User:Simon Madu Onyekachi

FORGIVENESS IN IGBO AND YORUBA CULTURE
Man is always in quest of happiness-to live out his potential and to achieve his set goals in life. In pursuit of happiness, he sometimes offends others or is offended. As a consequence to attain true happiness there is need for forgiveness and reconciliation otherwise man will become brute to his fellow man, returning to the ‘state of nature’ described by Thomas Hobbes in his The Leviathan. The concept of forgiveness is thus a phenomenon inherent in human societies though possessing different forms and interpretation. While some societies place greater emphasis on the need for humans to find some sort of divine forgiveness for their shortcomings, others place greater emphasis on the need for humans to practice forgiveness of one another, yet some others make little or no distinction between human and divine forgiveness. As a consequence of these hermeneutics and understanding, this write-up aims at a comparative analysis of the concept of forgiveness among the Igbo and Yoruba ethnic groups of Nigeria, Africa.

INTRODUCTION
Until now in the academia, there is no accepted psychological definition of forgiveness; however, there is a consensus of opinion among scholars that forgiveness is a process of attaining a genuine pardon for misdeeds. It has also been defined is a process (or the result of a process) that involves a change in emotion and attitude regarding an offender. Some theorists argue that for forgiveness to be complete, reconciliation or the restoration of relationship is necessary; while others see it as independent processes because forgiveness may occur in the absence of reconciliation and reconciliation may occur in the absence of forgiveness. Hence, forgiveness can be a one sided process, whereas reconciliation is a mutual process of increasing acceptance. As a consequence there are several models describing the process of forgiveness. Recent research in this regard has shown that ritual cleansing in African religion is a model describing the process of forgiveness as entrenched in African Traditional Religion. Accordingly, it is a general concept among the Igbo and Yoruba people of Nigeria, and indeed the entire continent of Africa that every wrongdoing is considered an offense against god of the land (earth-spirit) as such forgiveness is possible by appeasing through sacrifices. However, while the Igbo sees ritual forgiveness as essential between persons or between deity and person(s), the Yoruba on the other hand, emphasize ritual forgiveness between deity and person(s) and ‘formal’ forgiveness between persons by means of appeasement and plea for mercy. Let us now attempt a definition of forgiveness.

WHAT IS FORGIVENESS?
Forgiveness is the intentional and voluntary process by which a victim undergoes a change in feelings and attitude regarding an offense; lets go of negative emotions such as revenge, with an increased ability to wish the offender well. Forgiveness is different from condoning (failing to see the action as wrong and in need of forgiveness), excusing (not holding the offender as responsible for the action), pardoning (granted by a representative of society, such as a judge), forgetting (removing awareness of the offense from consciousness), and reconciliation (restoration of a relationship). In certain contexts, forgiveness is a legal term for absolving or giving up all claims on account of debt, loan, obligation or other claims. Forgiveness presupposes a wrong doing, offence or sin, “hence it is something different than problem-resolving, it is something different than “sucking it up and getting back to work”, it is different than “moving on”, it is different than “Oh, don’t worry about it, it’s no big deal”. Forgiveness is rather radical, it is fundamentally interior. It implies a deliberately clear recognition of the wrong committed; no excuses, no attenuations, no “ifs” or “buts”. It bears no promise of reward or compensation (from the source of pain, that is, for the person that forgives, it promises great reward). It is a risk, a jump in the dark”. Further still, forgiveness is essentially the repudiation or cessation of resentment, indignation or anger perceived as an offense resulting from willful injury or mistake or disagreement. It also means to stop demanding punishment for a perceived offense, disagreement, or mistake. It further means to discontinue a request for restitution for a perceived injury. The Oxford English Dictionary further defines forgiveness as granting ‘free pardon and to give up all claims on account of an offence or debt. Ritual forgiveness therefore offers this free pardon through the process of an established symbolic ritual where God (or deity, as the case implies) inspires repentance mediated through a visible community. Although what transpires during the process of forgiveness is spiritual, yet the action that produces the spiritual grace/pardon is performed by a visible community spurred by God/deity. In this case then, the community performs the ritual; wrongdoing and guilt are removed by God/deity and the culprit knows it through the ministration of the divine agent such as priest or diviner. Next we shall examine the concept of forgiveness in Igbo culture.

