Huerta became provisional president, CROM and the Labor Party accepted large sums of money from Obregon and Calles in return for their support.

Regime of Obregon
When Obregon was elected, CROM leaders had official support and posts in the government. Celestino Gasca became the Governor of the Districo Federal and Morones became the Director of Factory Supplies and Military Provisions.

Once Obregon's regime assassinated the Governor of Yucatán in 1924, Felipe Carrillo Puerto, CROM began cooling relations with him. By then, they had secured administrative posts they would keep during succeeding regimes. About three months later, Reinaldo Cervantes, CROM's leader, declared that he and his group would begin focusing on consolidating labor and capital.

Regime of Calles
Plutarco Elias Calles, a then-candidate for president, declared that his policy would be controlling trade unions through the CROM to insure a social base for the development of production. Once sworn as president, he appointed Morones as Minister of Industry, Commerce, and Labor. 12 deputies and 3 senators belonging to CROM won seats in the same election. Morones favored unions that belonged to CROM and persecuted those that did not. Between 1920 and 1924, in it's greatest growth period, CROM's membership grew from 100,000 to one million.

In August 1925, the secretary of the FSODF, a member of CROM, declared that a truce must be made between labor and capital so that the regime could develop a policy of attracting investments from foreign nations and that organized labor must surther the policies of Plutarco Elias Calles.

At the end of his term, Morones was made to resign his ministerial post.

Regime of Portes Gil
In 1928, Obregon was elected again. He was assassinated in July, and due to the animosity between Morones and him, Morones was accused of the murder, though no evidence ever proved this. CROM was weakened during by both President Obregon and interim President Emilio Portes Gil's term; many unions broke off from thee CROM as they sensed Morones' loss of power

In November 1928, the CROM organized a Convención Obrero-Patronal (English: Worker-Employee Convention) which came out in support for a labor code.

Confederación General de Trabajadores
In 1921, during Obregon's term, the General Confederation of Workers (CGT) was founded and headed by a group of anarcho-sydicalists: Rosendo Salazar, Rafael Quintero, and José G. Escobar. It supported the strikes of the railroad and trolley care operators and confronted CROM.

When, in 1923, Obregon smashed a series of CGT-backed strikes, the CGT began openly opposing the government. Authorities opened the jails and brought convicts to the trolley operator's strike to act as scabs. Vioelnce broke out and several workers died. The CGT won the support of Adolfo de la Huerta, but for reasons other than labor rights. (WHAT)

World Crisis of 1929
The world crisis of 1929 declined the exportation and value of silver, nearly crushing the Mexican economy. There were a lot of subsequent striking, and he government formed the National Chamber of Labor to monitor and maintain them. President Calles also formed the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) (English: Institutional Revolutionary Party). The creation of the PRI sped up the disapperance of the Labor Party, which was an accesory of the CROM.

Federal Labor Law
On August 28, 1931, President Rubio created the Ley Federal del Trabajo (English: Federal Labor Law) to regulate Article 123 of the Constitution. The law required that companies sign contracts with their workers, though this was objected by many employers' organizations who claimed this would cause unemployment. However, the contracts resulted in stability in working conditions and relations.

The law soon became used as a method for the government to control unions, as it made all strikes and demands subject to government officials. As soon as it was ratified, trolley car workers in the Federal District demanded extra wages from their employer, as they had been made to work extra hours with no added pay since a contract they signed in 1925. Though the union was within their rights and entitled to the pay according to Article 123 and the new labor law, the Ministry of Industry, Commerce and Labor ruled that the company did not have to pay. They argued that the unions should sacrifice their rightful wages due to the difficult economic situation the country was in. This idealism lasted until 1940 when the decision was ruled unjust.

Federal District Chamber of Labor
In June 1932, the government created the Cámara del Trabajo de Distrito Federal (CBDF) (English: Federal District Chamber of Labor) in the first attempt at national unification with both the Federación Sindicalista del Trabajo (FST) (English: Trade Union Federation of Labor) and the CGT. The government hoped the CBDF would result in a unified labor moement to aid the upcoming presidential election. (WHO) However, the CROM and the Confederación Sindical Unitaria de México (CSUM) (English: Unitary Trade Union Confederation of Mexico) did not participate, so the attempt failed. (The CSUM was created in 1929 by the Communist Party and had failed the merge with the CGT several times.)

More modern times
Trade Unions still have close ties with the government. Labor boards are often made up of union leaders, company leaders, and government officials. It is hard for workers to strike and otherwise move towards better working conditions. It is speculated that this is a goal of the bureaucratization of trade unions, as it demobilizes workers. This has happened in both the Confederatión Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM) (English: The Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers) and the Confederación de Trabajadores de Mexico (CTM) (English: The Confederation of Mexican Workers) especially. They have carried out electoral campaigns and have all but controlled all outbursts of union independence.