User:Someloop/ personal sandbox

This is some starting text for the "personal sand box page.

Is a former American politician from Chicago Illinois who served as a Representative in the United States Congress from 1959 until 1995. A product of the Chicago Democratic Party, he rose to become one of the most significant political figures to come out of Chicago in the last century. He was Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee from 1981 until 1994. Rostenkowski was a prominent figure during the 1980’s and early 1990’s in the enactment of major reforms of trade policy, the tax code, the welfare system and the Social Security program.Despite his lofty status in Washington,he remained active in local politics, serving for many years as Democratic Committeeman of Chicago’s 32 ward. He is credited with securing billions of dollars for projects throughout the state of Illinois.A protégé of legendary Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley, Rostenkowski was educated in the old –school art of politics and, was called a master deal-maker by the [[New York Times]

Daniel David "Dan" Rostenkowski (born January 2, 1928 in Chicago, Illinois) is a former United States Representative from Illinois, serving from 1959 to 1995. He was a member of the Democratic Party. He rose to become one of the most powerful legislators in the ladder part of the twentieth century. His career spanned from the last years of the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration to the first years of the Bill Clinton administration. Known as “Rosty” to Chicagoans and “Mr.Chairman" to his colleges in Washington, he served as Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee for 14 years, from 1981 until 1994. As Chairman of Ways and Means, he played an important role in the enactment of major reforms of the tax code, the welfare system and the Social Security program. He is credited with securing billions of dollars for projects in Chicago and throughout Illinois. In April 1996, after a two year investigation by the Justice Department,he pled guilty to two counts of mail fraud and was sentenced to 17 months in the federal prison in Oxford Wisconsin. He served 15 months and paid a $100,000 fine.In December of 2000, Rostenkowski received a full pardon from President Bill Clinton.

Contents [hide] 1 Early Life and Political Beginnings 2 Illinois Legislature 3 Books 4 Notes 5 External links

Early Life and Political Beginnings Dan Rostenkowski was born into a political family in Chicago to Joseph P. and Priscilla (Dombrowski) Rostenkowski. His father, Joe, locally known as, “Big Joe Rusty” served as Alderman and committeeman of the predominantly Polish 32d Ward for twenty-four years. As a child, Dan and his two sisters, Marcie and Gladys often saw their family home double as a meeting place for precinct captains from his father’s ward organization. In 1941, at the age of thirteen, Dan accompanied his father to Washington to witness the inauguration of President Roosevelt for his third term.(Merriner 33) In 1955 his father lost his aldermanic seat after supporting an obscure City Clerk named Richard J. Daley for Mayor over a fellow polish leader named Benjamin Adamowski. Following his graduation from St.Stanislaus grammar school, Rostenkowski attended St. John's Military Academy in Delafield, Wisconsin, where he earned fourteen letters in baseball, football, basketball and track. After graduating from St. John’s in 1946, he enlisted in the United States Army and served for two years as a private with the Seventh Infantry Division in Korea. In 1949 he tried out for the Philadelphia Athletics, but his father convinced him to give up his dream and come home, as his mother was losing a battle with cancer. After her death, he enrolled at Loyola University in Chicago.

Illinois Legislature In 1952, while still a student at Loyola, the twenty-four –year-old Rostenkowski was elected to the Illinois House of Representatives in Springfield Illinois. He was it's youngest member. As a state lawmaker, Rostenkowski worked on the planning and financing of a major federal highway from downtown Chicago to the new O’Hare Airport. Like Daley and many other Chicago politicians before him, serving in Springfield was often viewed as a first step to a higher office in Chicago. According to a study of Illinois politics, The perception of the state legislature as training ground went hand in hand with another idea, that Chicago, not Springfield or Washington constituted the most desirable locus of political life.” (Cohen 24) After two years in the House, he was elected to the Illinois State Senate in 1954. In 1957 he pushed a bill to extend state funded free polio vaccines to children as well as a bill that would have provided bonuses of up to $555 for Korean War veterans - financed by a one-cent cigarette tax. It passed but was later rejected by Illinois voters in a 1958 referdum.(Merriner 76)

While serving his second term in the senate, Chicago Mayor, Richard J. Daley suggested that he run for clerk of the Cook County Court, instead, Rostenkowski pushed for and received Daley’s support to run for the United States Congress.