FORGIVENESS IN IGBO CULTURE
The Igbo form one of the three largest ethnic groups in Nigeria (the other two are Hausa and Yoruba). They belong to the Negro race in Africa and speak Igbo as their language with many local dialects. They occupy the area of land on the left bank of the Niger or else on the East of the river Niger. The area covers the whole of Anambra, Abia, Enugu, Ebonyi, Imo and some parts of Delta, Rivers and Akwa-Ibom states. Like other African societies, the Igbo preserves and transmits her body of beliefs in their myths, rituals, symbols, folktales, philosophy as well as proverbs in what is called Omenala[|Igbo culture] understood either as customs, morals, law or traditional way of life. Forgiveness in Igbo called mgbahara is related to another concept ala-di-mma literally translated as ‘good land or good life’. Forgiveness goes hand in hand with reconciliation in Igbo culture; as such ala-di-mma is the Igbo concept of (ritual) forgiveness and reconciliation. From the traditional religious purview, every wrongdoing is considered an offense against god of the land (earth-spirit). This is so because the earth- ala is considered the source of ‘life’ rather than its economic or material importance. Ala in this case, becomes a phenomenological concept through which God, the Absolute Being, supplies the important needs of the people who live in it. Its phenomenological functions also include the protection and control of the beings in it, humans, animals, plants, as well as other animate and inanimate organisms. Ala, thus effects and reflects life and death. Human beings are said to be originated from it and go back to it after death through burial. This is the reason why [|Ndigbo] (Igbo people) regard Ala (earth/land) as a goddess. The earth- Ala assumes the title of the giver of life and all the things surrounding it. Therefore, the emergence of the ethical, moral, religious and social norms was– as a result of the respect accorded to this phenomenon– the earth/land according to traditional Igbo religious thought. Hence these normative laws were created, not only to foster respect and appreciation for the natural gifts from the land but, in a deep sense of religion and worship, to eradicate evil in the community. To violate these cultural norms means to offend the goddess Ala (life as such), who must be appeased (by acts of ritual called Ala-di-mma) in order for the aberrant one to be forgiven (mgbahara) and reconciled back into the community after any abominable sin has been committed. In the Igbo cultural context, sin is taken seriously because it defiles the Land; aside being disobedience or missing of the mark, it is also disrespect for the giver of life. Thus evil or sin is not only a social problem of man; it is also a fundamental religious issue since committing it offends not only the community but also the giver of life and creator of human beings. Every member of the community reacts against the sinner, who can be severely punished and even be ostracized, depending on the gravity of his or her offence. The only thing that can bring the sinner back to his people, physically and spiritually, is the sacrifice of purification and atonement for the abominable sin that has been committed. This is the goal of the Ala-di-mma concept, through its method and ritual of Ikwa-ala (appeasing the land) and Oriko (communion) preformed so as to cleanse the land and restore its goodness, forgive the aberrant and reconcile him to the community. Does it mean that even offence/wrong against one’s neighbour require this ritual forgiveness? Yes. According to Mozia "the relationship between earth-spirit and the ancestors with God is that the ancestors are the custodians of public morality and the laws of the land. In this regard they serve as the intermediaries between God and the living members of the community, whereas the earth-spirits, act as the indirect mediator to whom the ancestors are directly responsible.” Thus, all the taboos and ‘omenani’ or laws of the land, forming the central moral codes of the Igbo people are powerful legal sanctions deriving from God. In the words of Mozia, “it is Osebuluwa who taught the provisions of Omenani to the first ancestors through the tutorship of God and in accordance with the provisions of the testament.”  On them the faith and moral life of the Igbo revolves. The earth-spirit (ala) sanctions the prohibitions or moral norms and the ancestors communicate same to the living. The living makes sure that these prohibitions are not broken. But if in any event the prohibitions are breached; they must be atoned for; there is no question of hiding such a crime or trying to omit the sacrifice. Since “the Igbo believe firmly that if such abominations are not atoned for, be they ever so secretly committed, the penalty is sure to descend on the culprit’s head or on his relations and descendants.” That is why Magesa explains that the admission of wrongdoing by an individual or group of people follows several interlinked steps between the wrongdoer and the community. According to him, admission of wrongdoing entails much more than personal, interior feelings of guilt, which only amounts to an initial step in a wrongdoer’s possible acceptance and confession of guilt. He maintains that the most decisive element in the recognition and acceptance of moral culpability is the involvement of the community. Magesa further explains the two results that often follow from the community’s views of the moral codes as follows: On the one hand, it may trigger in the wrongdoer an awareness of failure, of having let down oneself and the community. If so, the wrongdoer feels remorse or “shame” for the wrong, a sense of personal shortcoming, of betrayal against oneself and the community. If the matter in question is serious and the community insists that the wrongdoer redresses the wrong, the guilty party is led to admit and confess, a process that usually culminates in an appropriate rite of forgiveness and reconciliation with the community, the ancestors, and God. This may include some form of punishment for the wrongdoer, which Arinze explains as follows: If the suspect is proved to be guilty in the major abominations and is known to hide the heinous acts, he will be cut off from social communication or treated to what Adibe calls nsupu or ostracism, which means severing all relationships: social, religious and economic with the offender. If in any event the culprit dies he/she will not be given full burial rites, which in fact is a death knell to good life after death. Moreover, some sins such as murder are punished by exile or banishment from the community. Furthermore, if the person presumed guilty by the society does not feel shame and does not admit wrongdoing, a means is devised to establish the veracity or otherwise of the offense. At times the devised means may be legal, like a trial before a chief but most of the time people sought the solution through divination or trial by ordeal and the verdict of either innocence or guilt is often established beyond any reasonable doubt. When the suspect is proved guilty, the spirits are appeased for the wrongdoing through the sacrifices prescribed for specific offence by the diviner. After the ritual sacrifices the culprit is forgiven and reconciled with God and the community. Next we shall consider the concept of forgiveness in Yoruba culture.

