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Other perspectives on informal learning
Merriam and others (2007) state: "Informal learning, Schugurensky (2000) suggests, has its own internal forms that are important to distinguish in studying the phenomenon. He proposes three forms: self-directed learning, incidental learning, and socialization, or tacit learning. These differ among themselves in terms of intentionality and awareness at the time of the learning experience. Self-directed learning, for example, is intentional and conscious; incidental learning, which Marsick and Watkins (1990) describe as an accidental by-product of doing something else, is unintentional but after the experience she or he becomes aware that some learning has taken place; and finally, socialization or tacit learning is neither intentional nor conscious (although we can become aware of this learning later through 'retrospective recognition') (Marsick & Watkins, 1990, p. 6)" (p. 36). More recently, Bennett (2012) extended Schugurenksky's (2000) conceptualization of informal by recommending four modes of informal learning: a) self-directed, which is conscious and intentional, b) incidental, which is conscious and unintentional, c) tacit, which replaces socialization and is both nonconscious and unintentional, and d) integrative, which is nonconscious and intentional. Drawing upon implicit processing literature, she further defined integrative learning as "a learning process that combines intentional nonconscious processing of tacit knowledge with conscious access to learning products and mental images" (Bennett, 2012, p. 4) and she theorized two possible sub-processes: knowledge shifting and knowledge sublimation, which describe limited access learners have to tacit knowledge.

Informal Learning in Indigenous American Communities
People in many Indigenous communities of the Americas often learn through observation and participation in everyday life of their respective communities and families. Barbara Rogoff and her colleagues describe the ways in which children in Indigenous communities can learn by observing and participating in community endeavors, having an eagerness to contribute, fulfilling valuable roles, and finding a sense of belonging in their community. These learning experiences are mutually involved among each other and are illustrated by children’s incorporation in the community and the child’s attentiveness. This form of informal learning allows the children to collaborate in social organization, which grants the child the opportunity to learn by pitching in.

Learning occurs through socialization processes relative to one's culture and community. Learning by observing and pitching in is an Informal learning model often seen in many Indigenous communities of the Americas. Children can be seen participating alongside adults in many daily activities within the community. An example is the process where children learn slash-and-burn agriculture by being present in the situation and contributing when possible. Both children and adults are actively involved in shared endeavors. Their roles as learner and expert are flexible while the observer participates in active concentration. Indigenous ways of learning include practices such as observation, experiential learning, and apprenticeship.

Child work, alongside and combined with play, occupies an important place in American Indigenous children’s time and development. The interaction of a Navajo girl assisting her mother weaving and who eventually becomes a master weaver herself illustrates how the child's presence and the availability of these activities allow the child to learn through observation. Children start at the periphery, observing and imitating those around them, before moving into the center of activities under supervision and guidance. Work is part of a child’s development from an early age, starting with simple tasks that merge with play and develop to various kinds of useful work. The circumstances of everyday routine create opportunities for the culturally meaningful activities and sensitive interactions on which a child's development depends.

Children in Nicaragua will often learn to work the land or learn to become street vendors by watching other individual’s in their community perform it. These activities provide opportunities for children to learn and develop through forms of social learning which are made up of everyday experiences rather than a deliberate curriculum, and contain ordinary setting in which children’s social interaction and behavior occur. Informal learning for children in American Indigenous communities can take place at work where children are expected to contribute.

Nonverbal Communication as a Learning Tool
In terms of the cultural variation between traditional Indigenous American and European-American middle class, prevalence of nonverbal communication can be viewed as being dependent on each culture’s definition of achievement. Often in mainstream middle-class culture, success in school and work settings is gained through practicing assertiveness, direct eye contact, and public speaking ability, specifically “talking for the sake of talking”. Ironically enough, these practices are generally viewed as disrespectful from a traditional Indigenous American point of view, where harmony and cooperation are overall prioritized over work for personal gain. For example, verbalizing oneself in order to correct the mistakes of others may be viewed as imposing oneself on others, depending on the situation. In order to achieve mutual respect in teachings, what is often relied on in Indigenous American culture is nonverbal communication: non-assertiveness, avoidance of direct eye contact, soft handshakes, and an overall soft manner.

Nonverbal communication in Indigenous communities as a form of informal learning can be referenced as "informal parts of culture" because the knowledge is experienced rather than explained. . Indigenous people express reciprocal interaction with mutual understading and shared purpose by means of coordinating nonverbal exchanges through cues. . A group conversation can be initiated among them if the children are allowed to speak several at a time, in disconnected spurts of utterances. As soon as attempts are made to narrow such discussions down to one speaker, silence and embarrassment prevail.

An example where nonverbal behavior can be used to be understood as more than just a prop or support for verbal behavior can be seen in Chillihuani culture. The Chillihuani, an Indigenous-American community use non-verbal communication to educate the children. The children learn while they are out with the adults and observing them during their daily tasks. Children in this community learn about growing crops in their land by going with the adults and watching nature take its course. They learn that caring for their crops is vital for them to grow and in turn for the community to survive. Neglecting the the crops leads to their demise and this impacts the community as well. Similarly when children are made a part of rituals, they learn the importance of being part of the community by watching the rituals and seeing how everyone interacts. This again needs no verbal communication, it relies solely on observing the world around.

When a child was observed misbehaving, a serious look is all it took to have the child understand that their behavior was unacceptable. Chillihuani culture does not explicitly verbalize expectations and instead models behaviors. .

In the indigenous culture of the Matsigenka, infants are kept close to their mother and members of the community. The infant does not go far from the mother at any time. This changes when the child reaches an older age that we would call toddlerhood. The child is free to explore farther away from the mother and other family members who will still keep watch of him. As the child wanders he may come to a place that is unknown and potentially dangerous but the mother will not stop him just watch as he explores. Even if the child falls as Ochs and Izquierdo describe, the mother will not interfere but allow the child to learn on his own the dangers around him. Ochs, E., & Izquierdo, C. (n.d.). Responsibility in childhood: Three developmental trajectories.