Congressional career
In 1958 during the tail end of the Eisenhower presidency, thirty-one year old Dan Rostenkowski was elected the youngest member of the Eighty-sixth Congress. He defeated his republican opponent, William F. H. Schmidt with 75 percent of the vote. As a young and outgoing urban Democrat, new to Washington, Rostenkowski quickly found mentors and made friends with other Democrats. His relationship with Massachusetts Reps. Edward Boland and Torbert McDonald as well as John F. Kennedy aids Lawrence O’Brien and Kenny O’Donnell led to his involvement in JFK’s run for the [[White House. In 1960 at the request of the Kennedy campaign he gave speeches for Kennedy outside of Illinois. Meanwhile back in Chicago the Daley machine and Rostenkowski’s own 32 ward organization were turning out huge numbers of Democratic voters for Kennedy. On September 26, 1960 Rostenkowski witnessed what many consider the turning point in Kennedy’s battle with Richard Nixon. Kennedy invited Rostenkowski to the CBS studios in downtown Chicago to view in person, the first ever televised presidential debate. Unaware of the two candidates’ stark differences on camera, Rostenkowski later said “I was under the impression that Kennedy lost the debate.” ( 48 Cohen) In the aftermath of Kennedy’s assassination Rostenkowski was one of a small group who made regular visits to Jacqueline Kennedy's home in Georgetown “On a regular basis Kenney O’Donnell would get three or four of us from Capitol Hill, who worked with Jack Kennedy, together at Jackie’s house. We would sit around Jackie’s living room with Bobby, (Kennedy) eat sandwiches, have some drinks and tell war stories. Jackie would laugh so hard her side would hurt sometimes.”

In his first decade in Congress Rostenkowski gradually attained a position of influence in the House. In his freshman term he secured a position on the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee. After the death Illinois congressional delegation leader Thomas J. O’Brien in 1964, Rostenkowski inherited O’Brien’s seat on the Ways and Means Committee. In 1966 and again in 1968, he was elected chairman of the House Democratic Caucus. His rough edges, Chicago syntax, and intimidating bulk made him a stereotype of Chicago machine Democrats who the Washington media enjoyed portraying as mere stooges of mayor Richard J. Daley. (ciccone) During his early years in congress, Rostenkowski’s record was typical of a northern democrat with close ties to a powerful big city political organization. He made sure that Chicago received its full share of funds under programs like the Law Enforcement Assistance Act. On the House floor, he supported civil rights legislation and the various social welfare programs that made up President Lyndon B. Johnson’s War on Poverty. He also argued in favor of federal funding of inner-city renewal projects and urban mass transit networks. By 1967, Daley often looked to Rostenkowski as Chicago’s chief liaison to Washington, to deliver federal funds to “grease the machine with special projects. Rostenkowski got the job done and kept the Chicago machine alive at a time when other big city machines were nearing extinction.(cohen,76) He supported the American effort in Vietnam until 1971, when he joined anti-war Congressmen in an attempt to force a quick withdrawal of American troops by voting against certain military appropriation bills. A great admirer of Lyndon Johnson, he was tapped by the president to second the nomination of Hubert Humphrey as his vice - president at the 1964 Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City. Four years later at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Johnson would again ask Rostenkowski to take the podium, but this time the results proved costly to the young congressman’s future in Washington.