FORGIVENESS IN YORUBA CULTURE
The Yoruba is the third largest ethnic group occupying mainly the South western part of Nigeria in west Africa but, the culture of the people spread beyond to other areas of Nigeria and the Republic of Benin, Togo, Sierra-Leone, Gambia, Cuba, South America, the Caribbean, Brazil, Trinidad and Tobago to mention these few. Among the Yoruba, like other African societies proverbs, folklore, taboos encapsulate moral precepts, societal norms and etiquette that are expected to regulate social interaction for peaceful co-existence. In addition is the Ifa literary corpus. Ifa divination and the stories therein, also provide a guide for human conduct in Yoruba Society. The corpus contains the fundamental religious and moral ideas of the Yoruba, their literary and philosophical systems. It contains sixteen chapters, 256 verses, known as Odu-Ifaodu-ifa. These are knowable through a system reminiscent of deductive logic and mathematical calculus. The moral instructions contained in Ifa is encompassing, it addresses issues that has effects on social interaction and social justice. One of such issues discussed is the concept of forgiveness called Idariji. Like the Igbo, the Yoruba concept of forgiveness is holistic having the concept of reconciliation embedded in it. In a bid to ensure peaceful co-existence, the Yoruba frowns at any attitude of obduracy; everyone including the gods is vulnerable to appeasement. They emphasize ritual forgiveness between deity and person(s) and ‘formal’ forgiveness between persons by means of appeasement and plea for mercy. In the case of the gods, forgiveness is usually solicited through (ebo) or sacrifice to appease the gods whenever the gods are wronged. For instance, the oracles of Odu Ogunda Bede, Odu Ogbe Ale, Odu Aji-Oghe, and Odu Ona ara-meji abhor lying, deception, stealing, promise-breaking and other conducts capable of disrupting the social equilibrium of the land. If one commits any of these sins and is discovered through Ifa divination, such a person needs to offer ebo-sin offering/sacrifice to obtain forgiveness and be reconciled with the gods and the community. In some other cases that may not require “divine intervention”, conflict resolution and forgiveness, is done by the people themselves. For instance, in the nuclear family setting, the head of the family has the duty to settle disputes. He is expected to hear every side to a case before making any pronouncement. Even at that, the pronouncements always tend toward forgiveness and reconciliation rather than the determination of who was right or wrong. While at the level of the compound or extended family, the oldest man (Olori Ebi), has the responsibility of presiding, he is assisted by other adults in the extended family. This however does not preclude the intervention of other adults in the community if conflict arises between children, wives or youths. Hence, it is often said: agba ki wa loja ki ori omo tuntun wo (where there are good elders orderliness prevails). Individuals and the community also explore the opportunity offered by the spirit of forgiveness in Yoruba society by formally apologizing for their wrong doings. The socio-ethics of the people provided for forgiveness as expressed in the saying that: Omo ale lari inu ti koni bi, omo ale lanbe ti ki gba(It is not out of place to be aggrieved however, it is only a bastard that does not respond positively to appeal). From this we can see that forgiveness aside canceling offence and restoring pardon plays a vital role to ensure social harmony. The need to forgive even when one seeks justice has limited the weight of law in Yoruba society. Interestingly, the opportunity provided by forgiveness does not encourage the violation of the laws of the land. Folklores common among the Yoruba teaches the need to forgive even when one imposes punishment. The popular tale of the tortoise captures this: ''“The ubiquitous tortoise stole from his father-in-law’s farm. He was caught and as punishment tied to the stump of a tree on the footpath leading to the market. This was meant to expose him to ridicule of market women. In the morning those who heard the story and saw the tortoise tied to the stake condemned him for stealing and made all sorts of smear remarks. The father-in-law felt good and was not in a hurry to release him. At the end of the market session, when the traders were returning home, they still met the tortoise tied down. This was considered to be wickedness (and unforgiveness) on the part of the father-in-law. Consideration changed as they sympathized with the tortoise and condemned the father-in-law for his high-handedness. They argued that though stealing from any farm was a terrible thing to do, the father-in-law should have considered that what the tortoise stole from his farm was probably meant to feed the farmer’s daughter and grandchildren.”''