1968 Democratic National Convention
Met by anti-war protesters, racial unrest, and rioting on the streets, the 1968 Democratic National Convention, held at the Chicago Amphitheater proved an international embarrassment for the city. House Majority Leader Carl Albert, the convention chairman, and Rostenkowski’s boss, was unable to control the rowdy behavior of the delegates inside the hall. Rostenkowski happened to be manning the phones on the podium when a furious Lyndon Johnson called from his Texas ranch and ordered him to take over the gavel to quiet the proceedings on the convention floor. (Ciccone) Rostenkowski did, but an embarrassed Albert never forgave him. Two years later, Rostenkowski was running for a third term as chairman of the Democratic Caucus and did not expect any opposition. But to his surprise the Texas delegation nominated their colleague,Olin Teaguea popular war hero and Chairman of the Veterans’ Affairs Committee. Even though Teague announced that he was not a candidate, they elected him anyway, 155 to 91. “I got defeated by Tiger Teague, who voted for me,” exclaimed Rostenkowski. “I saw him vote for me.” The liberal Democrats voted against Rostenkowski because of his ties to Mayor Daley, who was a pariah because of the 1968 convention and many of Albert’s friends voted against him because of the feud.

He attended Loyola University Chicago. A product of the Cook County machine and the son of Alderman Joseph P. Rostenkowski of the 32nd ward, Daniel Rostenkowski was for many years Democratic Committeeman of Chicago's 32nd Ward, retaining this position even while serving in Congress. In Washington, he rose by virtue of seniority to the rank of Chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee in 1981. Rostenkowski's political career was shattered in 1994 when he was indicted on corruption charges for his key role in the House post office scandal. He was forced to step down from all Congressional leadership positions. In elections later that year, Rostenkowski lost his seat and retired from political life. Charges against Rostenkowski included keeping "ghost" employees on his payroll, using Congressional funds to buy gifts such as chairs and ashtrays for friends, and trading in officially purchased stamps for cash at the House post office[1]. In 1996, he pleaded guilty to reduced charges of mail fraud. He was fined and was sentenced to 17 months in prison, of which he served 15. Rostenkowski was pardoned in Dec. 2000 by US President Bill Clinton.

Rostenkowski's downfall in 1994 was portrayed by Republicans as emblematic of Democratic corruption. The scandal helped fuel the Republican victory in the House, led by Newt Gingrich and his Contract with America. "The rise and fall of Dan Rostenkowski tracks the rise and fall of Democrats in the House," concludes Richard E. Cohen in his book on Rostenkowski[2]. "It is a story of power, accomplishments, and, ultimately, failure and humiliation." Rostenkowski was defeated by Republican attorney Michael Patrick Flanagan by a margin of eight points. Flanagan would be defeated two years later by Rod Blagojevich.

Rostenkowski receives a federal pension of between US$ 97,000 and US$ 125,000 per year. Congressional pensions are based on years of service and Rostenkowski is one of the few Congressmen to have served 36 years in Congress. If he had retained his seat he would be the 2nd most senior Representative in Congress today with 50 years of service and he would not be receiving this pension.[3][4] [5]

Following his political career, he has worked as a political commentator as well as a guest lecturer at Northwestern University and Loyola University Chicago

In Chicago
Throughout his career in Washington, Rostenkowski returned to Chicago almost every weekend. In his early days he would drive to and from Washington with two other young Illinois Congressmen, Republicans Harold Collier and future republican leader Robert Michel. Upon his return every Friday, Rostenkowski met with Mayor Richard J. Daley at his City Hall office to discuss Chicago's agenda in Washington. Besides Daley, Rostenkowski worked with five other Chicago Mayors, Michael Bilandic, Jane Byrne, Harold Washington, Eugene Sawyer and Richard M. Daley. During the 1980’s the Democratic power structure in Chicago splintered, “Council Wars” pitted the City Council against Mayor Washington, Chicago’s first Black mayor, reformers faced off against the machine Democrats and black politicians against white. The city was dubbed “Beirut on the Lake” by the Wall Street Journal. During this turbulent period Rostenkowski was a tower of stability. “He made sure the city got its fair share, no matter who was mayor,” said Bill Daley “Danny felt he had to help the pathetic armatures in the Mayor’s office because he had a love for the city. “He did more for the city than anybody else,” said Alderman Edward Burke, chairman of the City Council’s finance committee. “But he never asked for credit. He just went to the mayor. That’s the way it’s done in Chicago.” Local political scientist Paul Green said, “During a decade of chaos, he became an insurance policy for the city”.(Cohen 174)

An unbiased supporter of Chicago interests, Rostenkowski paid attention to the needs of Chicago based institutions –especially when they promised more jobs for Chicago area workers."I make no apology for my efforts to build a stronger Chicago." (Cohen) In the early 1980’s Rostenkowski successfully fought off repeated attempts to impose a transaction tax on commodity traders at the Chicago Board of Trade, the Chicago Mercantile Exchange and the Chicago Board of Options Exchange. Such a tax would have been fatal to the exchanges, driving business out of Chicago to overseas markets. (Merriner-186) Rostenkowski helped secure for the city of Chicago the right to tax passengers flying in and out of its airports. The tax, originally intended to raise money for the construction of a third airport, now yields $90 million annually for improvements at O'Hare and Midway Airport. But its passage was in big trouble before Rostenkowski stepped in to salvage it. According to Ways and Means lore, he threatened to hold up the entire federal budget at one point until he was sure the tax was in place. (Brown)

For Chicago
It is often said that Dan Rostenkowski “Did a lot for Chicago.” In his book, “Naked economics:undressing the dismal science" author Charles Wheelan wrote “We Chicagoans can drive around the city and literally point to things that Rosty built.” To even his most ardent critics, Dan Rostenkowski did deliver federal funds for Chicago and the State of Illinois. Some of his notable projects include, securing 32 million dollars for the Blue Line of theChicago Transit Authority which expanded travel from the loop to O’Hare Airport. $450 million to repave and expand the Kennedy Expressway. 2 billion dollars for the Deep Tunnel Project, which protects over half a million suburban and city home owners threatened by flooded basements. He followed that with $42.4 million for reservoirs in McCook and Thornton Townships and by O'Hare airport. $ 16.8 million for downtowns State Street Mall renovation, $3.5 million for the construction of the Cook County Boot Camp, a military style alternative for first time youthful offenders. When the Chicago White Sox baseball team was considering moving to Florida, Rostenkowski secured a $ 150 million bond authority for the construction of US Cellular Field. Once nearly abandoned and left in disrepair he ensured $ 75 million in tax free bonds for the remodeling of Navy Pier, which today has become Chicago’s preeminent tourist attraction. To ease erosion that threatened Lake Shore Drive and several harbors and museums along the Chicago lake front, Rostenkowski secured 2.2 million for the Chicago Shoreline Protection Project, and laid the foundation for a coordinated partnership between the Army Corps of Engineers, the federal government and the City of Chicago. He also was responsible for securing funding for the upkeep of Chicago area bridges including the Chicago Skyway, the Division, Cermak,and Roosevelt street bridges.

In January of 1983 Plitt Theaters filed a lawsuit to obtain a permit to demolish the historic Chicago Theater. Mayor Jane Byrne and other civic leaders appealed to Rostenkowski to assist them in obtaining a federal Urban Development Action Grant to save the theater. Grants of this kind were being frozen from Chicago by housing secretary Samuel Pierce in reprisal for Rostenkowski’s opposition to the Reagan administration’s Urban Enterprise Zone bill. Rostenkowski and other Democratic leaders considered these zones a Republican gimmick that would help businesses escape taxes without addressing chronic inner-city unemployment. Rostenkowski called his friend Vice President Bush, “If I don’t get that grant, your going to have one very pissed off chairman of the Ways and Means Committee for your administration's pending tax bill”.( Merriner, 98) Shortly thereafter, Pierce phoned Rostenkowski to ask if he could come up and see him. Sure, the congressman replied, just bring the papers for the theater project.

In a move that was controversial at the time, Rostenkowski won tax breaks for local developers to build Presidential Towers, a large four tower apartment complex in the middle of what was then a Skid Row neighborhood. The project spurred development of Chicago’s West Loop and led to thousands of young professionals moving to downtown Chicago The once blighted area grew to attract restaurants and other industries, including Harpo Studios, where the Oprah Winfrey show is taped.