This is why a Yoruba proverb says: Bi a ba niki a be igi nigbo, a o be eniyan mo (If you should demand for the full swing of the sword of justice, it would wreck unimaginable damage.) Ti a ba ni ki a da ina ejo bi o ti gun to, a o sun ile (You don’t make fire so as to commensurate with the length of a snake, if not it would wreck unimaginable damage.) Ti a ba ni ki a wo dundun ifon, a o ho ara de eegun (A reaction that commensurate to the bite of the bedbug would produce a disastrous effect.)

SIMILARITIES BETWEEN THE CONCEPT OF FORGIVENESS IN IGBO AND YORUBA CULTURE
From the exposition above it is terse that the concept of (ritual) forgiveness in the Igbo and Yoruba culture bear some resemblance: forgiveness and reconciliation go together. The Igbo as well as the Yoruba do not have “a rigid distinction between an offence committed against a person or society and one committed against Deity or divinities and spirits.” Sin is therefore, doing that which is contrary to the will and directions of Deity. It includes any immoral behaviors, ritual mistakes, any offences against God or man, breach of covenant, breaking of taboos and doing anything regarded as abominable and polluting. In both cultures the need for forgiveness is paramount not only for the sake of obtaining pardon but also for the sake of community stability. As such, sin is an offence that requires atonement and forgiveness; as such both man and deities or spirits are open to appeasement when wronged. Also there are, so to say, ‘hierarchy’ of wrongs or sins in both traditions ranging from simple to complex sins regarded as taboos or abominations; and so there is ‘hierarchy’ in the rigour or process of ritual forgiveness. While some ritual forgiveness requires the intervention of elders in the family or community to preside over matters of dispute of which a ‘mere’ acceptance of one’s guilt by the offender(s) settles the matter, some others require the intervention of god(s) or spirit(s) before forgiveness and reconciliation is granted.