Chairman Rostenkowski
In 1980 the defeats of Chairman Al Ulman and Majority Whip John Brademus presented Rostenkowski, the highest ranking member of ways and means, with a choice he could chair that committee, or succeed Branemas as majority whip. Since the position of majority whip is usually a stepping- stone to the majority leadership and, ultimately, to the House speakership, Rostenkowski was tempted to take it, however his skill and vast experience on the tax writing Ways and Means Committee won out. In January of 1981 Rostenkowski was elected committee chairman. As chairman his job was to satisfy the demands within the House and with the President, so that he could enact legislation. His early years as chairman were unkind, there was media speculation that he was, “in over his head” leading the complex tax writing committee. He lost his first few legislative battles, first to new President Ronald Reagan in 1981, But in 1983 he successfully piloted a complex overhaul of the Social Security System (NY Times Sep 22,1985). By 1984 chairman Rostenkowski began to hit his stride. He was praised for his role in drafting the 1984 Deficit Reduction Act, a three-year, $50 billion tax hike.During his 13 years as chairman,” Rostenkowski grew to become larger than life, especially to Ways and Means colleagues. “He ran the committee the old-fashioned way, with loyalty, trust and his word” said former congressman Mike Andrews of Texas. He was a consensus builder who, commanded through his political judgment and his ability to make a deal. Not an expert on the tax code like past Charmin Wilbur Mills, or one to lead with a light hand like Al Ullman,Rostenkowski built a staff of dedicated experts who were given broad leeway to shape legislation, leaving for himself the political judgments and actions that were required to pass the proposals. “Is it good law”? was his directive to his aides. A profile of Rostenkowski in the July 1989 issue of National Journal Magazine said “The chairman is a man of action, not words; a doer, not a rhetorician; one who thrives at the negotiating table, not the speaker’s lectern…. “he has nourished an image as a legislative strategist that is perhaps unsurpassed on Capitol Hill”. He wants to make laws, and as a lobbyist put it, “he doesn’t like people throwing a lot of dust in the gears.”

“Write Rosty”
On May 28, 1985, he rose to national prominence when he delivered the televised Democratic response to an Oval Office address by President Reagan calling for tax reform. In his eleven minute address Rostenkowski, referred to his working class polish neighborhood saying many neighbors have moved to the suburbs. “They make more money than their parents. In most cases their lives have changed for the better. But the tax system has changed for the worse, and so has their faith in it.” “Why should a bank teller pay a higher tax rate than the bank? Why should a gas station attendant pay a greater share than the oil company he works for? “Trying to tax people and businesses-everyone –fairly,” he told the nation. “That’s been the historic Democratic commitment.” He called for a tax system that was “simple and fair and also gives real relief for middle income tax payers.” Rostenkowski concluded the speech with an appeal to the “silent majority” He asked viewers fed up with the current tax system to write him a letter to show their support, “Even if you can’t spell Rostentenkowski, put down what they used to call my father and grandfather,Rosty,” he said into the camera. “Just address it to R-O-S-T-Y, Washington, D.C.” Within days his appeal had generated over 75,000 letters making the obscure congressman something of a folk hero. The May 30, Washington Post asked Has a Star been Born? “Excellent said the president’s political director, Edward J. Rollins. “He is the only guy who has not paled beside the president in a democratic response.” Chris Matthews, then, press secretary to House speaker O’Neil said “He spoke right to the Knights of Columbus guy who voted for Reagan last time and might do it again, and he told him he’s watching out for his interests.”( Washington Post May 30, 1985)He is deeply committed to the proposition that the tax code must be revised to allow working Americans to keep more of their salaries.” Congressional Quarterly, July 6 1985

In 1986 he helped put the finishing touches on the 1986 Tax Reform Act, a measure that skeptics were sure would never become law. ( NJ) As a result of his work on the bill he was named as Forbes magazine man of the year.

“I Want you people to be able to say, that son of a bitch, he had some guts, he had some fortitude, he realized what you had to be in order to be a national legislator.” Pg. 288 cohen