DISSIMILARITIES BETWEEN THE CONCEPT OF FORGIVENESS IN IGBO AND YORUBA CULTURE
Although both traditions share similar views regarding forgiveness, there’s quite an ominous contrast in their hermeneutic understanding of the concept of forgiveness. Even if in both traditions, man and deities or spirits are open to appeasement when wronged, the process and rituals involved to obtain the forgiveness differs. In the Yoruba culture the process is quite simple and concise: If the offence is a grave one, then ebo- sin offering is sacrificed, but if it is man that is wronged a plea for mercy is required and the wronged person is obliged to grant forgiveness as the tradition demands even if one seeks justice. This fact is well reflected in the socio-ethics of the people and expressed in the saying: Omo ale lari inu ti koni bi, omo ale lanbe ti ki gba (It is not out of place to be aggrieved however, it is only a bastard that does not respond positively to appeal), and animated in their folklore with the story of the tortoise narrated earlier. On the contrary, the Igbo hermeneutics of forgiveness is communitarian in nature. Forgiveness is not granted on the individual level alone but also on community level. Why is this so? This is because the fulcrum understanding of sin among the Igbo is a disorder that affects the ontological order of the community. This is why though an individual commits wrongdoing; the community takes it upon itself as the community’s wrongdoing, for the Igbo people say: “ofu aka metu mmanu ozue ora onu” (when one finger touches the oil, it spreads on other fingers). As a consequence if one seeks forgiveness from the individual he/she had wronged, there’s need for the community awareness for the forgiveness to be holistic. The admission of wrong by an individual (or group of people) is just an initial step in the whole process of forgiveness and reconciliation. It involves much more than personal, interior feelings of guilt and acceptance of fault but follows several interlinked steps between the wrongdoer and the community. “The most decisive element in the recognition and acceptance of moral culpability is the involvement of the community.” This communitarian dimension of forgiveness is prefixed on the belief that the land-ala on which the community stands is defiled by sin and therefore needs to be cleansed. The community’s approval heals the land and restores peace and forgiveness to the individual who has sinned against it, otherwise the penalty will recoil on the head of the culprit or on his relations and descendants.

EVALUATION AND CONCLUSION
By way of summation, this work has been able to establish that ritual forgiveness is the model of forgiveness obtainable in many African societies because wrongdoing is considered an offense against god, and forgiveness is possible by appeasing through sacrifices. In the process of investigating the Igbo and Yoruba understanding of forgiveness, I was able to show that the concept of forgiveness bear some resemblance in these cultures as having the concept of reconciliation embedded in the act of forgiveness, and that both traditions possess the individual and communitarian dimensions to forgiveness, and involving either a ‘formal’ acceptance of faults and plea for mercy in order to be forgiven or the ritualizing or sacrificing to gods/spirit in order to be forgiven and reconciled or both. Amidst these similarities I have also been able to point out the seeming difference in their understanding and interpretation of ritual forgiveness; that the Igbo hermeneutics of ritual forgiveness is very essential whether between persons or between deity and person(s) while the Yoruba on the other hand, emphasize more of ritual forgiveness between deity and person(s) and ‘formal’ forgiveness between persons by means of appeasement and plea for mercy. Finally, from a critical analysis of the understanding of ritual forgiveness in these cultures, it appears that the sense of sin and process of ritual forgiveness is stricter and more rigid in the Igbo culture than in the Yoruba culture; nevertheless, we see that both cultures uphold moral goodness and promote forgiveness so as to guard against any action that might destroy the moral order of the community.